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IlftS. 1,1 STUN STKi-UENS,
OK JIANCI KK,
In the Howie of Rey< ■ini'atir ■ of the (i. orgia
Legislature, Rb. 23, 1 on lie. I'eopon
tion to hold a Stale (■ nr- nil n.
Tho special order of (lie <hv being the Sen
ate resolutions doctoring i< in- tp-dient to c&\\
a Convention of (ho people of th i .Stale, Ur.
Stephens, of Hanct ck, offrtd j-a a sntolituto a
resolution to tho ell'ct th t*. the question of
holding a Convention hon'd he referred to
the people themselves. We have heretofore
published all the :,': resolution*. Mr. Btephens
then spoke sub* tan illy or, ! Blows.
We do not pretend topis**; hi:; exact language
or present the beauty and .:rua ry of the ad
dress, or the structure and force of bin argu
ment; but his views, his ideas, are correctly
represented This great i;pc,*;ii was one of
the most p.ow uful, convincing and conclusive
in its reasoning and argument that wo over
listened to:
Mr. Speaker : Having introduced *a sub
stitute for Uih Senate n • Inidoii, I desire to
give the reason why Ida! ». I !uv • 4lono it
in no party spirit, but wiili an ,-yc siig- f, to
tjpi good of (tie great e.uise we ali Lave at
hsart. Our success is the only-object J have
In view. I leave no idea of i-.■uniyn no idle
dream of recoil-tructioii i <l-» >.-,*, vriMt all
my heart, in Hie language -,f one of our great
Htatoßoinu in a recent a iiii, -<i, • tin wiili the
Revolution.’’ The great at |■.* calami -
ty that could be!all Ibis e nnitry would ho lor
this revolution to slop now, and our people
return to the embrace oi our las. In peat,
sir, my single object i success hi this struggle
and this carries with it indepi nduicc and the
Sovereignty of tho Staten.
But it in atketljwhv idi Cotfv idienadvisable?
And More giving my u-p.onn for talking so
i desire to disabuse the min is of some ineip
hers ol this Ifuuse of u la 1 . iuii»,cssion tl’-it
they arfi laboring under. We are told that a
45<uivention may be called let one p-.rp.-re, hut,
beiug sovereign, when it : (mbles, it ns iy i
act upon another - may take action on sub j
jocta not contempiatod in the call, »?»d do
great harm; that it may take the Statu out of
the Confederacy, and that, the f gisiatnre j
gantlet limit the powers of a Waive Pion. i
Now 1 don t want- to take the , Statu out of
ot»r Oottfcdeiaey. I dou’t want any sep wale
Htatft action; 1 want co opm ,ttion and har
mony inuong our people nud all the i ales, l
wqnt every in in to come Up to the mighty
work before us. I waut a long pull, a strong
pull and a pull cll together, jn this contest.
If ttie 1,-gislatun can’t lig-ii the power oj
a Convention, t!i * people cm. Ibe idea, that
wo cannot call a Com tad ion to av- on, au.«l con
fine itself to a sin lo piiiy.iw, is ei raucous.—
1 deny it. The people are the Ruii'cc oi all
poiVer. They avn sovereign -.’i'i tii . • i v>qm
Hontatiyeri are not sovereign any--lict • N iili
wr the Lpg.'.stotuve nor a ('-Vivciilinu i j any
thing more thJU lopic.-cuintiv - of people
tor special purpose !' • [■ •;* ■*• em't as
iseinhle in Conveitli'Ui, and when they send
•delegates they aru only •c. ,-.-i;t itic-v- of the
ipeople; and when these demand s go beyond
*he authority eon' ">el on tiu-u by the P '>
pie, they are usurpers. Tim rielc.-.utos w> a
Convention areas much linked iu In •.•is e v .-r
cise ot power as yon or l am. Tib id -i is. on
ly an illusion, a chimera, is arid uU-'.’ly explo
ded by tho test.
Tbftro is a tnty'oneeptlon about Mm -v -oti i
whic h carried Georgia cut of the
olil Union. It is said that it transcended J.bc
purposes for which it was called, tied, upon
subject* not contemplated. Tim purposes oi
that Convention were not duple i > y were
to consider the menmotor. (pi G.m of our re
iations to the old ti oio *ffr .. .Id deride
■to take'Mio Sudv out ot t: ■ eld t u, do
all needful things to ndiu i her to her new re
lations. The only fhi; m whieh Mu? Uonven
■. tion dkl of doubtful autlunUy, wis aliming
• our State CourMtuM-'n, and in this it on It
proposedaimndn'enU l .-u'e.iii:o-e Mi-mi lo
illie people, and If ifiir I.> .;!.ea , .n e • au aU
'Calling i Convent i m lev asp. > ilk and purpose.
st.be people will ehiot and« i-. r ites i.i enti- ••.■!• and
take action on that par;; .ular su’-j-a and
ttboso delegates will he held in curia- to the
Work which they will l 1 called to p Menu.
