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N. S. MORSE & CO.
d|nmifle & JSfittmdL
AUGUSTA, GA.
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TIIK PtTCHB.
We profoundly believe that the war is draw
ing towards its close. The conviction that the
South is unconquerable is fast spreading
throughout the entire North. The contrast
between Uk moderate demand made more
than three years since for seventy-five thousand
men, and the enormous call for hundreds of
thousands of troops now after the wasteful
expenditure of lifo already witnessed, is too
glaring to be overlooked or disregarded.
There has been nothing to rival it since the
days of Xerxet. The myrmidons of the Per
sian ruler perished without achieving the con
quest of Greece. As the monarch sat on the
summit that overlooked the sea and the
laud, it is said that he wept at the thought that
within a few years not one pf the countless
host mustered before him would he living.
Mr. Lincoln is troubled with no such sensibili
ty, if he were he Anight descend from the emi
nent position which he holds and clothe him
self in sackcloth and ashes. His election
brought about a greater distraction of human
life than any event of modern times. Yet ho
drives over a battlefield, covered with the
dead and the dying, and calls for a comic song.
He transcends Nero—and the name of that
■wretch will pale before that of this heart
less buffoon, borne into power by the people
in their madness.
All this the people of the United States be
gin now to comprehend. If the past couhl be
recalled, if the closing months of the year
eighteen [hundred and sixty could by some
lmppy appeal to Fate be reproduced, wish the
lights of the present experience thrown upon
them, Low swiftly would they rush to the
ballot boxes to defeat the Black Republican
leader.
Alas ! the current of time never rolls back
ward. Like Esau tho people of the North sold
their birthright for a mess of pottage. They
trainpted over the South, and bore into
the Presidential chair the impersonation of
their fanaticism. They can find no place for
repentance now though they seek it carefully
with tears.
But though the past cannot be recalled, lire
future opens a field for high endeavor. Some
what may be done towards atoning for the
errors of by gone da)s. It is now a de
monstration too clear to tolerate any discus
sion (hat the Southern States cannot be brought
-under the rule of the Administration at Wash
ington, by tho sword. Thst was the fatal er
ror of the Administration. The attempt was
as wild as it was unstatesmanlike. Revolu
tionary blood yet coursed through our veins
Revolutionary traditions were too fresh.—.
The attempt to hold States within the circle of
the Union by menace, drove even those that yet
lingered, out of the charmed sphere. When
the first proclamation of Lincoln appeared, Con
federate Commissioners were sent to the two
border States most closely allied to us. Alex
ander H. Stephens was sent to Virginia, and
Hon. Henry W. Hilliard to Tennessee, clothed
with full powers to negotiate with those impor
tant States. Success attended both missions
The commissioners negotiated treaties with
those States which brought them into alliance
with the young Confederacy ; and the people
of those States subsequently ratified the action
of their representatives.
From that day to this, every step taken by
the Nortli has been in the ‘wrong direction.—
The breach between the North and the South
has become wide. The lingering attachment
which many of our people felt for the old po
litical fabric, has been overcome by the rude
shock of war. For the first time the people of
the United States begin to see this plainly ;
they begin to estimate the terrible results op
the fratricidal struggle which Ims raged for
nearly four years. They arc sick of war. They
demand peace. Tiiey will hurl Lincoln from
the eminence to which they raised him. Then
will conn; tho great question—The Settlement!
How is it to be accomplished ? If the armies
of the United States wore withdrawn from our
territory to-morrow, let us see what our condi
tion would be. Virginia and Tennessee, form
ing a part of the Confederacy, would of course
be freed from the presence of troops.
But Maryland, Kentucky and Missouri, have
never yet, l>y a formal act of the people, sece
ded from the United States. Where then would
be our boundaries? Kentucky and Missouri
are represented iu the Confederate Congress,
and also in the Congress of the United States.—
llow then shall the political relations of those
States be determined ?
If commissioners were appointed by the two
Governhients respectively the Confederate
find United States—they would find themselves
embarrassed in the settlement of that question.
The States do not belong to either Government.
They are sovereign common wealths holding re
lations to the one Government or the other. It
would not be in the power of the commission
ers representing the United States to stipulate
that any State embraced within the limits of
that Government, should be transferred to the
Confederacy. Sovereigns treating with each
other may dispose of territory. European his
tory is full of instances of this kind. Entire
States have been lost or acquired by treaty.—
Boundaries have been established which deter
mined the political relations of peoples, with
out the slightest reference to their wishes. No
such settlement can be. made of our affairs.
If we were Tecognizodby every European pow
er, and also by the United States, that recog
nition would reach only those States that at
present compose the Confederacy. There is an
Intrinsic difficulty in the settlement. In all
the political troubles of the world, it is wise to
dispose of them upon some principle. An ar
bitrary settlement of political ass aire is rarely
m satisfactory one. The processes of nature are
regular and leave beneficent results.
In the settlement of all moral questions we
should observe the laws which apply to them,
and do ns little violence to them as possible.
The solution of our troubles by the application
cf a principle, would promise tranquility. The
principle that is essential to the settlement of
the great questions affecting the relations ot
the States to each other, is obvious. The peo
ple of each State must determine the status of j
that State, and its relations to everv other
State. The assumption of the right to control
svery State, on the part of the central Govem-
AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING. SEPTEMBER 14, 1864.
ment, is a monstrous assumption. It must
never be conceded. The right to enforce the
authority of the State, over any number of the
people who Jrevolt against its authority, is of
course recognized. This is essential to sub
ordination ; to the administration of govern
ment. But the right claimed by the Govern
ment of the United States to coerce the States
composing the Union, is a flagrant violation of
| every principle dear to a free people. A poii
i tical community is not to be coerced, not to be
threatened It stands in its intrinsic indepen
dence, and asserts its inherent right to estab
lish its own political relations with other
States. To yield to arms or to menaces, is at
once to forfeit its independence, and to sur
render its liberty.
