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About Daily constitutionalist. (Augusta, Ga.) 1846-1851 | View Entire Issue (Sept. 26, 1849)
miT CONSTITUTIONALISTS IA MES OABDNtR, JR. TB2MS. Dai-y. por aim 5" Pri-Weekly. annum .. . .f> ‘ 1 ~- 1 If p ill! •'•Tr’nce ■ ...a I*o ‘ W j.. . ...itium, ii paid in advance.,..- (X) I’tif r>r* ar. -dared to new subscribers ami *.>! .'.l «nJn*enner* w’ ■ nay up all arrearages. In no case will me weekly paper be sent at ’ u.ii'Wi tiie money u< companies the order. la no case will it be sent at $2,00 to an old sub- i 3 ciiber in arrears. ;Tj* When trie year paid for at 5-Jk) expires, the ] p iper, if not discontinued, or paid for in advance,! will be sent on tne old terms, £2,30 if paid at tha o Tu-e within trie year, or j’3,00 if paid after the expiration of the year. t"pPo-tage most be paid on all communications aud letters of business. From the Millegeville Fed. Union.] TRANQTJILLA, GA. August 18, 1849. To His Excellency, George \V. Towns and Hon. Edward Y. Hill. Gentlemen. —The position which you now occupy before the people of Georgia, renders it important in our estimation that they should distinctly understand your views upon certain great questions, in which the South is deeply interested. Will you therefore do us the favor to answer the following questions; Ist. ll as Congress the right, under the con stitution, to legislate upon the subject of slavery in the Territory? 2d. Is or is not the Wilmot proviso a viola tion of the Constitution? 3d. Do you approve of the Compromise Bill offered in the Senate of the United States by Mr. Clayton, of Delaware? 4th. In the event or the passage, by Con gress, of the Wilmot proviso, or of its interfe rence w ith the|s abject of slavery in the District of Columbia, what course ought to be adopted by the South? Respectfully yours, Jos. Day, Junius A. Wingfield, Leroy Sin gleton, Baily Beall, Jas. W. Shropshire, Daniel Slade, Jona r han Parish, Thos. S. Humph ries. Millbdqkvillb, August 2dth, 1349. Gentlemen: — l avail myself of the first leisure moment, to acknowledge the receipt of your communication of the 18th inet., addressed jointly to my honorable competitor, Judge Hill, and myself. I had supposed that my opinions upon most, if not all the questions proposed in your letter, were so generally un derstood, as to render any further expose at this time unnecessary. — but as I have no con cealment on the subject brought to my notice by you, or any other affecting the welfare of the Slate, I feel it my duty, regardless of all personal considerations, to respond to your in terrogatories. I shall not attempt an argu ment m support of the conclusions to which my mind has arrived in reference to all the questions you propound, for reasons that must be ohv.ous to ail, bur shall content myself by living a direct answer in a. few words as pos •i fie. Has Congress the right, under the Constitution, to legislate on the subject of Slavery in the Territories? I think not. The Territories of the U. States belong, of right, to all the States, as equals. The property held by the General Govern nent in Territories, is in the nature and character of u trust, —in the exercise of which the Con stitution imposes on Congress, certain res trictions and limitations, as well as prescribes certain duties; but in no instance can Congress exercise a power over the private property of individuals residing within a Territory, that would change the nature of that property from its condition in the State from whence it was removed. Whatever, therefore, is private property in the State, remains so in a Territory. If this is not true, —Congress has absolute and unlimited power, within the Territories, over *very description of property;—a doctrine as absured, as it is tyrannical and unconstitu tional. In your second question, you ask; “Is not the Wilmot Proviso, a violation of the Con stitution- ’ I am perfectly satisfied it is clearly uncon stitutional; and, if adopted by Congress, will be as open and undisguised an infraction of that instrument, as it will be wantonly insul ting and degrading to the Southern States. Thirdly,—You ask if I approve of the Com promise bill offered in the Senate of the U. States, by Mr. Clayton, of Delaware? .1 did at the time approve of the bill, and would have voted for it, had I been in Con gress- n o>t because it was all I could have desired, but for the reason, that its provisions were sufficient to protect our rights. I have seen no reason to change that opinion. What ever may be our right to property in slaves, removed’ to the territories of the Uaited States, must depend upon the guaranties of the Con stitution; —for as soon as territory is acquired by the General Government, whether by treaty or conquest, the principles of the Constitution are extended over it, and the consequent obli gation is imposed upon Congress by the Con stitution, so to govern that territory as to pro tect the equal rights of the several States, and the property of the inhabitants