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N. S. MORSE & CO. d|nmifle & JSfittmdL AUGUSTA, GA. WWMM4Y MOKM.Vf; ACfIPCT :u \\> \lwi*y» n op the Chronicle A Hestinrl at ihe end of the v ar, or Uptime for which it is paid, of which the l to continue it. t would be w •:! to r-i - w your subscription at east two we.'ks Lefoic the tin. xpirta. \\e Cannot Vo.'ingethe ad:r-r,s of a subscriber unless he Uu former as well as hi* present address. Weekly Rate*.-— The price of the Weekly fh-TTUMCi.E & - e.Vi.'xkl is four dollars tor three months, eight dollars for six months. Iln2e: llagM!! flags!! '.—The paper maker? wan* nr rarf f cotton inen, flax, old rope, etc. Is every village there ought to be a rag merchant, ’who Aould buy every pound of rags he c: ' get fr-ii.o a’l t 1 •: »urro’;r.ding country. We wo*dd 11k..; te ho.tr from any who will uuderiake to buy rag a to malm paper for the t'uaoKicr.K <k Sentinel. On receipt vre will slate price, etc,, etc. TIIK PtTCHB. We profoundly believe that the war is draw ing towards its close. The conviction that the South is unconquerable is fast spreading throughout the entire North. The contrast between Uk moderate demand made more than three years since for seventy-five thousand men, and the enormous call for hundreds of thousands of troops now after the wasteful expenditure of lifo already witnessed, is too glaring to be overlooked or disregarded. There has been nothing to rival it since the days of Xerxet. The myrmidons of the Per sian ruler perished without achieving the con quest of Greece. As the monarch sat on the summit that overlooked the sea and the laud, it is said that he wept at the thought that within a few years not one pf the countless host mustered before him would he living. Mr. Lincoln is troubled with no such sensibili ty, if he were he Anight descend from the emi nent position which he holds and clothe him self in sackcloth and ashes. His election brought about a greater distraction of human life than any event of modern times. Yet ho drives over a battlefield, covered with the dead and the dying, and calls for a comic song. He transcends Nero—and the name of that ■wretch will pale before that of this heart less buffoon, borne into power by the people in their madness. All this the people of the United States be gin now to comprehend. If the past couhl be recalled, if the closing months of the year eighteen [hundred and sixty could by some lmppy appeal to Fate be reproduced, wish the lights of the present experience thrown upon them, Low swiftly would they rush to the ballot boxes to defeat the Black Republican leader. Alas ! the current of time never rolls back ward. Like Esau tho people of the North sold their birthright for a mess of pottage. They trainpted over the South, and bore into the Presidential chair the impersonation of their fanaticism. They can find no place for repentance now though they seek it carefully with tears. But though the past cannot be recalled, lire future opens a field for high endeavor. Some what may be done towards atoning for the errors of by gone da)s. It is now a de monstration too clear to tolerate any discus sion (hat the Southern States cannot be brought -under the rule of the Administration at Wash ington, by tho sword. Thst was the fatal er ror of the Administration. The attempt was as wild as it was unstatesmanlike. Revolu tionary blood yet coursed through our veins Revolutionary traditions were too fresh.—. The attempt to hold States within the circle of the Union by menace, drove even those that yet lingered, out of the charmed sphere. When the first proclamation of Lincoln appeared, Con federate Commissioners were sent to the two border States most closely allied to us. Alex ander H. Stephens was sent to Virginia, and Hon. Henry W. Hilliard to Tennessee, clothed with full powers to negotiate with those impor tant States. Success attended both missions The commissioners negotiated treaties with those States which brought them into alliance with the young Confederacy ; and the people of those States subsequently ratified the action of their representatives. From that day to this, every step taken by the Nortli has been in the ‘wrong direction.— The breach between the North and the South has become wide. The lingering attachment which many of our people felt for the old po litical fabric, has been overcome by the rude shock of war. For the first time the people of the United States begin to see this plainly ; they begin to estimate the terrible results op the fratricidal struggle which Ims raged for nearly four years. They arc sick of war. They demand peace. Tiiey will hurl Lincoln from the eminence to which they raised him. Then will conn; tho great question—The Settlement! How is it to be accomplished ? If the armies of the United States wore withdrawn from our territory to-morrow, let us see what our condi tion would be. Virginia and Tennessee, form ing a part of the Confederacy, would of course be freed from the presence of troops. But Maryland, Kentucky and Missouri, have never yet, l>y a formal act of the people, sece ded from the United States. Where then would be our boundaries? Kentucky and Missouri are represented iu the Confederate Congress, and also in the Congress of the United States.— llow then shall the political relations of those States be determined ? If commissioners were appointed by the two Governhients respectively the Confederate find United States—they would find themselves embarrassed in the settlement of that question. The States do not belong to either Government. They are sovereign common wealths holding re lations to the one Government or the other. It would not be in the power of the commission ers representing the United States to stipulate that any State embraced within the limits of that Government, should be transferred to the Confederacy. Sovereigns treating with each other may dispose of territory. European his tory is full of instances of this kind. Entire States have been lost or acquired by treaty.