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THE PACIFICATOR: % journal to. flic Interests of tljr Catholic Cljurelj in tbe Confederate states. *‘ M I T T R G I.i A D I U M T U U M IN V A G I N A M R T 3 > R US PACTS R R .'VR <' U M.” YOL. I. %| |j I ' t | •, | ♦ A JOURNAL DEVOTED TO TIIE W>iTK RESTS' OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH • • IN THIS CON FEDERATE STATES OF AMERICA. And containing, in additiun to Catholic intelligence from ail parts of tiie world, Tales, Poetry, General News, and Miscel laneous Articles. Published every Saturday Morning ( f/ fff/rt, Qia • . AT TIIE FOLLOWING HATES 7 @opv One Year - - - sls 00 Hue Copy Six Months * - - 800 <.tuo Copy Three Months - - 5 00 IMUtfle Copies - - - - 0 50 J. liberal discount .made to the Trade . WA ista & ISI.OiHE, pDITOHS A\l> PriILISFIKHS. ADVERTISING RATES. Transient Advertisements, Five Dollars per Square of Teu Lines. 4 liberal deduction will be made to those who advertise by the mouth. An Address to the People of the United States in Behalf of Peace. liY A CATHOLIC HI VINE. Fellow Christians and Friend:;: [ now come to the consideration of the third particular announced in the preamble of this address. Auexpediat'/ Admitting that the war, and especially the continuation of the war, is lawful and just—-admitting that it is proper and becoming—there remains yet one important question, Is it expedient/ Lj it calculated to advance your inter ests ? Can you expect to derive tiny benefit front it? Or, in the technical American phraseology, Will it pay '/ This part of the inquiry appears tome the clearest of all, and I address it to you with so much the more confidence, ah I know that you are competent' judges in this matter, as your nation has acquired and justly earned great reputation among till tae nations of the icnrth for kectmess and acuteness in de mising and conducting enterprises that will pay. In this instance, however, you have deviated, wol'uliy deviated, from your usual standard, and engaged in a speculation that will not pay, or will pay only in shame, disgrace, ruin avid bankruptcy; so that, as this unfor tunate war is unjust and unbecoming on your side, it is also supremely ruin ous and subversive of all your best in terests. We may conduct the enquiry' urtrleiv the two following heads: Il.au the war hitherto paid? Will it pay better for the future ? Has the war thus far paid ? I can nut conceive that you can make of tin war anything but either glory, or land, •or money. Let us s e whether the war has given you a fair equivalent in any of these particulars. Glory, it is true, is not money', and although it is tl.ie peculiar characteristic of vour na tion to he f ind of money, I know, also, that glory and pride are far from being .*n element lore gn to your national predilections. 1 ask you, then, my friends, have you reaped any gl try from this uniortjnate and unnatural <’«}ntest ? The page of history will re cord great battles, in which, without any dissenting voice, you came oft' mieotirl best, and gathered crowns, hot of laurel, but of cypress. The two battles of Manassas, of Fredericks burg, of Chanccilorsville, of Shiloh, of Olustee, will go down to posterity as very inglorious monuments of your valor and of your military genius. The battles which you claim as great, vieto were not victories-—positive victo ries ; they were negative victories, in which you merely arrested the inarch of a victorious army. I allude to the battles es 'Sharpsluirg and Gettysburg. •But now se-e the frightful disadvan tages under which your opponents have been laboring, and that will prove to you that you have no glory to expect in this bloody field. One of our fight ing Irishmen would never enter the lists so as to be three against one. If he saw, even in the worse case of clan nish feuds, two men against, one, he would never join the two to fight three against one ; he would deem this too. mean ; a sense of fairness and honor would rather make him take up for Bio weak side, to make two against two.. See, now, what you have done. Ton form of population, in round num bers, twenty millions against ten, and of tltese ten nearly the half con sist of colored people, essentially non combatant,?., In addition to this, you have called to your aid the stragglers of all nations, and have enticed them by bounties, enormous bounties, hither to unknown in the history of any war fare. These foreigners form a notable portion of your armies;- and the way, by the by, in which you enlist them, will never add anything to the glory ami moral standing' of the nation. \ou have also enticed or kidnapped nearly two hundred thousand negroes from the South, whotfi you use as breastworks. In addition to these ad vantanges, you have a powerful navy blockading every port of th» South, and subjecting the Confederacy to awful odds, wnich, independently of everything else, would have made every impartial man say that the con test was too unequal, and could not last a year. In fact, you thought that you would accomplish your task in three months, and many a deluded foreigner have we met among your prisoners, who felt confident they en listed for a contest of three or four months, with a clear and undeniable prospect of victory and success. How differently have events turned ! You have been now for nearly four years using