thereof respec tively in such territory. From this it will be seen, if I am correct, that our right to hold negro shaves in the ter ritories of the U. States resolves itself into a question oflaw; and, therefore, as the “Com promise bill of Mr. Clayton” proved a cheap ami summary mode ot settling that question, the Slave-holder was directly interested in its passage. It should never be forgotten, that we of the South, place our right to hold slaves in the territories, mainly upon the grounds, that the States are equals,—were equals be fore the adoption of the Constitution, and by that instrument the powers of the Govern ment, Executive, Legislative and Judicial, were restricted and limited, so as to preserve and perpetuate the equality ot rights between the States and the citizens thereof respective ly, which existed before its formation. Pro perty in. slaves was known to exist in several of the States, at and before the formation of the Constitution, and the consideration and adjustment of that question was one of the most delicate that engaged the attention of the Convention whose deliberations resulted m the recognition of the right to hold slaves under the Constitution. That the territories of the U. States of right belong, not to the nons.ave holding States, or either of them, separately, bu equally to all the States of the Imon whether slave holding or not, cannot be denied. WherevertheConstitution goes, slavery may or can exist, and that the Slave-holder is protect ed in the enjoyment of property in his slaae as absolutely end fully as ha might or could have been in the State from whence he removed, is the legitimate conclusion drawn from the foregoing premises. Either this is so, or it is idle for the Southern States to put up a claim to an equal participation in the common pro perty ot all. We are not equals, if there is any distinction, under the Constitution, between thb citizens of the different States, as to what shall .not be property in the common territory ofall. . . . t , If lam correct in the view here stated, Wh«r« was the danger in submitting this qua* 1 tion to the Judiciary? Will it do to say, we | f of the Slave States, professing to claim rights 1 under the Constitution, will not submit them i to the decision of the Judiciary? Is there an 1 honest, intelligent, and candid man, who loves i order, harmony and good government, that i will assert, that he enjoys rights, or that he i possesses property which the Constitution and >. laws of the country are inadequate to protect. i i No right or property can exist, not known to , i the law, either constitutional, public, common or statute, and therefore, to refuse to submit | ; our right to hold siaves in the territories, to an i impartial and pure Judiciary, is equivalent to j 'an admission that we have none. What has j i been the effect of rejecting the bill of Mr. Clavton up on the slave States, is too obvious to admit of speculation; and, though it is no part of my business, nor is it my intention, to speak of the motives that influenced a majori ty of the House of Representatives, in rejecting this bill, I have ever felt that it was the heaviest blow ever aimed at the institution of Slavery. Our enemies have been emboldened, —our friends paralyzed, and hundreds and thousands through the length and breadth of the land, brought to doubt whether we can be sincere in the opinion so long and often repeated in every form, that we place our right to our slave pro , perty upon the guaranties of the Constitution; i —there we placed it—and there we risk the issue; and yet refuse to submit that question j to the only tribunal known to our Govern- j meat, for its final adjustment. One word more in this connection. If the Supreme Court is not to be trusted, how is this question to be settled ? Can. Congress be trusted ? Do we not know the House of Representative have been against us for years ? , Have we not seen one after another of our Northern and Western friends desert us un ! til we staua almost alone: Os all the liepre j sentatives from the non-slaveholding States, I how many, will any candid man say, can fe relied on to support and defend us in the moment of our great need ? There may be I some, and doubtless are a few, who are con- j scientiuus, right minded and patriotic on "his j subject—but are they not pow erless ! They are prescribed and hunted down—their voice their counsel, and their aid, can never come J up to our relief on the floor of Congress.— '■ Every year, every month, every day, we are , growing weaker and weaker—until now the j contest between the two great parties in the j free Slates, seems to be which can go farthest j or dare most against our rights. In view of this state of things, what sin cere friend to the South can pretend to say, he ever expects to see the rights of tne slavehold ing States to an equal enjoyment of t re re cently acquired Mexican territory, secured by an Act of Congress ?