— Boundaries have been established which deter mined the political relations of peoples, with out the slightest reference to their wishes. No such settlement can be. made of our affairs. If we were Tecognizodby every European pow er, and also by the United States, that recog nition would reach only those States that at present compose the Confederacy. There is an Intrinsic difficulty in the settlement. In all the political troubles of the world, it is wise to dispose of them upon some principle. An ar bitrary settlement of political ass aire is rarely m satisfactory one. The processes of nature are regular and leave beneficent results. In the settlement of all moral questions we should observe the laws which apply to them, and do ns little violence to them as possible. The solution of our troubles by the application cf a principle, would promise tranquility. The principle that is essential to the settlement of the great questions affecting the relations ot the States to each other, is obvious. The peo ple of each State must determine the status of j that State, and its relations to everv other State. The assumption of the right to control svery State, on the part of the central Govem- AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING. SEPTEMBER 14, 1864. ment, is a monstrous assumption. It must never be conceded. The right to enforce the authority of the State, over any number of the people who Jrevolt against its authority, is of course recognized. This is essential to sub ordination ; to the administration of govern ment. But the right claimed by the Govern ment of the United States to coerce the States composing the Union, is a flagrant violation of | every principle dear to a free people. A poii i tical community is not to be coerced, not to be threatened It stands in its intrinsic indepen dence, and asserts its inherent right to estab lish its own political relations with other States. To yield to arms or to menaces, is at once to forfeit its independence, and to sur render its liberty. When the two contending parties engaged in the momentous struggle now going on slial agree to settle the groat dispute, it must be done by a recognition of the principle which we have here stated. That is its natural anil and proper solution. All other questions will find a wise ar,d pacific settlement by the same process. Lot the people of each State decide their political relations. We have inaugura. ted this great’principle. Let us insist upon it- Then will homogeneous States compose the respective Governments ; and the great future which expands before us wiil witness upon this continent, powerful Republics, based broadly upon the affections of the people, the only solid basis of a Free State. THE CHICAGO PL XTFOHVI. This platform was manifestly the result of compromise. It was constructed to afford standing room for parties of diverse opinions and prejudices, to rally and unite upon it the various and conflicting elements of opposition to Lincoln’s re election. Viewed in this light, it was drawn with consummate tact. It is as skillful in its omissions as in its avowals, in what it fails to allude to, as in what it dis tinctly afiiaus. It says just enough to at tract and satisfy all who desire the defeat of '•Lincoln. There is a plank for each branch of the opposition to stand upon. The ultra peace men of the Vuilandigham and Alexander Long school, opposed to the war from principle, opposed to coercion as un constitutional, are gratified by the declaration that the experiment to restore the Union by war hai proved a failure, and the recommenda tion that immediate efforts be made for a cessa tion of hostilities. The war Democrats, the original supporters of McClellan, hostile to Lincoln’s war policy, to abolition and confiscation, and yet so in tensely devoted to the Union that they have been in favor ot prosecuting tho war even more vigorously for its restoration, led by Horatio Seymour of New York and otheis, are appeased by the suggestion that the cessation of hostilities shall be with a view to an ulti mate convention of all the States, so that peace may bo restored on tho basis of the Federal Union of the State*. The framers of tho platform, however, have very adroitly male the cessation of hostilities, the first point to bo gained, as the means of bringing about the desired convention and restoration. Tho war is to he stopped, and then this efiort is to be made to restore the Upion. It is assumed that war i3 an obstacle in the way of the res toration of the Union, that there is no hope for it wliilo the war lasts ; and, therefore, it must first be stopped to open the way for re construction. Thus each wingof the Demo cratic party has its wish gratified—the one for the re construction of the Union; the other for the cessation of the war. The supporters of Fremont arc, also, concili ated by this most accomodating of platforms, in its studied silence on the subjects of slavery, abolition and confiscation, tho prominent points in tho Fremont platform. It is remark able that these subjects are nowhere alluded to, arc totally ignored as il they claimed no share of the public attention. It is the obvious intent of the platform to avoid giving any offence to the anti-Lincoln wing of the Re publican party, to shun any conflict with their peculiar and rabid notions and prejudices. Tho supporters of McClellan are left free to entertain any opiuions they choose in reference to these irritating subjects. The most radical abolitionist may vote for him on this non-com mittal platform, without self stultification; may vote for peace without repudiating a single one ol his fanatical ideas. The common grounds of opposition to Lift coin found in the Fremont platform, are care fully set forth in this. As the former denoun ces the usurpation by Lincoln of extraordinary powers not grant'd by the constitution—the subversion of the civii authority by military arrests—tho suppression ot tho freedom of speech and of the press; the avowed disre gard of Stale rights ; and other flagrant viola tions of the constitution—so does the Chicago platform. So that tho Fremonter finds many of his own planks to stand upon, with none that bo can find fault with, if ho he in favor of peace. Upon the whole, this is the most ingenious specimen of platform building tha% we have yet seen: Its plan must* have been inspired by the very genius of compromise. It exhibits a delicate tact which challenges our admira tion. At first glance, tbo Southern reader will ex perience a feeling of disappointment in peru sing this platform. It is not just what he ex pec ted. It is no? as strong and outspoken in its declaration for peace as lie hoped it would be. It lias too much to say about the Union and its restoration. Yet, when we analyze it closely, we tied that it commits the party which has adopted it to unconditional peace, to an immediate termination of the war, looking and trusting to the future for a restoration of the Union. This is all that the South wants— that the war upon her be stopped, and that she be left free to decide her owu destiny. After that. Northern men may make what efforts they please to reconstruct the Union. They can neither disturb our equanimity nor resolu tion. If we go back into the Union, it will be with our own consent, which is not likely to be ever given. McClellan is not the peace candidate whom the South would have desired. Though under stood to hare always been opposed. to Lincoln's war policy, he has been equally in favor efxto ereing back the South into the Union by mili tary force. Yet. if in the event of his election he should abide in geod faith by the platform of kis party, we will have peace. The only sura guaranty, however, that we can have of this will be the continued success of our arms. More than ever is it necessary for the South to put forth her utmost resources andjecergies in her own defense. We will most certainly ren der the serpent harmless t v drawing its fangs. McClellan was doubtless accepted by" the peace men in consideration of his •influence outside of their own ranks. He was not their favorite nor their choice. But for the sake of the strength which he was expected to bring to them, they were induced to sgiee to bis uomi- ; nation, objectionable as were his antecedents, and equivocal as was his position. He is popu lar both with the army and the people, on the strength, not of what he has ever done, but of : what he might have done, had he not been ar ! rested in his career by the jealonsy of Lincoln. | That mercurial and excitable people, seized | with a wild passion for military glory, recognize i in McClellan their favorite and much abused i hero, nv-ho might have won for them the bril i liant and coveted prize of military success.