When the two contending parties engaged in
the momentous struggle now going on slial
agree to settle the groat dispute, it must be
done by a recognition of the principle which
we have here stated. That is its natural anil
and proper solution. All other questions will
find a wise ar,d pacific settlement by the same
process. Lot the people of each State decide
their political relations. We have inaugura.
ted this great’principle. Let us insist upon it-
Then will homogeneous States compose the
respective Governments ; and the great future
which expands before us wiil witness upon this
continent, powerful Republics, based broadly
upon the affections of the people, the only
solid basis of a Free State.
THE CHICAGO PL XTFOHVI.
This platform was manifestly the result of
compromise. It was constructed to afford
standing room for parties of diverse opinions
and prejudices, to rally and unite upon it the
various and conflicting elements of opposition
to Lincoln’s re election. Viewed in this light,
it was drawn with consummate tact. It is as
skillful in its omissions as in its avowals, in
what it fails to allude to, as in what it dis
tinctly afiiaus. It says just enough to at
tract and satisfy all who desire the defeat of
'•Lincoln. There is a plank for each branch of
the opposition to stand upon.
The ultra peace men of the Vuilandigham
and Alexander Long school, opposed to the
war from principle, opposed to coercion as un
constitutional, are gratified by the declaration
that the experiment to restore the Union by
war hai proved a failure, and the recommenda
tion that immediate efforts be made for a cessa
tion of hostilities.
The war Democrats, the original supporters
of McClellan, hostile to Lincoln’s war policy,
to abolition and confiscation, and yet so in
tensely devoted to the Union that they have
been in favor ot prosecuting tho war even
more vigorously for its restoration, led by
Horatio Seymour of New York and otheis, are
appeased by the suggestion that the cessation
of hostilities shall be with a view to an ulti
mate convention of all the States, so that
peace may bo restored on tho basis of the
Federal Union of the State*. The framers of
tho platform, however, have very adroitly
male the cessation of hostilities, the first point
to bo gained, as the means of bringing about
the desired convention and restoration. Tho
war is to he stopped, and then this efiort is to
be made to restore the Upion. It is assumed
that war i3 an obstacle in the way of the res
toration of the Union, that there is no hope
for it wliilo the war lasts ; and, therefore, it
must first be stopped to open the way for re
construction. Thus each wingof the Demo
cratic party has its wish gratified—the one for
the re construction of the Union; the other
for the cessation of the war.
The supporters of Fremont arc, also, concili
ated by this most accomodating of platforms,
in its studied silence on the subjects of slavery,
abolition and confiscation, tho prominent
points in tho Fremont platform. It is remark
able that these subjects are nowhere alluded
to, arc totally ignored as il they claimed no
share of the public attention. It is the obvious
intent of the platform to avoid giving any
offence to the anti-Lincoln wing of the Re
publican party, to shun any conflict with their
peculiar and rabid notions and prejudices.
Tho supporters of McClellan are left free to
entertain any opiuions they choose in reference
to these irritating subjects. The most radical
abolitionist may vote for him on this non-com
mittal platform, without self stultification;
may vote for peace without repudiating a
single one ol his fanatical ideas.
The common grounds of opposition to Lift
coin found in the Fremont platform, are care
fully set forth in this. As the former denoun
ces the usurpation by Lincoln of extraordinary
powers not grant'd by the constitution—the
subversion of the civii authority by military
arrests—tho suppression ot tho freedom of
speech and of the press; the avowed disre
gard of Stale rights ; and other flagrant viola
tions of the constitution—so does the Chicago
platform. So that tho Fremonter finds many
of his own planks to stand upon, with none
that bo can find fault with, if ho he in favor
of peace.
Upon the whole, this is the most ingenious
specimen of platform building tha% we have
yet seen: Its plan must* have been inspired by
the very genius of compromise. It exhibits
a delicate tact which challenges our admira
tion.
At first glance, tbo Southern reader will ex
perience a feeling of disappointment in peru
sing this platform. It is not just what he ex
pec ted. It is no? as strong and outspoken in
its declaration for peace as lie hoped it would
be. It lias too much to say about the Union
and its restoration. Yet, when we analyze it
closely, we tied that it commits the party
which has adopted it to unconditional peace, to
an immediate termination of the war, looking
and trusting to the future for a restoration of
the Union. This is all that the South wants—
that the war upon her be stopped, and that she
be left free to decide her owu destiny. After
that. Northern men may make what efforts
they please to reconstruct the Union. They
can neither disturb our equanimity nor resolu
tion. If we go back into the Union, it will be
with our own consent, which is not likely to
be ever given.
McClellan is not the peace candidate whom
the South would have desired. Though under
stood to hare always been opposed. to Lincoln's
war policy, he has been equally in favor efxto
ereing back the South into the Union by mili
tary force. Yet. if in the event of his election
he should abide in geod faith by the platform
of kis party, we will have peace. The only
sura guaranty, however, that we can have of
this will be the continued success of our arms.
More than ever is it necessary for the South to
put forth her utmost resources andjecergies in
her own defense. We will most certainly ren
der the serpent harmless t v drawing its fangs.
McClellan was doubtless accepted by" the
peace men in consideration of his •influence
outside of their own ranks. He was not their
favorite nor their choice. But for the sake of
the strength which he was expected to bring to
them, they were induced to sgiee to bis uomi-
; nation, objectionable as were his antecedents,
and equivocal as was his position. He is popu
lar both with the army and the people, on the
strength, not of what he has ever done, but of
: what he might have done, had he not been ar
! rested in his career by the jealonsy of Lincoln.
| That mercurial and excitable people, seized
| with a wild passion for military glory, recognize
i in McClellan their favorite and much abused
i hero, nv-ho might have won for them the bril
i liant and coveted prize of military success.—
; That his glory is merely suppositious only
heightens the enthusiasm of his admirers, which
crowns him with the imaginary laurels of un
sought battle fields, and soothes the mortifica
tion of defeat.