—oven admitting Con gress possesses power to legislate upon the ; subject. But suppose Congress were to pass an act establishing slavery in California and Now Mexico, repealing the Mexican laws said to be in force there abo ishing slavery, I then : put it to every candid mind,if a question touch ing slavery in said Territory should arise, would not the Supreme Court have jurisdic tion ? Would not the constitutionality of such an act of Congress make a question for the decision of this Court ? Would no alt the questions arising under the alleged Mtxi- , can laws abolishing slavery, be the legitimate subjects of adjustment before the Federal Judiciary r If correct in this.l come back to the main point —what has been gained to the dave States by the defeat of Mr- Clayton’s Com promise hill? It is a solemn question—and each man for himself should answer it—not as | a Whig, or as a Democrat, but as a Southern ( ! man—as a friend to good order and good ! neighborhood—a friend to the prosperity of the whole country, and above all, as a fried to f , the Union itself, Ido deplored the defe. of j this bill. Had it have passed, no one could . ! conjecture how many slaves and slaveholders . , would at this day, have been in California, s participating in the rich rewards of labor in [■ i that inviting field. Hundreds have, doubtless, been deterred from going from the slave Slates, as they have j been taught to believe, the moment a slave is i introduced into California, by virtue of a Mexican law, it would be free. I Emigrants from foreisn countries, an, v om every free State of the Union, have i I freely—they have possessed themselves of th,: • whole country, with its boundless wealth and inexhaustible mines—but no action has yet been taken by Congress to settle the question ; 1 nothing done or intended to be done, to se cure the equal rights of the South. The j • slaveholder is still deterred ; he still lingers 1 on the Atlantic slope; and, finally, we are f informed, by the public prints, that the Hon. T. Butler King, a member of Congress from this State, was a short time since, engaged in 1 addressing the good people of California,urging j them to form immediately, a State Oovern i ment —settle the question of sla :ery for them , selves —and giving them the strongest assu -1 | ranee that the Next Congress would admit ’ them into the Union as a State. This is the ; farce played off by the majority in the House • of Representatives claiming for Congress the i power, over the question of slavery in the Ter- ! . ritories. This is the result of rejecting Mr. ' Clayton’s compromise bill. Tha whole of ’ I California is lost to us, though our blood and j I treasure were freely given, and the gallant sons of the slave States distinguished them- j selves upop every battle field throughout the 1 j eventful struggle. We are now told, while all , this and much more is true, it ;s ned expe- I | dient , in order to get rid of the slavery question, j to let the present settlers in California, if, in- , deed, they can be so called, form a State gov ernment, and be admitted into the Union, though it is well known that our slaves will | i be excluded by any constitution, that may now j be adopted, I will add, more in sorrow than 1 auger, that much of this has resulted from the i w ant of harmony, union and concert among > public men of the South ; and if I have a wish j > stronger than all others, it is the desire to see I ’ the whole South present a united front upon i every question touching the institution of ' ' | slavery. It is our only reliance—upon it do- ; i pends, in ray opinion, the preservation of the i : Union, our property, and our honor. Lastly, you ask : “ In the event of the pas j sage by Congress of the Wilmot Proviso, or with its interference with the subject of slave ry in the District of Columbia, what course 1 ‘ ought to be adopted by the South.” My answer is —first to look to ourselves rather than our oppressors —to take counsel j r i together without distinction of party, nnd i ; up°on one altar offer up all recollection of ni- ' | nor and past differences, and resolve that if! > neither remonstrance, reason not argument . will arrest the brutal fanaticism that is sweep- j ■ ing over the land, threatening a disruption of ; our social and political union; that we, as ’ slaveholders regarding the passage of the \V il , mot Proviso as the prelude to the abolition of ; i slavery in the District of Columbia, as well as . evidence of a settled policy on the part of the ; free States to continue to disregard the consti tutional provision for our protection in refer - s ence to fugitive slaves, will henceforward > look alone to the justice of our cause, to the J protection of that Providence, who ig able to > j direct our footsteps in the midst of the grcr.t --i ' est peril, to our own union of ail the means, 1 physicial and moral, to established for our- i ! selves, our wives, and children, freedom, | equlity, and liberty, or perish in the attempt. Let the watch word bo—the Constitution as it it is—the Un.on a» it