— ; That his glory is merely suppositious only heightens the enthusiasm of his admirers, which crowns him with the imaginary laurels of un sought battle fields, and soothes the mortifica tion of defeat. We shall not be surprised if tbe name of Mc- Clellan shall arouse a storm of popular enthu siasm ai tire Nortii that will sweep everything before it. But we would warn the South to beware of the triumph of such a man—to bo prepared to meet in him an enemy more dan gerous than Lincoln. mnaruN UF exchange. do the Relatives and Friends of Confederate Sold iers Confined in Northern I'ris&ns : On the 22d of July, 18C2, the Cartel of Ex change was agreed upon. The chief, if not on !y purpose of that instrument was to secure the release of ail prisoners of war. To that cud the fourth article provides that all prison eis of war should btJ discharged on parole in ten days after their capture, and that the prisoners' then held and those thereafter taken should be transported to the points mutually agreed upon, at the expense of the capturing party, 'the sixth article also stipulates that “all prisoners, of whatever arm of service, are to bo exchanged or paroled in ten days from the time of their capture, if it be practicable to transfer them to their own lines in that time ; if not, as soon thereafter as practicable.” From the date of the cartel until July, 1863. the Confederate authorities held the excess of prisoners. During that interval deliveries were made as first as the Federal Governmen furnished transportation. Indeed, upon mo than one occasion I urged the Federal an the ities to send increased means of truneportatioi As ready as the enemy always has been ** bring false accusations against us, it has n er been alleged that we tailed or neglecte make prompt deliveries of prisoners who ± not under charges, when we held the es On the other hand, during the same tin cartel was openly and notoriously violate the Federal authorities. Officers and * were kept in cruel confinement, sometiui' irons or doomed cells, without charges orf_ In July, 1863, the enemy, for the first V. since the adoption of the cartel, held the-' cess of prisoners. As soon as that fact wa certained, whenever a delivery was mad' tbe Federal authorities, they demaude. equal number in return. I endeavored- .. quently to obtain from the Federal Agent or Exchange a distinct avowal of the intentions of his Government as to the delivery of prison ers, but iu vain. At length, on the 20th of October, 1863, I addressed to Brigadier Gen ■ eral Meredith-the following letter, to wit: Richmond, Va , October 20!b, 1863. Brigadier-General S. A. Meredith, Agent of Exchange : Sir : More than a month ago I asked your acquiescence in a proposition that all officers and soldiers on both sides should be released in conformity with the provisions of the cartel. In order to obviate the difficulties between us, I suggested that all officers and men on both sides should be released, unless they were ru'yect to charges; in which event the oppo site Government should have the right .of holding one or more hostages if the retention was not justified. You stated to me, in con versation. that this proposition was very fail 1 , and that you would ask the consent of your Government. As usuvl, you have as yet made no response I tell you frankly I do not expect any. Per haps you may disappoint me, and tell me you reject or accept the proposition. I write this letter for the purpose of bringing to your re collection my proposition, and dissipating the idea that seems t<> have bewt purposely en couraged by your public papers, that the Con federate Government has refused or objected to a system of exchanges. In order to avoid any mistake in that direc tion, I now propose that all .officers and men on both sides be released in conformity with the provisions of the cartel, the excess on one side or the other to be on parole. Will you ac cept this? I have no expectation of an an swer ; but, perhaps you may give one. If it does come I hope it will be soon. Respectfully your obedient servant, Roman Ould, Agent of Exchapge. On the 29th of .October, 18G3,1 received from General Meredith a communication in forming me that my proposal ot the 20th was ‘ not accepted.” I was insultingly told that if tho excess of prisoners was delivered they would be wrongfully declared exchanged by me and put in the field. To show how ground less this imputation was, it is only necessary for me to state that since then 1 hare ly offered to give ten Federal captives for every Confederate soldier whom the enemy will show to have been wrongfully declared exchanged. From tho last named date until the present time there have been, but few deliveiies of prisoners,- the enemy in each case demanding a like number in return. It will be observed that the Confederate au thorities claimed that the provisions of tho car tel should he fulfilled. They only asked the eaemy-to do what, without any hesitation, they had done during the first year of the op eration ol the cartel. Seeing a persistent pur pose on the part of the Federal Government to violate its own agreement, the Confederate authorities moved by the suffering of the brav.e men who are so unjustly held in Northern prisons, determined to abate their fair demahds, and accordingly, on the 10th of August, 1801, I addressed- the following communication to Major John F. Hulford, Assistant Agent of Exchange, iu charge of the fiag-of truce boat, which on the same day I delivered to him at Yariua, on James River: » Waii Department, ) . Richmond, Va., Aug". 