We shall not be surprised if tbe name of Mc-
Clellan shall arouse a storm of popular enthu
siasm ai tire Nortii that will sweep everything
before it. But we would warn the South to
beware of the triumph of such a man—to bo
prepared to meet in him an enemy more dan
gerous than Lincoln.
mnaruN UF exchange.
do the Relatives and Friends of Confederate Sold
iers Confined in Northern I'ris&ns :
On the 22d of July, 18C2, the Cartel of Ex
change was agreed upon. The chief, if not on
!y purpose of that instrument was to secure
the release of ail prisoners of war. To that
cud the fourth article provides that all prison
eis of war should btJ discharged on parole in
ten days after their capture, and that the
prisoners' then held and those thereafter taken
should be transported to the points mutually
agreed upon, at the expense of the capturing
party, 'the sixth article also stipulates that
“all prisoners, of whatever arm of service, are
to bo exchanged or paroled in ten days from
the time of their capture, if it be practicable
to transfer them to their own lines in that
time ; if not, as soon thereafter as practicable.”
From the date of the cartel until July, 1863.
the Confederate authorities held the excess of
prisoners. During that interval deliveries
were made as first as the Federal Governmen
furnished transportation. Indeed, upon mo
than one occasion I urged the Federal an the
ities to send increased means of truneportatioi
As ready as the enemy always has been **
bring false accusations against us, it has n
er been alleged that we tailed or neglecte
make prompt deliveries of prisoners who ±
not under charges, when we held the es
On the other hand, during the same tin
cartel was openly and notoriously violate
the Federal authorities. Officers and *
were kept in cruel confinement, sometiui'
irons or doomed cells, without charges orf_
In July, 1863, the enemy, for the first V.
since the adoption of the cartel, held the-'
cess of prisoners. As soon as that fact wa
certained, whenever a delivery was mad'
tbe Federal authorities, they demaude.
equal number in return. I endeavored- ..
quently to obtain from the Federal Agent or
Exchange a distinct avowal of the intentions
of his Government as to the delivery of prison
ers, but iu vain. At length, on the 20th of
October, 1863, I addressed to Brigadier Gen
■ eral Meredith-the following letter, to wit:
Richmond, Va , October 20!b, 1863.
Brigadier-General S. A. Meredith, Agent of
Exchange :
Sir : More than a month ago I asked your
acquiescence in a proposition that all officers
and soldiers on both sides should be released
in conformity with the provisions of the cartel.
In order to obviate the difficulties between
us, I suggested that all officers and men on
both sides should be released, unless they were
ru'yect to charges; in which event the oppo
site Government should have the right .of
holding one or more hostages if the retention
was not justified. You stated to me, in con
versation. that this proposition was very fail 1 ,
and that you would ask the consent of your
Government.
As usuvl, you have as yet made no response
I tell you frankly I do not expect any. Per
haps you may disappoint me, and tell me you
reject or accept the proposition. I write this
letter for the purpose of bringing to your re
collection my proposition, and dissipating the
idea that seems t<> have bewt purposely en
couraged by your public papers, that the Con
federate Government has refused or objected
to a system of exchanges.
In order to avoid any mistake in that direc
tion, I now propose that all .officers and men
on both sides be released in conformity with
the provisions of the cartel, the excess on one
side or the other to be on parole. Will you ac
cept this? I have no expectation of an an
swer ; but, perhaps you may give one. If it
does come I hope it will be soon.
Respectfully your obedient servant,
Roman Ould, Agent of Exchapge.
On the 29th of .October, 18G3,1 received
from General Meredith a communication in
forming me that my proposal ot the 20th was
‘ not accepted.” I was insultingly told that if
tho excess of prisoners was delivered they
would be wrongfully declared exchanged by
me and put in the field. To show how ground
less this imputation was, it is only necessary
for me to state that since then 1 hare
ly offered to give ten Federal captives for every
Confederate soldier whom the enemy will show
to have been wrongfully declared exchanged.
From tho last named date until the present
time there have been, but few deliveiies of
prisoners,- the enemy in each case demanding a
like number in return.
It will be observed that the Confederate au
thorities claimed that the provisions of tho car
tel should he fulfilled. They only asked the
eaemy-to do what, without any hesitation,
they had done during the first year of the op
eration ol the cartel. Seeing a persistent pur
pose on the part of the Federal Government
to violate its own agreement, the Confederate
authorities moved by the suffering of the brav.e
men who are so unjustly held in Northern
prisons, determined to abate their fair demahds,
and accordingly, on the 10th of August, 1801,
I addressed- the following communication to
Major John F. Hulford, Assistant Agent of
Exchange, iu charge of the fiag-of truce
boat, which on the same day I delivered to him
at Yariua, on James River: »
Waii Department, ) .
Richmond, Va., Aug". 10th, 1864. \
Major John E. Mulford, Assistant Agent of
Exchange:
Sir : You have severai times proposed to mo
to exchange the prisoners respectively held by
the two' belligerents, officer for officer and man
for man. The same offer has also been made
by other officials having charge ol matters con
nected with the exchange of prisoners. This
proposal has heretofore been declined by the
Confederate authorities, they, insisting upon the
terms of the cartel, which required the delive
ry of the cxc»ss on either side upon parole.
Iu view, however, of the very large number
of prisoners now held by each party, and the
suffering consequent upon their continued con
finement, I now consent to the aboye proposal,
and agree to deliver to you the prisoners held
in captivity by the Corffederate authorities,
provided you agree to deliver an equal num
ber of Confederate officers and men. As equal
numbers are delivered from time to time, they
will be declared exchanged.
This proposal is made with the ufiderstand
ing that the officers and men who have been
longest in captivity will be first delivered,
where it is practicable. I shall be happy to
hear trom you as speedily as possible whether
this arrangement can be carried out.
Respectfully your obedient servant,
Robert Oitd, Agent of Exchange.
I accompanied the delivery of the letter
with a statement of the -mortality which was
hurrying so many Federal prisoners at Ander
sonville to the grave.
On the 20th of the same month Major Mul
ford returned with the flag of truce steamer,
but brought no answer to my letter of the lOtii
of August. In conversation with kith-1 asked
him it he had any reply to make to any com
munication, and his answer was. that he was
not authorized to make any. So deep was the
solicitude which I felt in the fate of the cap
tives in Northern prisons, that I determined
to make another effort.