was—down with all ! odious and unconstitutional discriminati rns i between the citizens, or the property of tho j citizens of tha different Stales by the Federal ; Covaroment, or that every patriot so* of Rie , South, having first exhausted all pacific and f 1 honorable means, to redress the wrongs, will rally to bis post, and resolve to die or main tain his rights. These are ray honest feelings, and]Jthc result of my deliberate judgement as to the course the 4 »lave States should pursue in the last resort; but, I hope a returning sense of justice will stay the wicked eareer of our unnatural and cruel tormentors, and that no such dreadful alternative will be forced upon us ; yet as you have thought proper to ask me “ what course ought to be adopted by the slave States,’' I feel incapable of conceal ing my opinions, whatever may be the conse- \ queneee to me personally. I am well aware that I may subject myself to the assaults of some malignant and designing men, who, for I party purposes, may’ ascribe to me sentiments unfriendly to the perpetuity of the Union.— I Be this as it may, I cannot withhold, at a j great crisis, like the present, from the people , of my native State, my deliberate convictions as to the best mode of preserving the Union as well as our property. I know, no man is more devoted to the Union than I am; it is . no new' passion of mine: it was my first, as I ferqently pray it may be my last love —let I my lamp go out under the folds of that ban ner,|on which is inscribed Justice, Equality, Union. Such an union is worthy a patriots love, a patriots blood—but union with ine quality, with injustice, with dishonor, with oppression inscribed upon its folds, to the pa triots he:.rt would be less tolerable than death itself. Entertaining these views, you can an preeiate the cordiality with which I subscribe to the sentiments embraced in one of the reso lutions of the late Democratic Convention — that in the e /eat of the passages by Congress, of the Wilmot Proviso, or “ interference with tlie subject of slavery in the District of Co lumbia,” I can have no “difficulty in choosing bet ween the only alternatives that will remain —of abject submission to aggression and out rage on the one hand, or determined resistance on the other, at all hazards and to the last ex tremity.” I have the honor to be, your "most obedient servant, GEO. W. TOWNS. Messrs. Jos. Day', J. A. W ingfield, and others. [From the Washington Union.\ Two Faces under one Hood. —The follow’- | ing extracts from two organs of federalism— one published in Massachusetts, and the other in Georgia, and both upon the subject of the late Vermont election—show the hypocrisy and treachery of the leaders of that party in dealing with the rank and file of their follow ers in the different sections of the Union. In Massachusetts the truth is acknowledged, that the fedon I or “ whig” party is the only one *hic . ; bo relied upon for “restraining si, .” In the South, the very opposite idea put forth, and tho northern wdiigs are claimed as the allies of slavery —while the northern democrats are represented as opposed to southern institutions. Which of these con tradictory' statements is to be be ieved ? And when is this treacherous and dangerous sys tem of falsehood and humbuggery to cease? SOUTHERN WHIG FACE. SOUTHERN WHIG PACK- From tie Salem Gazette, From the Sav. liepubli itohig) Sept. 14, 1819 can, (ir.) Sept. 7, 1819. ; Among the pleasantest It gives us much plea indications ol the late sure to announce the elections in Vermont and complete triumph of the ; Maine, is the obvious nolde whig* of Vermont. 1 (bet, that a very large This result is more en proportion (if the honest tirely satisfactory, as it | opponent* of slavery', was a contest between I who left the whig party the whigs on one side, and ! last fall, have since be- the democrats and free come convinced that the soil or abolition party uui most effectual method of ted. on the other The restraining SLAVERY coalition, it was feared, iis to warm with their w’ouid be too powerful i zeal the only party which for the whigs to oppose has both i tie WILL and successfully; hut, thanks ihe Eowtß to effect that to the energy of the glo i object—namely, the rious Green Mountain whig PARTY —and have boys, they have added acted accordingly’, like one more to their list of 1 sensible, practical men, victori eu, in a Slate by leaving the party of which has never yet, 1 "free democracy, ’’ and even for a single year, voting with the whigs. been surrendered to the care of locofocoism nor any’ other ism. The Mail steam-ship Cherokee, Captain •.yon, left Now York at 4 P. M., Wednesday, ( mi’ reached her wharf here Saturday after j noon, bringing 110 cabin and 77 steerage pag- I sengers. Among the steerage passengers were 52 men belonging to Company B, Ist Artille ry, commanded by Lieut. Chaflin, who imme diately on their arrival, went on board the Win. Gaston, and proceeded to Florida.