10th, 1864. \ Major John E. Mulford, Assistant Agent of Exchange: Sir : You have severai times proposed to mo to exchange the prisoners respectively held by the two' belligerents, officer for officer and man for man. The same offer has also been made by other officials having charge ol matters con nected with the exchange of prisoners. This proposal has heretofore been declined by the Confederate authorities, they, insisting upon the terms of the cartel, which required the delive ry of the cxc»ss on either side upon parole. Iu view, however, of the very large number of prisoners now held by each party, and the suffering consequent upon their continued con finement, I now consent to the aboye proposal, and agree to deliver to you the prisoners held in captivity by the Corffederate authorities, provided you agree to deliver an equal num ber of Confederate officers and men. As equal numbers are delivered from time to time, they will be declared exchanged. This proposal is made with the ufiderstand ing that the officers and men who have been longest in captivity will be first delivered, where it is practicable. I shall be happy to hear trom you as speedily as possible whether this arrangement can be carried out. Respectfully your obedient servant, Robert Oitd, Agent of Exchange. I accompanied the delivery of the letter with a statement of the -mortality which was hurrying so many Federal prisoners at Ander sonville to the grave. On the 20th of the same month Major Mul ford returned with the flag of truce steamer, but brought no answer to my letter of the lOtii of August. In conversation with kith-1 asked him it he had any reply to make to any com munication, and his answer was. that he was not authorized to make any. So deep was the solicitude which I felt in the fate of the cap tives in Northern prisons, that I determined to make another effort. In order to obviate any objection which technically might raise as to the person to whom my communication was addressed. I wrote to Major-General E. A. Hitchcock, who is the Federal Commissioner of Exchange, re siding iu Washington city, the following letter, and delivered the same to Major Mulford on life day pf its date. Accompanying that letter was a copy of the communication which I had addressed to Major Mulford on the 10th of Au gust: Richmond, 1 a., August 22d, 1804. Major-General E. A. Hitchcock, United States Commissioner of Exchange : Sir: Enclosed is a cfcpv of a communication which, on the 10th -instant, I addressed and delivered to Major John E. Mulford, Assistant Agent of Exchange. Under the circumstances of the case I deem it proper to forward this paper to you, in order that you may fully un . derstand the position which is taken by the Confederate authorities. I shall be glad if the proposition therein made i3 accepted by your Government. Respectfully your obedient servant. Robert Oild, Agent of Exchange. On the afternoon of the 30th cl August i was notified that the fiag-of truce steamer had again appeared at Yarina. On the following day I sent to Major Mulford the following note to-wit : Richmond, August 31, 1864. Major John E. Mulford, Assistant Agent of Ex change : Sir : On the 10th of this month I addressed you a communication, to which I have received no answer. On the 23d instant I abo address ed a communication tv Major-General E. A. Hitchcock, United States Commissioner of Ex change, enclosing a copy of my letter to you of the 10th instant, 1 row respectfully ask you to state in her you have any reply to eith au- .cations ; and, if not, whet reason to give why no rer Resp* - ' In a si- *.^wfug ponce H . -t Ft/ ‘New York,” 1 , "it 1864. j Hon. R. (j w Sir: I ... - .edge* re - ceipt of y -efy b f to day requesting an answer .hmiauuication of the iOth instil' exchange of prisoners. T & would say 1 have no co 'ject from our author -4‘ jed to make answer. vctfully, '-''•Srvant, Muiford, \r Exchange. ■> the action of »n to a tnat •nd t e forte •; “s -g s 1 their made Os The distracted couu-t, and the calamities which have be;a.id *ro evi dence that our individual and national trans gressions have provoked the displeasure of Al mighty God who rules the destinies of nations and states as well as .of men. lie' is using for our chastisement our wicked but powerful ene my who has overrun a large portion of the ter ritory of our own State, as well as of the Con federacy, and has laid waste or greatly dam aged our cities, towns, villages and fields God’s word, however, is full of promise that if we will turn from the error of our ways and humble ourselves before him, and implore His pardon for our sins as a people, and in our ag gregate capacity as a State, as well as in our private character as individuals, will acknowl edge Him as. Lord of Lords and King of lying*, he will hear us in Heaven, hiViotty dwelling place, and answer us iu peace. In the hope, therefore, iu this time of great public calamity, if our whole people will unite in the name and through the merits of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, in imploring pardon and divine aid in enr great struggle, that God will hear us, will give victory to our arms, and by confounding the counsels of our enemies, and causing terror and dismay in their ranks, will enable us to triumph over them, and to drive them from the soil of our beloved State, I issue this, my Proclamation, setting apart THURSDAY, the 15th day of this pres ent mouth, as a day of fasting, humiliation and prayer. And I request that all secular em ployment be suspended on that clay, and that all business houses and publie offices be closed, and that the entire people of this State, both male and female, do assemble at their respec tive places of public worship, and with all their hearts and all their souls, that they in voke the favor and aid of Almighty God. And I especially request tho reverend clergy of all sects and denominations, to attend and lead in religious exercises appropriate to the occasion. I also most respectfully request that . General J. B llood, and the army under his command, and all other Confederate and State officers and soldiers upon the soil of Georgia, unite with the people of this State in the ap propriate .observance of the day, for the pur poses above mentioned. Whilst our enemies rely for success upon their -superior * umbers and their great resources, if we will place our trust in the God of Israel, and do our whole duty towards him and to each other, the day of our deliverance will be near at hand. # Given under my hand and the Great Seal of the State, at the Capitol in Millcdgeville, this oth day of September, 18G4. .Joseph E. Broi.vn. Fort Morgan.— The Mobile Register is in debted to the Rev. Mr. Carter, Chaplain af the Fort, for the annexed particulars of the bom bardment and surrender: t Immediately after the surrender of Fort Gaines, one of the double turreted monitors took position about one mile from Fort Mor gan, and commenced firing. This firing'was kept up by the other ironclads, with shoi t intervals, during the entire siege. We retui et! tlieir fire whenever they came iu effective range of the guns. On toe same day forces were landed at Navy Cove, and the approaches commenced from the land side. While we were constructing a traverse in front of the casemate in which the wounded and sick were, (a work which cost us labor night and day of the entire garrison, officers and man, for three days or more.) the enemy were unmolested, for if we had fired on the land forces, we 'would have drawn a more rapid fire from the fleet and our work would have been prevented, and the hospital would have been completely at the mercy of the enemy. The enemy had, in the nature of the land, natural approaches up to within a short distance of the fort. So completely covered were they by the sand hills that we cohid detect very little of what was going on. There were batteries lo cated across the entire peninsula at intervals, with sixteen mortar batteries. The hottest fire was during the last twenty-four hours.