all your resources, ransacking every soldier you could find, building a most formidable navy, putting in the field most numerous and flourishing armies, and for what purpose ? You have yet accomplished nothing. Rus sia attacked Poland several times, un- i dt-r similar circumstances; that is, with large against small numbers, and with all tbe improvements of modern warfare, against unprepared and al most unarmed opponents, left to their valor alone. But Russia finished the job in a few months, and reaped no glory in it. But you, with every ad vantage in your hands, have yet, after four long years, done nothing, or next to nothing, in putting down the so called rebellion that had no arms, no navy 10 bring them from abroad, no miliary supplies, no organized govern ment. Whoever will reflect upon this, will not hesitate to say, that your sole want of success in this campaign, under such circumstances, is a foul s ain on the escutcheon of your nation, and that it is folly for you to think of. (making here a harvest of glory. You |imve reaped only disgrace ; and this, [my friends, is the opinion of all the |nations of Europe. You boast, it is true, of your unparalleled victories, but nobody believes in them ; and the glory you claim is of the very nature of the sound of the cannons that cele brate those victories, it passes away in a moment —the sound does not reach Europe ; and you will scarcely find a respectable paper there that will ad mit your victories, or give you praise for then). But you will find many ad miring t(ie fortitude, magnanimity and generosity of the Southern people, under the circumstances in which they are placed; so that the war has not paid, and cannot pay, the North, in glory and military laurels. The war has not paid you better in lands than in glory. It is true, you have made some acquisitions of land. You possess llil'ton Head, and Fort •Pulaski, and Tybce Island, Fernandi naand St. Augustine. You have, also, some few cities on the seaboard, the Gulf, and on the Mississippi. But, now, I ask you, is this a fair remunera tion for the blood that has been spilt, arid the treasure that has been wasted ? You have possessioii of those places, but how ? By means of an armed force, the support and the maintenance of wnich cost you incomparably more than the places themselves are worth. If you wanted land, you could have bought more land in the South with the money you spend in one day to keep ail'those places, than you possess now. There was an abundance of land to be bad, in Florida, for instance, at half a dollar an acre. You could have, with a small portion of the money you spend therd every day, purchased more territory 'than you possess now, and would have a peaeuable possession of it, and you would have it without having spilt a drop of blood. You have spilt more blood than would be necessary to make all your Southern possessions s&irn in that rel liquid. O, AUGUSTA, GA., OCTOBER i% 1804. what a bad speculation you have made! Does not prudence tell you to with draw from it at once as soon as possi ble? You have burnt your fingers too badly in this silly speculation, tbe more so as the land you occupy is in general a nest of yellow fever, and a hot-bed of mosquitoes, and an infec tious.group of swamps, or a pile of dry and arid lands. If those lands had been such a desirable possession, the speculators, with whom your cities swarm, would have found it out before the war, and would have hastened to settle* the country ; but they kept aloof from it, and this is tbe reason of the comparatively slim and scattered popu lation of the South. Agree, then, with me, that you have made in this war a very bad speculation in lands; give up, then, at once, the attempt as a com plete failure; and if you had used in reference to that war the manner or prudence which you display in all other matters, not only you would not have given so much blood and treasure for the little land you now hold in tbe Southern country, but you would have been unwilling to receive it even as a gift. Let us pass to tbe. money considera tion, which is indeed tiie principal one in this matter. It is probable that many of you subscribed to the war in order not tef lose the lucrative trade of the South. A strange way you took,, indeed, to make money—plundering, devastating, exterminating the South ,in order to make it yield money; that [was the same as killing the hen that flaid the golden eggs. Let us, then, reckon together the money you have made by the war. Do you remember how, some'years ago, Andrew Jackson laid at the nation’s door a complaint, a heavy complaint. He was lamenting over an evil, a great national evil, fraught with fatal consequences; an evil that was to be remedied forthwith ! What was that evil? It was an over flowing treasury. A strange evil,indee i, it A’as that caused great ijpuMifiipept among all nations of Europe, and made them jealous and envious of the pros perity of America. There was then too much money in the treasury, and it was hard to tell how to- dispose of that surplus in the treasury. 