— | Lieut. Chaflin is accompanied by Lieutenant McKeever. The Cherokee experienced heavy head winds during the passage. She exchanged signals with the L’ennessee, Capt. Cole, hence i 1 for New York, on Friday at 1 P. M., twenty i miles South of Cape Lookout. We regret to learn that one of the passen- i gers, S. Leopold, died on Thursday night, ; from tho bursting of a blood vessel. Saturday j morning, at 5 o’clock, the cry of a man over ! board was heard, when the-teamer was imrae ! diateiy stopped and a boat lowered, but noth ing was seen of him. He was a member of Eieut, Chaflin’s Company of Artillery. The Cherokee brought out a heavy freight. —Savannah Republican, 24 th inst. Arrival of tub British Steamer. —The 1 Royal Mail Steamer Severn, Win. Vincent, j Esq., commander, arrived at her anchorage in Mobile Bay yesterday morning, at 6 o’clock, from Verz Cruz and Tampico. She left Vera Cruz on the 15th and Tampico on the 16th inst. The following is her list of passengers: Hon. Nathan Clifford, lady and three sons ; Messrs. Attocha, Andrea, Keymolin, Frink, , *-Vqura, Depert and 4-hnan, master Tager, and | six on deck. Tho Severn has on board 952 bales of cochi | neal for England, and $1,131,144 in specie, of j which all but $50,009, intended for this city ! and New Orleans, are for England. Os the former sum, $95,275 are on account of the Mexican dividend, i The only American vessels in port at Vera Crux when the Severn left, was the brig Neau ford, which was to leave for New York on the j 16th instant., and tho pilot schooner Hitch i cod’, seized on suspicion of being engaged in ; smuggling. To the polite attention of tho pilot, Captain Downer, we are indebted for files of the “El j Arco Iris/' to the 15th inst., but have glean ed from them no special news, —Mobile Regis ter, 2ls? inst. Tub Cotton Crop.— The Macon Museum of | Saturday says: “There can be no farther ’ doubt that the produce of tho present year will fall far below an average crop, not withstanding, the crop in the up-country, at least in a portion of it, will be a very good one. Whilst travelling through Jones, Putnam anu i Morgan recently, a friend informs us that he j noticed an innumerable quantity of caterpil lars, webbed up iu the trees and bushes on the rnrdside. Some doubt is expressed as to j whet r > hese are identical with the caterpil j lars th-i cut off the leaves of the cotton plant, j ! If they had made their appearance sooner, and proved to be of the destructive character sup i posed by many, tho consequences might have ; been disastrous.—As it is, unless they begin 1 very shortly. It I* probable they will bo harm- : loss.” Tills luNSTmiTIU.NAI.ISS' Augusta, (Storgia. WEDNESDAY IyTORNIIYG. SEPT. 26. DEMOCRATIC NOMINATION. FOR GOVERNOR, GEORGE W. TOWN S. FOR REPRESENTATIVES, gen. valentine walker. JOHN PHINIZY, JK. Democratic Nominations for the Senate Ist. Dis. THOMAS PURSE, of Chatham. 4th “ Dr. THOS. R. DUNHAM, of Camden, fnh “ WILLIAM JONES, of Lowndes. 7th “ W. H. RAWLS, ot Bulloch. Bth “ GEO. W. BOSTON, of Effingham. 10th “ ROBERT HIGDEN. of Laurens. 12th “ CHAS. I. MUNNERLYN, of Decatur. ! 13th “ RICHARD H. CLARK, of Baker. 17th “ W.VI. B. BRYANT, of Housto 18th “ Maj J. W. G. SMITH, of Talbot. 20th “ SAML. T. BAILEY, of Bibb. 21st “ R. K. DICKSON, of Jefferson. 25th “ ALBERT O. MOSELEY, of Putnam. 26th “ ALLEN COCHRAN, of Monroe. 28th “ IRA E. SMITH, of Coweta. 31st “ JOHN I). S PELL, ot Fayette. 32d « DAVID J. BAILEY,of Butts. 39th “ CHAS. MURPHY, of DeKalb. 4lst “ JOSEPH E. BROWN, of Cherokee. 42d “ Col. IRA R. FOSTER, of Forsyth. 43d “ W. B. WOFFORD, of Habersham. 44th " VVM. WOOD, of Lumpkin. 47th “ J AS. M. SPURLOCK, of Floyd. 49th “ Col. E. CHISOLM, of Paulding. CIPSEE POSTSCRIPT HEAD. Gca Taylor and Slavery. The Butler County (Pennsylvania) Whig, a Whig paper, states that during Gen. Tay lor’s recent visit to Pittsburg, he was interro gated in regard to his views on the subject of the extension OF slavery. The Whig re ports the substance of the General’s RE SPONSE as follows : “ Although a slaveholder himself, he regarded sla very as a great moral and political evil, and would he infinitely rejoiced if it were utterly extinguished. He did not believe that Congress possessed the constitu tional right to interfere with slavery in (he States wherein it now exists: but it had (he right, and ■'hould exercise it. to prevent its extension into terri tory now free. Since he had left Washington, he aad ( received a letter informing him that notice had been given to the government that the people oj California were about to form a State constitution, containing the slavery prohibition, and would apply for admis sion info the Union at an early day. He expressed his gratification a’, this, and declared that it should receive his cordial sanction, as HE WAS UTTER LY HOSTILE TO THE INTRODUCTION OF SLAVERY INTO THE NEW TERRI TORIES'’ HP” Are these the sentiments of Edward V. Hill? Speak out. Gov. Towns on the Slavery Question, Upon the great question of the day—the question of questions, as it has been emphati