— All the fleet was engaged and all the guns by land. The citadel was set on fire three times; it was put cut twice under fire, but the third time it spread too rapidiy. Iu tho burning of the citadel we lost the principal protection to the casemates, and the garrison would have been at the mercy of the enemy. During the terrific Sre which the enemy delivered while the citadel was burning. 80,000 pounbs of powder was destroyed and all the guns on the fort spiked. Gen. Page had intended to blow up the fort and then try to make his way through the enemy, but being encumbered by the sick and wounded, he had to do what ha could, and let the enemy destroy it as mued as possible. It was left a mass of ruins; ane it was the remark of the enemy’s officers who were present, that it would cost less to build', anew fort than to repair Fort Morgan. The gallantry of Gen. Page is highly com mended. Indeed, the facta attest that he fought his fort as long as it was tenable, and only gave it up when further defence was t sa les s.— lima -EBP— A family in Chicago lost a daughter of sev enteen years of age, about two months ago. I They could obtain no clue to her whereat icuts. j The other night a hearse was driven i<o the ! door, a coffin was taken out and plneeri in the hall, with the simple rematk, “There is your daughter.” Accompanying the remains was the keeper of a house of ill-fame. X VOL. LXXVIII.-—NEW SEMES VOL. XX v 111. NO. 37. TIIK EVACUATION OF ATLANTA. [sPECIALCOEREsrONNEXCE CHRONICLE & SENTINEL.] The Evacuation of Atlanki—Necessity of the Move ment—Disposition of Government Propctly — Reported Desertions and Straggling—Supposed position of the Army. Near Decatur, Friday Morning, 1 Sept. 2, 186-4. ;) The occurrences of Wednesday last have ended in what I intimated in my Ist might be the fortunes of the day—the evacuation of the Gate City, and the removal of the forces left in its trenches to a point where they could be united with those who have been acting inde pendently under Gen. Hardee, for the last few days. Early on the morning of the Ist it was offi cially ascertained that the disaster ou Wednes day evening was ful'y as serious as first report ed and that the forces of tbe enemy on tbe Macon road consisted of five full corps of infantry, with a large force of cavalry. It was also known that a large force was south of the Ciiattahooche, in the .vicinity of the railroad bridge. Roth of these were threatening the city, and as it would have been folly to attempt so resist both, an evacuation was promptly tie-'* termined upon, while the forces of Gen. Har dee and Lee should make an attempt to reach a point where they would be joined by those that might be withdrawn from the city. The removal of all the supplies andammuni tion that the transportation facilities of the ar my would.perrait, commenced early Thursday, and wasjeontinued throughout the day. Large uantities of provisions were also distributed the people, and at nightfall all on hand stored in' the Georgia railroad warehouse, and cars ou the track. Throughout the day, also, the sev eral bodies of troops, as they were withdrawn from the defences and filed through the city, were permitted access to the public stores.— The rolling stock of the railroads, consisting of about one hundred cars, and six engines, was concentrated near file rolling mill before dark, and by that hour all- tbe troops bad passed through, with the exception of the rear guard, left to prevent straggling. And here I would mention a fact creditable to the State troops. Their withdrawal was accomplished in good Older and without confusion or straggling. The regulars acted differently. The order was for the troops to mass in the vicinity of McDonough, and the wagon trains and all moved out iu that direction. Previous to my leaving the tele graph office was also closed, and at dark the evacuation was completed, with the exception of the detailed guard before mentioned Os course great excitement prevailed through out the day, but a moderate degree of good order obtained. A few licentious citizens and soldfers embraced the occasion to display the wickedness of their natures, bqt the great mass of both classes acted with tbe greatest decorum. The citizens who bad suffered from tbe malice of the enemy during the bombard ment, looked on sorrowing’y, and indulged in conjectures as to what would be their fate when once'in the enemy’s power; while the tioops tiled through the streets, with a steady tread ►it is true, bpt nevertheless with sorrow depic ted on their weather beaten countenances. As to tbe scenes that followed through the night I can only report second-handed. The order was to bum only government property left behind, but this would necessarily involve the destruction of the Georgia depot, the rolling stock in the. city, and the rolling mill. A gentleman who left the city early this morn ing informs me the depot was fired about eleven o’clock, and the car3, &c., an hour or two later. The explosion consequent upon the firing of the ordnance train took place about two o’clock this morning, and was heard and felt to a great distance. There are various re pot ts as to the burning of other property, but from the best information I can gather, no instance of great-outlawry occurred. Whether the Yankees yet occupy Atlanta I cannot say, but presume the telegraph will in iorm you ere this reaches you. I only know that there was nothing to prevent tlicir mak ing an entry, as the evacuation was complete. Many-citizens came out, but thousands re-. • raained—somebeeause they could.not get away, but many from choice. At daybeak this morn ing the enemy had not made their appearance in the city, but there was nothing to prevent their doing*it at any moment. I hear many reports of desertions by whole sale, and of dissatisfaction and straggling. Some of this is inevitable, but it is lo be hoped it has not prevailed to the extent reported. It must be admitted that the discipline of the army has not been so favorable during the last thirty days as previously; why it has been so is palpable. The police regulations of the camp have been much less stringently enforced, and it is to be feared that the undue license allowed has resulted deplorably in this emergency. When you next hear from me I hope it will be from the vicinity of “the front,” for which point I shall endeavor to make my way as soon as possible. Rover. THE FORT R VI.MiS BiIUKEMOKIt. We have gathered from medical officers late of the Fort Gaines garrison, who have returned from New Orleans, some particulars respecting the surrender of that fort. They confirm Cant. Vass’ statement as to the disabled condition of