In order to obviate any objection which
technically might raise as to the person to
whom my communication was addressed. I
wrote to Major-General E. A. Hitchcock, who
is the Federal Commissioner of Exchange, re
siding iu Washington city, the following letter,
and delivered the same to Major Mulford on
life day pf its date. Accompanying that letter
was a copy of the communication which I had
addressed to Major Mulford on the 10th of Au
gust:
Richmond, 1 a., August 22d, 1804.
Major-General E. A. Hitchcock, United States
Commissioner of Exchange :
Sir: Enclosed is a cfcpv of a communication
which, on the 10th -instant, I addressed and
delivered to Major John E. Mulford, Assistant
Agent of Exchange. Under the circumstances
of the case I deem it proper to forward this
paper to you, in order that you may fully un
. derstand the position which is taken by the
Confederate authorities. I shall be glad if the
proposition therein made i3 accepted by your
Government.
Respectfully your obedient servant.
Robert Oild, Agent of Exchange.
On the afternoon of the 30th cl August i was
notified that the fiag-of truce steamer had
again appeared at Yarina. On the following
day I sent to Major Mulford the following note
to-wit :
Richmond, August 31, 1864.
Major John E. Mulford, Assistant Agent of Ex
change :
Sir : On the 10th of this month I addressed
you a communication, to which I have received
no answer. On the 23d instant I abo address
ed a communication tv Major-General E. A.
Hitchcock, United States Commissioner of Ex
change, enclosing a copy of my letter to you
of the 10th instant, 1 row respectfully ask
you to state in her you have any
reply to eith au- .cations ; and,
if not, whet reason to give
why no rer
Resp* - '
In a si- *.^wfug
ponce H . -t
Ft/ ‘New York,” 1 ,
"it 1864. j
Hon. R. (j w
Sir: I ... - .edge* re -
ceipt of y -efy b f to day requesting an
answer .hmiauuication of the iOth
instil' exchange of prisoners.
T & would say 1 have no
co 'ject from our author
-4‘ jed to make answer.
vctfully,
'-''•Srvant,
Muiford,
\r Exchange.
■> the action of
»n to a tnat
•nd t
e forte •; “s
-g s 1
their
made
Os
The distracted couu-t, and
the calamities which have be;a.id *ro evi
dence that our individual and national trans
gressions have provoked the displeasure of Al
mighty God who rules the destinies of nations
and states as well as .of men. lie' is using for
our chastisement our wicked but powerful ene
my who has overrun a large portion of the ter
ritory of our own State, as well as of the Con
federacy, and has laid waste or greatly dam
aged our cities, towns, villages and fields
God’s word, however, is full of promise that
if we will turn from the error of our ways and
humble ourselves before him, and implore His
pardon for our sins as a people, and in our ag
gregate capacity as a State, as well as in our
private character as individuals, will acknowl
edge Him as. Lord of Lords and King of lying*,
he will hear us in Heaven, hiViotty dwelling
place, and answer us iu peace.
In the hope, therefore, iu this time of great
public calamity, if our whole people will unite
in the name and through the merits of our
Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, in imploring
pardon and divine aid in enr great struggle,
that God will hear us, will give victory to our
arms, and by confounding the counsels of our
enemies, and causing terror and dismay in their
ranks, will enable us to triumph over them,
and to drive them from the soil of our beloved
State, I issue this, my Proclamation, setting
apart THURSDAY, the 15th day of this pres
ent mouth, as a day of fasting, humiliation
and prayer. And I request that all secular em
ployment be suspended on that clay, and that
all business houses and publie offices be closed,
and that the entire people of this State, both
male and female, do assemble at their respec
tive places of public worship, and with all
their hearts and all their souls, that they in
voke the favor and aid of Almighty God.
And I especially request tho reverend clergy
of all sects and denominations, to attend and
lead in religious exercises appropriate to the
occasion. I also most respectfully request that
. General J. B llood, and the army under his
command, and all other Confederate and State
officers and soldiers upon the soil of Georgia,
unite with the people of this State in the ap
propriate .observance of the day, for the pur
poses above mentioned. Whilst our enemies
rely for success upon their -superior * umbers
and their great resources, if we will place our
trust in the God of Israel, and do our whole
duty towards him and to each other, the day
of our deliverance will be near at hand. #
Given under my hand and the Great Seal of
the State, at the Capitol in Millcdgeville, this
oth day of September, 18G4.
.Joseph E. Broi.vn.
Fort Morgan.— The Mobile Register is in
debted to the Rev. Mr. Carter, Chaplain af the
Fort, for the annexed particulars of the bom
bardment and surrender: t
Immediately after the surrender of Fort
Gaines, one of the double turreted monitors
took position about one mile from Fort Mor
gan, and commenced firing. This firing'was
kept up by the other ironclads, with shoi t
intervals, during the entire siege. We retui et!
tlieir fire whenever they came iu effective range
of the guns. On toe same day forces were
landed at Navy Cove, and the approaches
commenced from the land side. While we
were constructing a traverse in front of the
casemate in which the wounded and sick were,
(a work which cost us labor night and day of
the entire garrison, officers and man, for three
days or more.) the enemy were unmolested, for
if we had fired on the land forces, we 'would
have drawn a more rapid fire from the fleet
and our work would have been prevented, and
the hospital would have been completely at
the mercy of the enemy. The enemy had, in
the nature of the land, natural approaches up
to within a short distance of the fort.
So completely covered were they by the
sand hills that we cohid detect very little of
what was going on. There were batteries lo
cated across the entire peninsula at intervals,
with sixteen mortar batteries. The hottest
fire was during the last twenty-four hours.—
All the fleet was engaged and all the guns by
land. The citadel was set on fire three times;
it was put cut twice under fire, but the third
time it spread too rapidiy. Iu tho burning of
the citadel we lost the principal protection
to the casemates, and the garrison would have
been at the mercy of the enemy. During the
terrific Sre which the enemy delivered while
the citadel was burning. 80,000 pounbs of
powder was destroyed and all the guns on the
fort spiked. Gen. Page had intended to blow
up the fort and then try to make his way
through the enemy, but being encumbered by
the sick and wounded, he had to do what ha
could, and let the enemy destroy it as mued
as possible. It was left a mass of ruins; ane
it was the remark of the enemy’s officers who
were present, that it would cost less to build',
anew fort than to repair Fort Morgan.