cally called—there should he no disguise—no concealment —no double . -ruling —no trick or mystery, relative to a candidate’s opinions be fore a Southern constituency. Opinions on the slavery question are entertained, and have j been proclaimed at the South, by Southern men of high note —men of mark and distinc tion, repugnant to the public sentiment of the South, and dangerous to her dearest interests and most sacred rights. Not to come nearer home, and single out lesser luminaries in the political skies, we will instance the conspicu ous cases of Thomas H. Benton, and Henry Clay—the one a democrat, the other a whig. They have promulgated opinions of this char acter. How many in Georgia are there who think with them, sustain them, and on emer gency would act with them ? Their sympa thizers preserve either a discreet silence, oi veil their opinions under well covered gene ralities and studied, sophistries. Governor I Towns belongs to neither of these classes. We present again to our readers, his letter 1 in reply to the questions propounded by tho ; Jones and Putnam Committe' 1 . That letter i expresses sentiments that no true Georgian— | no true Southern man, should object to have go forth as the sentiments of Georgia and the South. They are such as become the Chief Magistrate of our great and noble common wealth. No press in Georgia has yet dared to attack them—to object to them, or openly to ridicule and contemn them. What they will do after the election remains to be seen. It is a remarkable fact, however, that but one single whig press iu the State of Georgia, has pub lished the letter of Governor Towns. This is an implied censure of, and hostility to the views therein contained. It is probably not going too far to say, that those views are dis tasteful and unacceptable to the whig party of Georgia. It is at least, certain, that but little if anything has emanated from the whig press, in commendation of that letter. Their signi ficant silence, not less than open censure, ex poses the whig party, both at home and be yond the State, to the. suspicion of being hos tile to the views presented by Governor Towns. In connection with this, will be taken into view, the not less significant fact, that his competitor, the Honorable Edward Y. Hill, REFUSES TO MAKE KNOWN HIS VIEWS TO THE pboplh of Georgia. They must vote, on Mon day next, in profound ignorance of his opin ions upon the questions propounded. Can they hesitate, under these circum stances, how their votes shall be cast? Their votes in favor of Governor Towns will be a practical indorsement of his opinions. Votes cast for Edward Y. Hill, will be a virtual repudiation of them, and will be so construed by Northern Whigs, Free Soilers, and Aboli tionists—a trio whose policy and aim* are the ■ destruction of the political equality of the South, and tho curtailment of the slave power in the national confederacy. Vote the Whole Ticket- We hope tho democrats will not be coaxed i or wheedled into voting split tickets, or swap- ; j ping votes next Monday. Let every democrat , | be sure that he has got the name of George W. Towns on hi* ticket. Vote also for the j democratic nominees for the Legislature, and ine body «ltt, Vote the demeoratie ticket—the whole ticket, and nothing but the ticket. It I every democrat in Georgia will do this, they 1 will re-elect Governor To* as, and carry both I branches of the Legislature. Judge Hill s Opinions on the Slavery Question Does any man, woman, or child in Georgia, know what are theopini ms of Judge Hill on the subjects inquired of by the Jones and Put- \ nam Committee? He lies low. and keeps dark. He refuses to answer. —Not a word escapes him, not a line from him finds its way in print to the inquiring people of Georgia. He in sultingly refuses to speak; thus disdainfully trampling under foot the great principle op republicanism, that the sovereign people have a right to know the opinions of those who seek to represent them, and who ask oj/ics at their hands. Voters of Georgia—read the questions of the Jones and Putnam Committee, and ask yourselves, “Is that candidate deserving of our votes for the high office of Governor, who is afraid or unwilling to answer those ques tions ! Is it possible'that Edward Y. Hill entertains opinions on this subject that he dare not submit to the people for their approba tion f " “ If his opinions are sound, who is he afraid to injure or offend by declaring them to the world ?” The Mum Candidate Will the people of Georgia elect a man Go vernor who is mum, and dare not , or disdain fully refuses to speak out his sentiments on the slavery question? Judge Hill is respect fully interrogated by voters in Putnam and Jones, respectable citizens and slaveholders, as to his opinions on the NY ilmot Proviso— the Clayton Compromise bill, and the intro duction of slavery into California and New Mexico. He refuses to answer. The whole awaits his response patiently, yet anx iously. It is on a subject deeply, intensely vitally interesting to