the guns of the fort, there being only one thir ty-two pounder on the north side bearing upon the fleet, and not a shell to fit it From the list of casualties which we publish, it will be seen that the position was not given up with out a struggle against the gathering power of the enemy. Most of the caualties occurred on the picket line, but two men were killed by a shell while sleeping in what was considered the most secure part of the fort. The first landing of the enemy was made on the spit six or seven miles from the fort, from, which point they moved up to a distance of about thiee miles, where they built a wharf and landed guns. After this they reproached gradually until on Thursday, August 4lh. they had established a strong line completely across the island, with a battery on either flank and another in the centre, a shot half mile from the fort. From the time they were within a mile uud a half of the fort skirmishing had been kept up by our pickets. The fleet as it ran in, Friday morning fired a number cf shots at Fort Gaines. The suggestion of a surrender first came from the officers, and was opposed by Col. Anderson, who regarded it as premature; but finally a consultation oj the, officers was held, Saturday night, in which the opinion was decided that the fort would be unable to resist an attack, and a statement was addressed to Col. A. recom mending the opening of negotiations with the fleet, which was signed by most of the offficers. Several of them, however, appended their opinion that this action was premature, among whom, we learn, were Cupts. Sherman and Wil liams and Surgeon Heard. Major Brown pro tested openly against the surrender, ‘‘saying that the best place he knew to to die was right there.’ ’ ike leading motive urged by these who ad vised the surrender was the expectation of ob taining better terms from the licet thon the land force; which, it was expected would make the assault in (he morning, though it was af terwards ascertained that they had no such in tention. Before ceding the flag of truce, the powder in the foil was destroyed, as well as most of the stores. Col. Anderson had pre viously caused all the outbilding3 to be burned . except the hospital, and, as the enemy were firing on that he was about to destroy it too; hut they desisted, haJiuS probably fired on it by mistake. We have heard no explanation of Col. An derson’s conduct in failing to answer Gen. i Page’s signals. Os the two men reported missing in the list of casualties,' we learn that Millet had sixty negroes left in his charge, the other engineer —whose name we lorget—having succeeded in escaping with ten to Little Dauphin Island and directing him to get off with the others, ea well as he could. Instead of doing this Millet hoisted a white flag and not only transferred his whole force to the Yankees, bot, as they state, assisted them in putting up their battle. Tho man is a Canadian jn** other missing man, Johnson, hadTfefy'-r. aim. He was separated from her and confined by the enemy and treated very harshly, and a series of an noyances instituted to induce him to take the oath, which proved successful. We understand that ail the inhabitants of the Island are hand in glove with the Yan i kees. Mobile Advertiser. i Northern accounts report Early’s forces at IMartinsburg, Va. and say quite a panic exists along tho border. PROCLAMATION BY GOV. liHOUGH JsO so those who rncrosn so re-ist thi r. Executive D;dartmeny of Oiu„, 1 Columbus. Aug. 23. j loihe people of tic State of'Ohio:, . Under the recent call of the President for five bundled thousand men, a draft isordeled to tak*’ place on thedih day o! ScDicmfier next, for any deficit that- may tlri-a -xUf iu the q- . : of troops as.rigned'to the Suite Ohio. This draf is fixed by the .provisions of the act of Congress. and must follow in fifty days after tbe dale »>f the call of the President ‘Prese-d. indications are that a portion of the quota of ibis State will be deficient, and that in at least some dis tricts a drait mart take place to cover such de ficiencies. This need not and should not bare been the case. The exertion has been made to discourage and prevent enlistments, if other: wise directed would have titled the quotas of these localities, or left the deficiencies very light. ' j,However unwilling to believe th ■ my con siderable portion cf the people of i:ds'sSbi • would army .themselves In a spirit eLfactious if not treasonable opposition to the execution of the laws of the land, there are indication* of sujh a spirit in the State, which, as ifi i gi.-tiate, i may. not -disregard -la a-pealim; to the people to diseard'the counsels o: wicked and unprincipled leader- that invito thorn to factious ands .rcibie resistance to the draft, or any other legal requirement of the Govern meut, I am actuated solely by a desire to pre serve, if practiced j, the peace of the State the welfare of th.e erring portion of our peo ple, and not from aoy apprehension of either the determination or ability of the Govern ment to maintain the supremacy of the laws.- The man who supposes that eit her the National or State Government is unadvised of or unpre pared for tbe threatened emergency in follow ing the delusion of his leader in consequences of the most serious character. Let me advise you who countenance this insurrection to look carefully to the civil and military penalties you are incurring. The act of .Congress ap proved July 31, 1864: “To define and punish certain conspiracies” is as follows : “Be it enacted by the Seqate and House of Representatives ot the 'United States of,-Ameri ca, 1 u Congress assseblcd. That if two or more persons within any State .or- Territory of the United States shall conspire togetlmr to over throw, or to put down, ondesf royT-iy force, the Government of the United States, or to levy war against the Unjtejd States; or to oppose by force the authority bftfce Government of the United States; or by force to prevent, hinder or delay the execution of any law of the United States; or'by force to seize, take, or possess any property of the United States against tin} wifi or contrary to the .authority of the United States; or by force or intimidation or threat to prevent any poison from accepting or holding an}' office, or trust, or place of confidence un der the United States, each end every person so offending shall bo guilty of a high crime, and, upon conviction thereof ift any district or circuit court of the United States having juris diction thereof, or district or supreme court of any Territory of the United States having ju risdiction thereof, shall bo punished by a fine not less than five hundred dollars; and not more than five thousand dollars; or by im prisonment, with.or without hard labor, as the court shall determine, for a period not less than six months or great er than six years es by both such fine and imprisonment 4 * This is merely the punishment for conspira cy: yet its penalties nr,! not light, and should not be thoughtlessly incurred. This