1 can tell you, my friends, although I do not claim to be a prophet, or the son. of a [prophet, that you will never more com- Iplain of that evil. The evil is cured, radically cured, never more to return. In the place of that surplus in the treasury, so hard to dispose of, there is now saddled on you a small debt of— what shall I say ? Some say four thousand millions, some say throe thousand, but 1 will say it is certainly more than two thousand millions. This will be quite enough to make you comprehend what great profits you have realized from the war. The pub lic expenditure of the country has been a few millions per year for a long time, when America could boast, indeed, of having the cheapest Government in the world, if not the best. In these latter years, before the war, owing to various causes, it amounted to one hundred millions. This was the yearly expen diture of the Government. It has now swelled to such an enormous amount that the interest alone of the debt is far greater than the largest yearly ex penditure of the last years preceding the war, and the expenditure of a day is now greater than the yearly expen diture iu the good times of the Repub lic. All this vast amount of money now must come on you, and be drawn | on you, in the shape of taxes director ! indirect. Taxation has become enor : mous, and will become more so. The j indirect taxation has become already j intolerable; farewell cheap coffee, | cheap tea, cheap wineS, cheap clothing. Everything has become throe or four times dearer than it was before the war. It is true for a. similar cause things are yet worse with us, chiefly on account of the blockade of our ports; but our misfortunes are of no avail to you, and cannot make your own disappear. The South fights through necessity, and must submit to the sad consequences, having no choice in the I matter ; but you fight through choice, ! and you must be blind indeed if you do ! not see the fully that has made you I contract, for nothing, an enormous | debt which will weigli on your chil j dren for a long series of generations, | and will rob you of the fruit of your j industry for a long; lapse of ages. Will the war pay better for the fu- j ture? I say no, my friends, emphat- j ically, no. The war will not pay bet- ] ter, whether you succeed in your plans j of subjugation, or not. In the latter j supposition it is evident that you have J only ruin and an increased indebted- j ness to expect, before giving up the j subjugation of the South as impossible. I The longer you persist in this foolish war, abstracting from the cruelties, atrocities, barbarities and awful suf ferings of every kind that will be en tailed on innumerable innocent beings, the more frightful will be the waste of treasure, and the more enormous will be tin 1 debt to bo borne by you. War is a time in which the business of produc tion, as writers on political ecotn my say, either stops altogether or is dread fully crippled, and destruction goes on at fearful rates. Every moment that you persist in this foolish contest costs you millions. Why such a waste? The sooner you stop this the better. The continuation of the war cannot in any measure, repair the losses already incurred; it can only make them greater, and it. will make them certain ly greater in the very proportion in which the war lasts longer. And now let me tell you that it is probable, it is exceedingly probable, that you will never succeed in your plans of subjugation, and that the war will be a complete failure for you, as it was for England when she under took to subjugate the colonics. Os course 1 am no prophet, and we have only prudence, reason and the expe rience of the past to judge of the fu ture. How much have you accom plished in nearly four years of des perate fighting ? Very little, or rather nothing at all, towards a final subjuga tion. You hold only those places where you have armed soldiers, gun boats and a formidable artillery. You have had possession, for a time, of a few places besides those you have now. The moment your armed soldiers left thiitcuHplaces, they returned to the Con federacy, and so j’ou have, properly speaking, done nothing at all towards subjugation; but you have, on the con trary, put innumerable and insur mountable obstacles to their subjuga tion,by rousing among the peopkyi spirit of animosity, hatred and horror against you, which must remove at an infinite distance the prospect of a speedy ter miimtion of the war by the sole force of.arms. You bad imagined that the South wou'd yield through starvation. See how egregiously you have been deceived. The prospects of starvation are as distant now as they were on the very eve of tbe war. l r ou thought you could easily conquer a naked pop ulation. You have also been sadly mistaken ; and the only naked persons I have seen during the war were among your own men, prisoners in Andersonviile—-whether it was be cause their clothing had been worn away absolutely, or because their fel low prisoners had robbed them of their clothes, as some said. You think the South lias put in the field its last man. You are under very false impressions. YYe see yet plenty of people in the streets of our cities, and on the public roads, and they may yet increase and thicken the ranks of the armies that confront yours. What if the South, seeing her cause desperate, would grant freedom to her male colored population in order to send them against you ? Many there are among them who, in their hearts, burn against the unjust invaders of the Southern soil with the same fire of indignation that your devastations have enkindled in the breasts of