us all. Whigs and de mocrats alike have a common stake in the great issues invoked. But not one word comes in response from Edward \. Hill. On this subject who would have a mum Governor? Who would vote for a mum can didate ? He who seeks the people’s votes should not refuse to let them know his opinions on any or all questions involving their rights. He who does refuse,acts insolently and insulting ly, and a proud and spirited people will re tort the insult through the ballot box. Mark the Prediction. The refusal of Judge Hill to answer the questions of the Jones and Putnam Commit tee will lose him thousands of votes of the peo ple of Georgia. Thousands of whigs will stay away from the polls, or vote against the mum candidate. Let him remember Tennessee and the fate of Brown, the submissloaist. Towns, the bold and unflinching champion of Southern rights, will, like the gallant old Trousdale, lead his mum competitor thousands of votes. Speeches of Gon- Taylor The Philadelphia Pennsylvanian says —The Whig travelling companions of General Tay lor have been amusing themselves in writing speeches for him, which, coming from differ ent hands, are often singularly conflicting in their character. At Harrisburg, there were three entirely different versions of his speech; and at Pittsburg, as the Post has established, the speech published for 'General Taylor, is proved to be neither more nor less than a forgery. This is a dignified predicament for a “second Washington” to occupy. As it is now the fashion to compare Taylor with the tirst Washington, especially in regard to the inability of the latter to make a speech, we should like the eulogists of Taylor to tell us how the “father of his country” would have taken an attempt to prepare speeches for him which he never made, or never dreamed of making. At Erie, in this State, as we learn from tuc Observer, letters were written, giving a speech of the General entire, while, says the Observer of the place, “ail here know that the President neither made a speech on that day, or even saw or conversed with any considera ble portion of the people at any subsequent period during his stay. He was brought there feeble, got ill while there, and left very un well. The Observer goes on to say : “This, then, is the manner the enthusiastic receptions the President has received through Pennsylvania, are manufactured. They are written out, and sent to the metropolitan press knowing them to be false ! Vive la Bagatelle, say we ! Now let us see how the speeches he is represented to have delivered are also man ufactured I The same number which contains this letter, contains also the Speech alluded to, but not furnished by its reporter. The Herald professes to have copied the speech from the “Intelligencer,” and as we know of no other “Intelligencer,” but the National In telligencer, that it would be likely to copy such a thing from, we conclude that the Gen eral’s travelling companion, Col. Henry Clay Mudd, must have forwarded that paper a copy of this speech before the General was taken sick. This, then, is the way his speeches are manufactured-” Every day serves more and more to estab lish the tact that, the men who surround Gen eral Taylor, treat him as a subordinate and an inferior in all respects. No friends to reward.— -It appears from the Rahway, X. J., Republican, that General Taylor, in appointing A. F. W. Gray, of Rah - I way, to an office, rewarded his enemy. A writer in the Republican, who says he has heretofore been a whig, avers, that Mr. Gray declared publicly, “that he would not give one dollar to save the whole American array I in Mexico, Gen. Taylor included, and that he i would hold himself a traitor to vote for him.” — Gen. Taylor in Tennessee. —A eorrespon ! dent of the Nashville Union, gives a curious illustration of Taylor’s popularity. It seems that in Shelby county, embracing Memphis, the Democracy gained 1-52 votes ! In Mont gomery county, embracing Clarksville, 102 gain to the Democracy ! In Davidson ooun j ty, embracing Nashville, 325 gain to the De , rnocracy! In the three counties given, the aggregate Democratic gain was 579, and the aggregate vote 7711. If the only three eoun- I ties that Taylor visited on his way to Wash j jngtoa, *«t of a popular vote *f 77U, gave a Democratic gain ot 579, what would h:-ve U- n the Democratic gain had he visited the whole Slate, giving 120,000 votes: Robert Walsh. —The late Hungarian mee.- ing at New York city, adopted a res >luti<>u unanimously urging our Government to dis miss this gentleman from the post of American Consul at Paris, on account of his Monarchical tendencies. —Dug ton Journal. Did Mr. Walsh hold Democratic Instead t Monarchical sentiments, the lory aduiuustrti tiou at Washington would not have waited for a public meeting at New York to ask his re. moval! — Ohio Statesman. (COMMUNICATED.