The gallantry of Gen. Page is highly com
mended. Indeed, the facta attest that he
fought his fort as long as it was tenable, and
only gave it up when further defence was t sa
les s.—
lima -EBP—
A family in Chicago lost a daughter of sev
enteen years of age, about two months ago.
I They could obtain no clue to her whereat icuts.
j The other night a hearse was driven i<o the
! door, a coffin was taken out and plneeri in the
hall, with the simple rematk, “There is your
daughter.” Accompanying the remains was
the keeper of a house of ill-fame. X
VOL. LXXVIII.-—NEW SEMES VOL. XX v 111. NO. 37.
TIIK EVACUATION OF ATLANTA.
[sPECIALCOEREsrONNEXCE CHRONICLE & SENTINEL.]
The Evacuation of Atlanki—Necessity of the Move
ment—Disposition of Government Propctly —
Reported Desertions and Straggling—Supposed
position of the Army.
Near Decatur, Friday Morning, 1
Sept. 2, 186-4. ;)
The occurrences of Wednesday last have
ended in what I intimated in my Ist might be
the fortunes of the day—the evacuation of the
Gate City, and the removal of the forces left in
its trenches to a point where they could be
united with those who have been acting inde
pendently under Gen. Hardee, for the last few
days.
Early on the morning of the Ist it was offi
cially ascertained that the disaster ou Wednes
day evening was ful'y as serious as first report
ed and that the forces of tbe enemy on tbe Macon
road consisted of five full corps of infantry,
with a large force of cavalry. It was also
known that a large force was south of the
Ciiattahooche, in the .vicinity of the railroad
bridge. Roth of these were threatening the
city, and as it would have been folly to attempt
so resist both, an evacuation was promptly tie-'*
termined upon, while the forces of Gen. Har
dee and Lee should make an attempt to reach
a point where they would be joined by those
that might be withdrawn from the city.
The removal of all the supplies andammuni
tion that the transportation facilities of the ar
my would.perrait, commenced early Thursday,
and wasjeontinued throughout the day. Large
uantities of provisions were also distributed
the people, and at nightfall all on hand stored
in' the Georgia railroad warehouse, and cars ou
the track. Throughout the day, also, the sev
eral bodies of troops, as they were withdrawn
from the defences and filed through the city,
were permitted access to the public stores.—
The rolling stock of the railroads, consisting of
about one hundred cars, and six engines, was
concentrated near file rolling mill before dark,
and by that hour all- tbe troops bad passed
through, with the exception of the rear guard,
left to prevent straggling. And here I would
mention a fact creditable to the State troops.
Their withdrawal was accomplished in good
Older and without confusion or straggling. The
regulars acted differently. The order was for
the troops to mass in the vicinity of McDonough,
and the wagon trains and all moved out iu that
direction. Previous to my leaving the tele
graph office was also closed, and at dark the
evacuation was completed, with the exception
of the detailed guard before mentioned
Os course great excitement prevailed through
out the day, but a moderate degree of good
order obtained. A few licentious citizens and
soldfers embraced the occasion to display the
wickedness of their natures, bqt the great
mass of both classes acted with tbe greatest
decorum. The citizens who bad suffered from
tbe malice of the enemy during the bombard
ment, looked on sorrowing’y, and indulged in
conjectures as to what would be their fate when
once'in the enemy’s power; while the tioops
tiled through the streets, with a steady tread
►it is true, bpt nevertheless with sorrow depic
ted on their weather beaten countenances.
As to tbe scenes that followed through the
night I can only report second-handed. The
order was to bum only government property
left behind, but this would necessarily involve
the destruction of the Georgia depot, the rolling
stock in the. city, and the rolling mill. A
gentleman who left the city early this morn
ing informs me the depot was fired about
eleven o’clock, and the car3, &c., an hour or
two later. The explosion consequent upon the
firing of the ordnance train took place about
two o’clock this morning, and was heard and
felt to a great distance. There are various re
pot ts as to the burning of other property, but
from the best information I can gather, no
instance of great-outlawry occurred.
Whether the Yankees yet occupy Atlanta I
cannot say, but presume the telegraph will in
iorm you ere this reaches you. I only know
that there was nothing to prevent tlicir mak
ing an entry, as the evacuation was complete.
Many-citizens came out, but thousands re-.
• raained—somebeeause they could.not get away,
but many from choice. At daybeak this morn
ing the enemy had not made their appearance
in the city, but there was nothing to prevent
their doing*it at any moment.
I hear many reports of desertions by whole
sale, and of dissatisfaction and straggling.
Some of this is inevitable, but it is lo be hoped
it has not prevailed to the extent reported.
It must be admitted that the discipline of the
army has not been so favorable during the last
thirty days as previously; why it has been so is
palpable. The police regulations of the camp
have been much less stringently enforced, and
it is to be feared that the undue license allowed
has resulted deplorably in this emergency.
When you next hear from me I hope it will
be from the vicinity of “the front,” for which
point I shall endeavor to make my way as soon
as possible. Rover.
THE FORT R VI.MiS BiIUKEMOKIt.
We have gathered from medical officers late
of the Fort Gaines garrison, who have returned
from New Orleans, some particulars respecting
the surrender of that fort. They confirm Cant.
Vass’ statement as to the disabled condition of
the guns of the fort, there being only one thir
ty-two pounder on the north side bearing upon
the fleet, and not a shell to fit it From the
list of casualties which we publish, it will be
seen that the position was not given up with
out a struggle against the gathering power of
the enemy. Most of the caualties occurred on
the picket line, but two men were killed by a
shell while sleeping in what was considered the
most secure part of the fort.
The first landing of the enemy was made on
the spit six or seven miles from the fort, from,
which point they moved up to a distance of
about thiee miles, where they built a wharf
and landed guns. After this they reproached
gradually until on Thursday, August 4lh. they
had established a strong line completely
across the island, with a battery on either
flank and another in the centre, a shot half
mile from the fort. From the time they were
within a mile uud a half of the fort skirmishing
had been kept up by our pickets.
The fleet as it ran in, Friday morning fired
a number cf shots at Fort Gaines.