follows, too, ft mere combination or agreement of a. on to do an unlawful act, and is complete without a re sort to arms. Resistance to the law by bodies oi armed men constitutes an over act of (rea son, the punishment of which is death. These are thecival penaUieSj’lhe military results aru to be found in the power of the Government by armed forces, to deal with every species of insurrection against tho enforcement of its legal enactments. it ft uuiicxSlftjary to argue the dutywi every citizen to yield obedi, <: to the law., constitu tionally enacted, as long as they r emain :u force. If men may take up arms to resist laws, in the policy or eff-et of which they do not con cur, then alt government is at an end, mid wo. arc resolved into anarchy. This state of things is not to be tolerated. A government may n well perish in a bold and vigorous effort lo maintain its integrity, as to suffer an insurrec tion to neutralizeits laws and'dofy • its power. Most earnestly do I appeal to fur people of the Stato not lo engage in ibis forcible resist ance to the laws to which evil counsellors and bad men are leading them. It cannot and will not succeed. Its triumph, if it achieve any, must he of a mere temporary character. The Government is not weak; it is strong and powerful. It cannot and it will net permit any armed insurrection tq impeach its strength or impair its power while contending with the Southern rebellion. Ido not say this to you in any spirit of intimidation or in any threat ening tone. I speak it to you as a warning, and with ai^ imploring voice to hear and hec i it. I know what the determinate ii of your Government is, and I fully comprehend the power at hand to enforce it. What can you who contemplate armed resis tance, reasonably expect to rain by such a move meat? You cannot cflfeetu :<ly or permanently prevent the enforcement of iho laws You can not in any wise improve your own condition in ■the present, and must seriously injure it in the future. Judicious and conservative men who look to the supremacy of the Government for the protection and safety of their persons tuwl property, will not sympathize or co operate with you. You may commit crime ; you may shed blood; you may destroy properly.; you may spread desolation.and ruin over me lo calities of State; you may give aid and. comfort for a season to the rebels already iu arm- a.-ainsl i the country; you may transfer for a brk f time the horrors of war from the fields of the South to those of the Stao of Ohio; you may paralyze prosperity and create consternation and alarm among our people. This is a bare possfbilty; but it is all yon can hope to accomplish; (or you have looked upon the progress of our presoat strngglo to little purpose, if you have not learned the great recuperative power and the deep earnestness of tho country hi this contest The final result will not be doubtful; the dis s ter to you will be complete, and the penalty will equal the enormity of the crime. From the commencement of this rebellion the State of Ohio lias maintained a firm and inflexible position, which cannot now ho aban doned.' In this internal danger that now tlrrea .ens us, I call upon ail good citizens ta assert and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution and the laws of the land. 'JSiee cc,.u.dilute the great elements of our strength as a uatan and they are the bulwarks of our .people Hold in subjection by persuasion aid peaceable means, if you can, all attempts at civil insur rection or armed resistance to the law.;. _ Id ing in this, there is ano'hcr duty, as c: ‘7. ns, from which wc may not shrink, and to which I earnestly hope we may not be enforced. To those who threaten us with this evil, I say wi de not use any threats in return ; there is no desire .to provoke passion or create further irritation. Such men are earnestly and solemn ly invoked to abandon their evil purpose, hut .at the same time they iwe warned that ' n-s in vocation is not prompted by any apprehension of the weakness of the Government or the success of the attempts to dt.-Toy id J would avert by all proper means, the occurrence of civil war in the State; but, if it, must come, the consequence must be. upon these who pra cipitate it upon. us. John Brough. Expelled nr Sherman.— We learn that pri or to the evacuation of Atlanta, riim-auut teni flag of truceto General Hoed with'five officers- - a Colonel, Lieutenant colonel, Major and two Captains and a communication which stated that .he officers having been heard to utter po litical opinions inimical to Lincoln and his party and which were deemed (rcftsonable, tr.ey had been expelled from the FeUiral lines by his order and sent over to ;/ neral Hood, for such disposition as he tho- Hit lit. On; informant states that the five “Coppohe .'. officers have been sent on to Richmond.—M<z con Telegraph. Tumbling.— Prices of marketing have taken a considerable tumble ere in the last few. days, though the matkeb; are not so wed sup plied as they were a few wedcs since. This de cline is to be attributed not to any comp'-. : ion on the pait cf the country people for the deni zens of the city, but simply to tho fact that these latter cmnot raise the money wherewith to pay the exorbitant prices heretofore demand ed of them. —LjwjJj'J.rg Itepuklmn, iTIK INDIANA CONsPIBA! Y. Governor Morton made an address in In dianapolis, August 22d, in which he discussed at length the recent development regarding the alleged conspiracy and the finding in In diana of anut . ammunition.. ,xc. He said :' For eighteen months past the peoplo of In diana have been told repeatedly that immense qu:. t A- df arms and ammunition have been coiiihv. ialo rl.o State for the avowed purpose of nMkih-.g the -Rale and Federal authorities. This has been well known to me during that i lu>, and likewise to the authorities of the I I'ited rRa!.-; but because until now the peo - p.\ b.-.v-a not happened to see with their own eyes the visible evidence of the truth of these •things, it lms not heretofore made a very deep iiftpiession upon their minds. There has been all ibe while one .party to. deny the truth of the. • rtio.' tt t tltte wholesale importation of ai m3 Va :. : i • ii. and pronounce it ail an Abolition ml--' >od. a time Government lie. But !.e\v ‘ho p.< iple have seen for themselves, utul -id v.n-.iUi tint they b -gin to realize their Lei ' telljou, not withstanding, that you lave eot seen : 11. The arms and ammuni li id 1 \ ; . .