} Mr. Editor : —To hear them speak, one would suppose the very salvation ot the country hangs on the success of Whig principles, and when their candidate is questioned on point it should be his pleasure to enlighten us, not one word can you obtain from him. Judge Hill knows that the people like to compliment their great men, but he should also remember that they are entitled to a little respect in re turn. “ I’ll fiddle for you if you’ll dance for me,” is nothing but a fair bargain; but, u seems, the Judge wants us to do all the fid dling without giving us the first dance—that's not fair. Come, Judge, you have been on the bench long enough to know how to dispense justice—if you expect to hear from us vve must first hear from you. When a man u about to employ another to transact any busi ness for him, has he not the rigiit ty question him in relation to the matter? Has not the farmer the right to ask the one presenting him self as an overseer, whether he believes in deep ploughing, whether he believes in the use ot the harrow, whether he plants su rh and sued gram, as well as any other question con.' ru ing his interest? Mo.st assuredly he has,— But suppose the man shoul 1 reply, “ I wish to be your overseer; but as to answering any of your questions, I shall do no such a thing.” I ask, under these circumstances, does any out* having a thimble-full of common sense, say the farmer would not act perfectly right in telling the gentleman he could go and seek employment elsewhere ? All this being per fectly plain, I respectfully ask, wherein con sists the difference between the ca* in point. sn-1 Judge Hill's. He tells you he wishes to be your Governor—his acceptance is ,m ac knowledgment of this—but denies you the right of asking him what may be hi* opinion on this or that subject. A refusal to answer one of his questions might be consul *red t contempt of court, and treated wild imaudi ate punishment. It a refusal to answer pi i per questions, from a respectable quarter, ho not a species of contempt, I should tike lu know what it is. When Henry Clay was ask - ed his opinions on certain subjects, how did he act ? Why, he came out plainly and tol I you what you might calculate on; and wh» Judge Hill has remained mam, when he knows perfectly well, that the times are critical, that every man having an opinion ought to speak it out, that we may know who are friends oi the South and who are not, I am unable to de termine. Virginia, Tennessee, Alabama and Kentucky have spoken; yes, and they spoken in Southern language, a language not to be misunderstood. And is Georgia, good ol i Georgia, going to faultor, after the example her noble sisters have invited her to follow ? No! as long as truth wields her sway, will Georgia prove true to herself. A SOUTHRON. DIED, In this city,on the 20th inst., William A. C*?i.. ter, a native of Hancock courtly, in the 20:h vear of his age. He was a \ ouag man of steady indus trious habits, of sound m >r»lity, and a pleasing anJ amiable disposition. His death will be lamented by all who knew him. B SPECIAL NOTICES FEMALE INSTITUTE. (FTThe Iter. Mr. HARD designs to u* sum© hi* duties, on MONDAY, tbe Ist October sept. 2G 5 THE TAX-PAYERS FTOf DeKalb Comity, are respectfully requested to meet at the Court House, in Decs'. ( oa the first TUESDAY of October next, for lh* purpose of considering the propriety of abolishing the present Tax Laws, and adopting in t fir steal, a system that will operate equally on all, accur ! ing to tbe value of their property. sept. f&cl o.\f, or You. PORTRAITPAINTING. W, WILSON respectfully informs the eiti rens oi Augusta, that he will remain until tha 20th October. Rooms over Rail Road Bank. sept 2? 0“ M c arc authoi i*ed to announce L. T SHOP!’ as a candidate for the office of Keceivei a( 1 ax Returns, for Richmond County, at the en suing eleciion in January next. sept 1 1 0? " e are authorized to announce AI.EXAN DER PHILIP. as a candidate for re-election t« the office of Receiver of Tax Returns for Rich mond comity, at the election in January next, sept.S wood] wood. We wish to Contract for twenty-seven Cords oi seasoned Black Jack and eight Colds ot Piue Wood, to be de.ivcred a.j wanted. Apply a* his office. iept9 "I XT E. A. METCALF, A. M., M. D., may be ioand at his office, next to the store a ! Davis Ac Wakefield. Doctor METCALF has paid much attention w diseases *f the Eye and Ear and Chronic Afle ions generally, and is ready io give to all who may be afflicted the benefits of the latest advance* in Medical Science. Greensboro, Sept. 2, i; mo ,©pt 2 LAUREN3VILLE HERALD. This paper, published at Laurensville, 8- C every FRIDAY MORNING,-— circulates mob* GENERALLY, AND EXTK«fSITKLY, THOLGHOUT THE WHOLE UP-COUNTRY OF SOUTH CAROLINA, than any other paper. The Merchants, and business men of August*, who desire to seeure the trade of that section,teo Had it greatly to their interest to Kim use or fU* ADVERTISING COLUMNS OF TUB HkRALD. Terms reasonable. Address, post-paid, S. A. GO DM AN, july 24 (sme»« Editor and Proprietor YARNS ! YARNS ! ! V SUPERIOR article of COTTON Y ARN* all numbers, kept constantly en band. sal* bv GIBBS A MoCORD SUlatoah-st,