The suggestion of a surrender first came from
the officers, and was opposed by Col. Anderson,
who regarded it as premature; but finally a
consultation oj the, officers was held, Saturday
night, in which the opinion was decided that
the fort would be unable to resist an attack,
and a statement was addressed to Col. A. recom
mending the opening of negotiations with the
fleet, which was signed by most of the offficers.
Several of them, however, appended their
opinion that this action was premature, among
whom, we learn, were Cupts. Sherman and Wil
liams and Surgeon Heard. Major Brown pro
tested openly against the surrender, ‘‘saying
that the best place he knew to to die was
right there.’ ’
ike leading motive urged by these who ad
vised the surrender was the expectation of ob
taining better terms from the licet thon the
land force; which, it was expected would make
the assault in (he morning, though it was af
terwards ascertained that they had no such in
tention. Before ceding the flag of truce, the
powder in the foil was destroyed, as well as
most of the stores. Col. Anderson had pre
viously caused all the outbilding3 to be burned
. except the hospital, and, as the enemy were
firing on that he was about to destroy it too;
hut they desisted, haJiuS probably fired on it
by mistake.
We have heard no explanation of Col. An
derson’s conduct in failing to answer Gen.
i Page’s signals.
Os the two men reported missing in the list
of casualties,' we learn that Millet had sixty
negroes left in his charge, the other engineer
—whose name we lorget—having succeeded in
escaping with ten to Little Dauphin Island and
directing him to get off with the others, ea
well as he could. Instead of doing this Millet
hoisted a white flag and not only transferred
his whole force to the Yankees, bot, as they
state, assisted them in putting up their battle.
Tho man is a Canadian jn** other missing
man, Johnson, hadTfefy'-r. aim. He was
separated from her and confined by the enemy
and treated very harshly, and a series of an
noyances instituted to induce him to take the
oath, which proved successful.
We understand that ail the inhabitants of
the Island are hand in glove with the Yan
i kees. Mobile Advertiser.
i Northern accounts report Early’s forces at
IMartinsburg, Va. and say quite a panic exists
along tho border.
PROCLAMATION BY GOV. liHOUGH JsO
so those who rncrosn so re-ist thi r.
Executive D;dartmeny of Oiu„, 1
Columbus. Aug. 23. j
loihe people of tic State of'Ohio:, .
Under the recent call of the President for
five bundled thousand men, a draft isordeled
to tak*’ place on thedih day o! ScDicmfier next,
for any deficit that- may tlri-a -xUf iu the q- . :
of troops as.rigned'to the Suite Ohio. This draf
is fixed by the .provisions of the act of Congress.
and must follow in fifty days after tbe dale »>f
the call of the President ‘Prese-d. indications
are that a portion of the quota of ibis State
will be deficient, and that in at least some dis
tricts a drait mart take place to cover such de
ficiencies. This need not and should not bare
been the case. The exertion has been made
to discourage and prevent enlistments, if other:
wise directed would have titled the quotas of
these localities, or left the deficiencies very
light. '
j,However unwilling to believe th ■ my con
siderable portion cf the people of i:ds'sSbi •
would army .themselves In a spirit eLfactious
if not treasonable opposition to the execution
of the laws of the land, there are indication* of
sujh a spirit in the State, which, as ifi i
gi.-tiate, i may. not -disregard -la a-pealim;
to the people to diseard'the counsels o: wicked
and unprincipled leader- that invito thorn to
factious ands .rcibie resistance to the draft, or
any other legal requirement of the Govern
meut, I am actuated solely by a desire to pre
serve, if practiced j, the peace of the State
the welfare of th.e erring portion of our peo
ple, and not from aoy apprehension of either
the determination or ability of the Govern
ment to maintain the supremacy of the laws.-
The man who supposes that eit her the National
or State Government is unadvised of or unpre
pared for tbe threatened emergency in follow
ing the delusion of his leader in consequences
of the most serious character. Let me advise
you who countenance this insurrection to look
carefully to the civil and military penalties
you are incurring. The act of .Congress ap
proved July 31, 1864: “To define and punish
certain conspiracies” is as follows :
“Be it enacted by the Seqate and House of
Representatives ot the 'United States of,-Ameri
ca, 1 u Congress assseblcd. That if two or more
persons within any State .or- Territory of the
United States shall conspire togetlmr to over
throw, or to put down, ondesf royT-iy force, the
Government of the United States, or to levy
war against the Unjtejd States; or to oppose by
force the authority bftfce Government of the
United States; or by force to prevent, hinder
or delay the execution of any law of the United
States; or'by force to seize, take, or possess any
property of the United States against tin} wifi
or contrary to the .authority of the United
States; or by force or intimidation or threat to
prevent any poison from accepting or holding
an}' office, or trust, or place of confidence un
der the United States, each end every person
so offending shall bo guilty of a high crime,
and, upon conviction thereof ift any district or
circuit court of the United States having juris
diction thereof, or district or supreme court of
any Territory of the United States having ju
risdiction thereof, shall bo punished by a fine
not less than five hundred dollars; and not
more than five thousand dollars; or by im
prisonment, with.or without hard labor, as
the court shall determine, for a period not less
than six months or great er than six years es
by both such fine and imprisonment 4 *
This is merely the punishment for conspira
cy: yet its penalties nr,! not light, and should not
be thoughtlessly incurred. This follows, too,
ft mere combination or agreement of a. on to do
an unlawful act, and is complete without a re
sort to arms. Resistance to the law by bodies
oi armed men constitutes an over act of (rea
son, the punishment of which is death. These
are thecival penaUieSj’lhe military results aru
to be found in the power of the Government
by armed forces, to deal with every species of
insurrection against tho enforcement of its
legal enactments.
it ft uuiicxSlftjary to argue the dutywi every
citizen to yield obedi, <: to the law., constitu
tionally enacted, as long as they r emain :u force.
If men may take up arms to resist laws, in
the policy or eff-et of which they do not con
cur, then alt government is at an end, mid wo.
arc resolved into anarchy. This state of things
is not to be tolerated. A government may n
well perish in a bold and vigorous effort lo
maintain its integrity, as to suffer an insurrec
tion to neutralizeits laws and'dofy • its power.