their masters, and if offered a portion of tiie soil as the re ward of their exertions, they would stand cheerfully by their masters in order to defend it. But you are yet far from having driven the South to this last resource and alternative, which .1 presume will never be neces sary. All this must convince you that the end of the war by subjugation is either impossible, or is at an immense distance from you, which must absorb a frightful number of millions of dol lars before anything can bo accom plished; and this, assuredly, must drive you to the conclusion that the war for you is decidedly a losing game, in which you sink capital every day, and from which you can expect nothing iu return. Let us now take the other hypothesis j for the sake of pursuing the argument. NO. 3. In the event of the subjugation nl the South, you would obtain no remunera tion ; you would have only an additional source of expenditures. In that sup position, which is a mere castle in tiie air, vou will have to garr's >n all the cities of the South. This alone will impose on you a frightful taxation, in addition to the debt already incurred t‘> obtain that result—a debt which will increase every year probably by two thousand millions of dollars. 'This, thereiere, will requite a pove-iul standing army, which, i idependi ntly of other innumerable inconveniences that the fathers of American I de pendence wished to avoid at aliiu.z nils, will cause a constaut drain on the treasury, and will create a frightful expenditure, the same as in war- tunes for an illimited number of years, m of ages, if things last in that same state. Can a more foolish waste and squan dering of treasure be iiua«-ii.cd ? Think not that the production "f the South will constitute a good offset against this expenditure. J n the event of subjugation, the production of the South will stop at least for a long period. YVho will cultivate the cotton which was the chief produce of tho South ? The colored populatit n. if left to itself, will not probably raise enough to supply its own clothing, as appears manifestly from the state of the West India Islands, where these people are left to themselves. 'All these considerations show, with the greatest, evidence, that having made nothing by the war, you will not make anything mpre for the future, but will continue to destroy your own property, and to increase the burden of taxation. By stopping the war at once, and making a treaty of .peace with the South, you will take the only way that can promote your pecu niary interests. If you offer peace on reasonable and hm-.m-ablo terms, per haps, you could oi tain free trade with tin* Smith, which will secure to you all the pecuniary advantages that the war robbed you of at first, and you would have a chance to send us again your calicoes, your knives, your soap, all your nick-knacks, and even your wooden nutmegs, if our people are willing to buy them. But, by persist ing in this absurd war, you will only realize, to the very letter, the fol lowing Irish legend: Once upon a time, in the city of Kilkenny, a grasd fight occurred between two cats, in ijv* sight *of the whole population assem bled. Such was the animosity, the rage, the despair of the two combatants, that they eat each other up to the ts/ils. Two ignominious, worthless tails were the only sad remnants of this, the fiercest combat ever recorded in. tho history of the feline race. And now farewell, my friends. I have supplied you with a subject.of sound meditation. THE CONFEDERATE CAUSE T.T IRE LAND. The lovers of peace—to say noLI;I:; <r about fair play—may at length cou.gratsdaL* .hero selves that the Federal recruiting snrgeant has begun to find his occupation gone in Ireland. This desirable cc a summation has been but slowly brought nbout, many were the difficulties oncountercd by the way. These, however, have buen happily sir» mounted; and it is most, gratifying to add that Catholics and Protestant a, .the pulpit and the press, are now uniting their effort* to tbe cause of peace. The letter of His ..Holing Pius IX to Archbishop Hughes .of New York (tho pub lication of which in the fir.st instance in . tiie ted the, first serious cheek upon the ex o ’us from Ireland) is now being reproduced by the committees of various political so cieties, and the most elective means am being used to give b* it all the publicity it. so entirely deserves, (!opVcs of -that retmurfc able document are 10 be found on the doofc* of Catholic places of worship,, and i;»>-t a Sunday passes but tho e/usile of His HoK j ness may number its reader« by .many, many thousand?. In on« conspicuous instance Vi i forms a portion of tho Mihjcmatter of i* t large placard—the remainder of the pubK cation consisting (]*i) of aargu men tali j paper called a “Caution to Irish Kan; grants;*’ (2d) b IctUr contributed t,o the Irishman by tlu late W. F. O'ihica (bring u nowcrfully written »newer to the ord'Yone of ** t!«»n. Meagher of ih ' 8word”) ; and (3d) an addr« ss from Mr. John Martin, Mating and explaining to hit eountrymva the argtt mentis /hat have convinced him that. Ireland ought, by every means iu her power to en dv&vor to bring the war to an end by tho recognition oi tbe Confederate States ass».» independent nation. The tone and npirh of these various writing* and the Inuelich effect they are owUndsif-vd Vo prodw**