>d in ties city oir Saturday are but adrop.in the bucket compared to the immense quantity that has been imported into the State >n a simutar manner during the lest twelve or eighteen months. The seizure amounts to this : Some four or five hundred revel veis,, and one hundred and thirty thous and rounds of ammunition; that is to say, oua hundred aud'tliirtj five rounds for a regiment of one thousand men. Evidently this largo Amount of ammunition was not intended simp ly for the use of the four or five hundred re volver;;, The revolvers seized are but a part of thirty thousand yet to come, and the laqge amount of ammunition captured is but a pur 'tion of a lot of forty-two bpxes al together about two ten thousand rounds. Then, after a protracted discussion of tho terrible condition of affairs, he said_ further : Efim:: publications have been made to-day dr a'portion of the correspondence of these men—ilieir secret political correspondence. Look at some of these letters for a moment. Asim example, take one written by tbe pres ent Auditor of State, and a candidate before the people for re election to that high and im portant position. This letter was written three years ago, not long after the beginning of the w r, and bci ore the inauguration of Mr. Liu eolu’s antislavery war policy, which these men now assert to be the great source of discom fort and dissatisfaction ta them; and what docs-Re say to bis friend, Mr. Voorhees? “Our salvation is in the success of the Southern arms. If they arc crushed down, then, woe betide usl* What think you, my fellow-citizens, of that, coming from the Auditor of your own State ? Ilow do you tike his assertion that his sal vation and that of his political friends depend upon the success of the rebel arms? If these were hja sentiments three years ago, and if ho entertains the same sentiments now, as is suf ficiently evident from the fact that he is one of the prominent members of the Order of the sous of Liberty, would it not he reasonable ta infer that from that lime to the present he has been assiduously using all his efforts -to avert the terrible calamity of having the rebel armo crushed? And let me cay to you that the sen timents of Mr. Bin tine are the sentiments of (he men with whom he has associated himself in a political capacity. My fellow citizens, it is time for us to cor sidr-i where we are Etanding, and it is time for us to act. Ido not moan unauthorized or in temperate acts, but such action as rlijdl legit im ttel^ secure us against tho terrible fate with which Team threatened. How shall lliis be dene? It cannot be done by standing idly by and attending to our hu ; i:>c-ss. If we do So, we shall have civil war right here in Indiana; and Vlten it comes all your wealth and pros perity wiil vmiiali in a day. If you would se- I one yOur buuii;. yo.crr wjeaii.ii, your business, your prorpi-r.:;/ re .ra 1* <: torch and the you must “dike time by the lorjjiook. The question h.-s been i+iaetUt me tbia. eve ning, what mcney it is that has been expended in the. purchase of thoe-i arras and cf war, and where it came from? In answer to that question I must say I do’ not know ; but f will tell what I do know. Some men ih Indiana who are not able to provide a cow for their families, have been sporting revolvers since these operations began. is a large class ofF-ucb persons. . Where the money came from that bought the weapon which they cany i. do not know; I only know that large sums of money have been and stili are being provided somewhere by somebody, to send arms and 'ammunition into the state of Indianh. We-can at beat only imagine where the sources of this fund are. ' - I believe,, however, and am - os confident of the fact as I am of any other fact of which have not positive and indubitable evidence, that-this money with which these operations are and nave been carried on in Indiana has been supplied by the rebellion, either directly from tho Confedcrato authorities or by their authorized-agents iu New York. For myself, 1 enter fain no doubt upon that subject. It is utterly impossible that the large amount of money required for tho pHrcha3o ol' these largo quantities of aims and ammunition could hatto been raised iu the ordiuaty way of contribu tions I happened to know something of the difficulty in the why of raising twenty, fifty, or a hundred thousand dollars in that way. In the city of New York there are hundreds and thousands of men who have been compelled to leave the rem 4 States, and who have both the means and the dhnositon to aid the rebellion ip tid.i way. In addition to these, there are al so there a large number pf resident capitalists who have smypatt.ized with the rebellion from tho vt rvjfimt. Tbehjtradc was in the South at thu breaking on' of the war ;«their financial inter ests have been in tire South from the very first, and they have doubtless contributed liberally towards paying the expenses of organizing and eqrpr.ing the trcajbnable organization in tlm North. it is all onp.thing to Jeff. Davis whether vje shall by means of a defeat at tho coming elec tions, or by the overthrow of the Union armies iu the field. If we shall elect a candidate for the Presidency who is in favor of peace upon the terms of .Jeff. Davis, who is in favor of withdrawing our armies from the field, and recognizing the indep.,ndi nee or tho Southern Confederacy, they will gain their object just as effectually as though they hud annihilated ti e 'last of the Union-armies in the field. These men understand it. They know that their and safest, and surest, and, indeed, their only way to accomplish their intemaVpur po.v-s and secure tbo permanent disruption of t>„. Union, and their own independence, is to divide our people, and to get the lederal g„ver :met'4 into the Lands of men who will at once concede to them the victory. Governor Brown —On Wednesday we had the p ea-ore of an introduction to thfe distin guished official and statesman. . A though we have.never been the champion, of Governor Brown, and. in fact, have dono nothing more thtu pay the just tribute that was ttee his conduct as an official and policy aa a statesman, yet, wc are firmlv of the opinion lh . t Revolution has furnished few men ot more decided ability and merit than ho. Amtd i"h« clamor and uproar that have pervaded the public mind and. official circles of the country, during this mighty contest, he is one of the few men who has un; ieiduigly adhered to ou „jliai principles, and who, . Hofcvithatandiug the powerful opposition that has been arrayed •erainn him,' has cote. ."led successfully with so migh’v antagonist, and by the potency of reasoning has left a record for reference in fu tt;re conflicts that must be fought for the ~*l" ,p rinciple of States Rights. his opposition to the Administra . some instances, been considered tion , ’ ! even hurtful to the commor unfortunate mm .. tu fe doubtteß9 beß t so. ail that some lequk •* should ever wart the peer e to k-. />: «yf "P™ the con .•diluted auikoiii of Ik- eve! > pure, noble t- in Pwcl^ pctslt-iiity ot c: roachmeute, usurps..' ja or de parturc from first principles. It was remarked by Mr. Jefferson, that “eter nal vigilance was tho price of liberty,” and if l no ie.-.-i the c-i-e in tic se days of revolution ary carnage, war and bleed-bed, than iu th( mild seasons of tho spring lime of peace. II Governor Brown has at times crossed swords with the Confederate authoitiea/it has beer from -honest convictions of a duty he owed himself, iiis fallow citizens and posterity.—Afo c on Qjnftder'jUn. - ,