Most earnestly do I appeal to fur people of
the Stato not lo engage in ibis forcible resist
ance to the laws to which evil counsellors and
bad men are leading them. It cannot and
will not succeed. Its triumph, if it achieve
any, must he of a mere temporary character.
The Government is not weak; it is strong and
powerful. It cannot and it will net permit
any armed insurrection tq impeach its strength
or impair its power while contending with the
Southern rebellion. Ido not say this to you
in any spirit of intimidation or in any threat
ening tone. I speak it to you as a warning,
and with ai^ imploring voice to hear and hec i
it. I know what the determinate ii of your
Government is, and I fully comprehend the
power at hand to enforce it.
What can you who contemplate armed resis
tance, reasonably expect to rain by such a move
meat? You cannot cflfeetu :<ly or permanently
prevent the enforcement of iho laws You can
not in any wise improve your own condition in
■the present, and must seriously injure it in the
future. Judicious and conservative men who
look to the supremacy of the Government for
the protection and safety of their persons tuwl
property, will not sympathize or co operate
with you. You may commit crime ; you may
shed blood; you may destroy properly.; you
may spread desolation.and ruin over me lo
calities of State; you may give aid and. comfort
for a season to the rebels already iu arm- a.-ainsl i
the country; you may transfer for a brk f time
the horrors of war from the fields of the South
to those of the Stao of Ohio; you may paralyze
prosperity and create consternation and alarm
among our people. This is a bare possfbilty;
but it is all yon can hope to accomplish; (or you
have looked upon the progress of our presoat
strngglo to little purpose, if you have not
learned the great recuperative power and the
deep earnestness of tho country hi this contest
The final result will not be doubtful; the dis s
ter to you will be complete, and the penalty
will equal the enormity of the crime.
From the commencement of this rebellion
the State of Ohio lias maintained a firm and
inflexible position, which cannot now ho aban
doned.' In this internal danger that now tlrrea
.ens us, I call upon ail good citizens ta assert and
maintain the supremacy of the Constitution
and the laws of the land. 'JSiee cc,.u.dilute
the great elements of our strength as a uatan
and they are the bulwarks of our .people
Hold in subjection by persuasion aid peaceable
means, if you can, all attempts at civil insur
rection or armed resistance to the law.;. _ Id
ing in this, there is ano'hcr duty, as c: ‘7. ns,
from which wc may not shrink, and to which I
earnestly hope we may not be enforced. To
those who threaten us with this evil, I say wi
de not use any threats in return ; there is no
desire .to provoke passion or create further
irritation. Such men are earnestly and solemn
ly invoked to abandon their evil purpose, hut
.at the same time they iwe warned that ' n-s in
vocation is not prompted by any apprehension
of the weakness of the Government or the
success of the attempts to dt.-Toy id J would
avert by all proper means, the occurrence of
civil war in the State; but, if it, must come,
the consequence must be. upon these who pra
cipitate it upon. us.
John Brough.
Expelled nr Sherman.— We learn that pri
or to the evacuation of Atlanta, riim-auut teni
flag of truceto General Hoed with'five officers- -
a Colonel, Lieutenant colonel, Major and two
Captains and a communication which stated
that .he officers having been heard to utter po
litical opinions inimical to Lincoln and his
party and which were deemed (rcftsonable,
tr.ey had been expelled from the FeUiral lines
by his order and sent over to ;/ neral Hood,
for such disposition as he tho- Hit lit. On;
informant states that the five “Coppohe .'.
officers have been sent on to Richmond.—M<z
con Telegraph.
Tumbling.— Prices of marketing have taken
a considerable tumble ere in the last few.
days, though the matkeb; are not so wed sup
plied as they were a few wedcs since. This de
cline is to be attributed not to any comp'-. : ion
on the pait cf the country people for the deni
zens of the city, but simply to tho fact that
these latter cmnot raise the money wherewith
to pay the exorbitant prices heretofore demand
ed of them. —LjwjJj'J.rg Itepuklmn,
iTIK INDIANA CONsPIBA! Y.
Governor Morton made an address in In
dianapolis, August 22d, in which he discussed
at length the recent development regarding
the alleged conspiracy and the finding in In
diana of anut . ammunition.. ,xc. He said :'
For eighteen months past the peoplo of In
diana have been told repeatedly that immense
qu:. t A- df arms and ammunition have been
coiiihv. ialo rl.o State for the avowed purpose
of nMkih-.g the -Rale and Federal authorities.
This has been well known to me during that
i lu>, and likewise to the authorities of the
I I'ited rRa!.-; but because until now the peo -
p.\ b.-.v-a not happened to see with their own
eyes the visible evidence of the truth of these
•things, it lms not heretofore made a very deep
iiftpiession upon their minds. There has been
all ibe while one .party to. deny the truth of
the. • rtio.' tt t tltte wholesale importation
of ai m3 Va :. : i • ii. and pronounce it ail an
Abolition ml--' >od. a time Government lie.
But !.e\v ‘ho p.< iple have seen for themselves,
utul -id v.n-.iUi tint they b -gin to realize their
Lei ' telljou, not withstanding, that you
lave eot seen : 11. The arms and ammuni
li id 1 \ ; . .>d in ties city oir Saturday
are but adrop.in the bucket compared to the
immense quantity that has been imported into
the State >n a simutar manner during the lest
twelve or eighteen months. The seizure
amounts to this : Some four or five hundred
revel veis,, and one hundred and thirty thous
and rounds of ammunition; that is to say, oua
hundred aud'tliirtj five rounds for a regiment
of one thousand men. Evidently this largo
Amount of ammunition was not intended simp
ly for the use of the four or five hundred re
volver;;, The revolvers seized are but a part
of thirty thousand yet to come, and the laqge
amount of ammunition captured is but a pur
'tion of a lot of forty-two bpxes al
together about two ten thousand
rounds.
Then, after a protracted discussion of tho
terrible condition of affairs, he said_ further :
Efim:: publications have been made to-day
dr a'portion of the correspondence of these
men—ilieir secret political correspondence.
Look at some of these letters for a moment.
Asim example, take one written by tbe pres
ent Auditor of State, and a candidate before
the people for re election to that high and im
portant position. This letter was written three
years ago, not long after the beginning of the
w r, and bci ore the inauguration of Mr. Liu
eolu’s antislavery war policy, which these men
now assert to be the great source of discom
fort and dissatisfaction ta them; and what
docs-Re say to bis friend, Mr. Voorhees? “Our
salvation is in the success of the Southern arms.
If they arc crushed down, then, woe betide usl*
What think you, my fellow-citizens, of that,
coming from the Auditor of your own State ?
Ilow do you tike his assertion that his sal
vation and that of his political friends depend
upon the success of the rebel arms? If these
were hja sentiments three years ago, and if ho
entertains the same sentiments now, as is suf
ficiently evident from the fact that he is one
of the prominent members of the Order of the
sous of Liberty, would it not he reasonable ta
infer that from that lime to the present he has
been assiduously using all his efforts -to avert
the terrible calamity of having the rebel armo
crushed? And let me cay to you that the sen
timents of Mr. Bin tine are the sentiments of
(he men with whom he has associated himself
in a political capacity.
My fellow citizens, it is time for us to cor
sidr-i where we are Etanding, and it is time for
us to act. Ido not moan unauthorized or in
temperate acts, but such action as rlijdl legit
im ttel^ secure us against tho terrible fate with
which Team threatened. How shall lliis be
dene? It cannot be done by standing idly by
and attending to our hu ; i:>c-ss. If we do So,
we shall have civil war right here in Indiana;
and Vlten it comes all your wealth and pros
perity wiil vmiiali in a day. If you would se-
I one yOur buuii;. yo.crr wjeaii.ii, your business,
your prorpi-r.:;/ re .ra 1* <: torch and the
you must “dike time by the lorjjiook.
The question h.-s been i+iaetUt me tbia. eve
ning, what mcney it is that has been expended
in the. purchase of thoe-i arras and
cf war, and where it came from? In answer to
that question I must say I do’ not know ; but
f will tell what I do know. Some men
ih Indiana who are not able to provide a cow
for their families, have been sporting revolvers
since these operations began. is a large
class ofF-ucb persons. . Where the money came
from that bought the weapon which they cany
i. do not know; I only know that large
sums of money have been and stili are
being provided somewhere by somebody, to
send arms and 'ammunition into the state of
Indianh. We-can at beat only imagine where
the sources of this fund are. ' -
I believe,, however, and am - os confident of
the fact as I am of any other fact of which
have not positive and indubitable evidence,
that-this money with which these operations
are and nave been carried on in Indiana has
been supplied by the rebellion, either directly
from tho Confedcrato authorities or by their
authorized-agents iu New York. For myself,
1 enter fain no doubt upon that subject. It is
utterly impossible that the large amount of
money required for tho pHrcha3o ol' these largo
quantities of aims and ammunition could hatto
been raised iu the ordiuaty way of contribu
tions I happened to know something of the
difficulty in the why of raising twenty, fifty, or
a hundred thousand dollars in that way. In
the city of New York there are hundreds and
thousands of men who have been compelled to
leave the rem 4 States, and who have both the
means and the dhnositon to aid the rebellion
ip tid.i way. In addition to these, there are al
so there a large number pf resident capitalists
who have smypatt.ized with the rebellion from
tho vt rvjfimt. Tbehjtradc was in the South at thu
breaking on' of the war ;«their financial inter
ests have been in tire South from the very first,
and they have doubtless contributed liberally
towards paying the expenses of organizing and
eqrpr.ing the trcajbnable organization in tlm
North.
it is all onp.thing to Jeff. Davis whether vje
shall by means of a defeat at tho coming elec
tions, or by the overthrow of the Union armies
iu the field. If we shall elect a candidate for
the Presidency who is in favor of peace upon
the terms of .Jeff. Davis, who is in favor of
withdrawing our armies from the field, and
recognizing the indep.,ndi nee or tho Southern
Confederacy, they will gain their object just
as effectually as though they hud annihilated
ti e 'last of the Union-armies in the field. These
men understand it. They know that their
and safest, and surest, and, indeed,
their only way to accomplish their intemaVpur
po.v-s and secure tbo permanent disruption of
t>„. Union, and their own independence, is to
divide our people, and to get the lederal
g„ver :met'4 into the Lands of men who will
at once concede to them the victory.
Governor Brown —On Wednesday we had
the p ea-ore of an introduction to thfe distin
guished official and statesman. .
A though we have.never been the champion,
of Governor Brown, and. in fact, have dono
nothing more thtu pay the just tribute that
was ttee his conduct as an official and policy aa
a statesman, yet, wc are firmlv of the opinion
lh . t Revolution has furnished few men ot
more decided ability and merit than ho. Amtd
i"h« clamor and uproar that have pervaded the
public mind and. official circles of the country,
during this mighty contest, he is one of the
few men who has un; ieiduigly adhered to ou
„jliai principles, and who, . Hofcvithatandiug
the powerful opposition that has been arrayed
•erainn him,' has cote. ."led successfully with
so migh’v antagonist, and by the potency of
reasoning has left a record for reference in
fu tt;re conflicts that must be fought for the
~*l" ,p rinciple of States Rights.
his opposition to the Administra
. some instances, been considered
tion , ’ ! even hurtful to the commor
unfortunate mm .. tu fe doubtteß9 beß t so.
ail that some lequk •* should ever wart
the peer e to k-. />: «yf "P™ the con
.•diluted auikoiii of Ik- eve!
> pure, noble t- in Pwcl^
pctslt-iiity ot c: roachmeute, usurps..' ja or de
parturc from first principles.
It was remarked by Mr. Jefferson, that “eter
nal vigilance was tho price of liberty,” and if
l no ie.-.-i the c-i-e in tic se days of revolution
ary carnage, war and bleed-bed, than iu th(
mild seasons of tho spring lime of peace. II
Governor Brown has at times crossed swords
with the Confederate authoitiea/it has beer
from -honest convictions of a duty he owed
himself, iiis fallow citizens and posterity.—Afo
c on Qjnftder'jUn. - ,