Bat again: the impre.---.-iea * son lit In be
made that a C.nne atiou wool l ia.e;..ar.de a
connwr-revolution. B is raid that it is pro
posed’tv lop oil or hike a>•v ;• • ut■• <ei
Btitutionai powers of d-.e ‘'ro-ide and that
such action would make sad bar - • w
•; 0 uatitutiou. and be-a n» .vieve!-:.urn. u ini 1
achate of the Constdu* eu so es i ' curtail
tloPre ’dent's powers l-.- i revolution : M t.re
people wov’W be.ve l Coiive-.n. n end ■ n
themodoofu.opo'aiur,; tk J . - ■ .-a
perlor Court, r-ould te.it In tvvo.m -u: no
Constitution now orovue- Hut l.y t.o>v■; h
or shall, aj point them v; 1 ‘ \ ' V
and consent of the '
tioa should chain:o 'kis ann prov.: » lor
election by the people v oak. tuv. he a
revolution? The Coii-tsi id.-’t ot t.:o f, ue
Georgia provides for its s a a Im- m, a t _*o
does the Confederate C . .-atmion tor tM
amendment. It provides th . upon the de
mand td any three States legally as euibha In
their several Conventions, t engross shall sum
hod a Convention of all the States to take into
consideration such amend men t.-yo the Consti
tution as the said States so-.dl c incur in log
cestlng at the time when said demand ts made
That is the mode pointed out. Tell me that
is revolution ! If 1 proposed by vio.eace to
overturn, disobev. or destroy the Cousntut-.on,
then you would be justified ia v.-lhmr me I was
inaugurating a revolution; but wnc.i l am
obeying it—doing exactly as it prescribes
don't tell me it is revolution. I uoa t propose
that it should be changed by any other moue
thau that poiut and out in the Constitution lt
jjelf.* Let this cry of counter revolution cease
It is unjust.
I come cow to the reasons which l have »n
favor of a Convention. When lam asked what
necessity there is for it—what gi o 1 cau it do
yn.t am told that it may do much Harm, l ask
•wh%t harm can come of it ? It is said that it
take Georgia out of the Couti. Jersey. —
The Senate, in the adoption of the revolutions
before you. says there is no danger of tbi*. The
eeooud resolution states thai the people ot this
State universally condemn The trims which
liosoln demands. Where then is the danger
j rogi and Ooavsatiou which the hrst resolution
| :*eema to feat ? The second ol these rcsolu
! tioa= is a compacts aeswer to the first.
Eat another says a Conrention will breed
differences and disseatioos anoeg cur people.
:Ah is this po ? I profess, and I err. siccere.
! that or,e leading object which I hare iu riew
in favoring a Convention, is not to breed dis
| sHitior.a, but settle existing differences. The
and ?seniions already exist. There are serious
! differences in the public mind on several topics
!—one i , upon the calling of a Conv- n’.ioo.—
id; - G vernor was elected by a very large ma
- oii; i the people of this State. You may
y w; at you will of him, but he never stood
aloneon auy importint qu/sliou of public
policy. He has always had a considerable
, body to stand with hirn. lie lias now, and be
j wants a Convention. Some of our public men
want a Convention and some do not Some of
j our papers favor it while others object. The
people d'ffer on this question, but in my judg
| ureqt a large majority of them ravor it. it is a
1 (act that we differ on this matter, and we cau’t
;!‘ r this state of affairs by denying to the peo
ple a Convention.
Mr. Speaker, we will never carry on this
v.' tr successfully till we learn to be honest, i
frank and candid with ourselves. We must
let the people know the facts. They can’t be
abolished by ignoring them, nor created by
I'.-isertiug them. This cannot, change them.
These differences exist, wide spread and
r d,ep among people. I want to settle them.
The people can settle them; and when they are
settled by them in Convention, In their sover
eign capacity, then, sir, you wiil b»ve barmo
nT'...
When were our people ever more divided—
when did party spirit ever run higher or was
more bitter than for a short time before the
State si ceded? Everybody saw that the only
way to have karmonv was through a Conven
tion. It was called; it spoke, audits voice
was obeyed All parties then stood united on
the platform the State Convention had given
Ihein. And this union of parties-this set
tling of differences—was not a mere hollow
hearted one; it wa3 warm and enthusiastic.—
Ido not say too much when I say, that* the
co operationists of that day have no less sig
nalized (heir devotion to the country on every
battle-field than those who favored immediate
separation and separate State action Again
vie are and .vided in sentiment upon 'important
questions. Let Georg ia speak, and quell the
irform. She can doit. No other power on
earth can speak authoritatively to her people.
1 want harmony. Ido not want discoid; but
I tell you that you are wrong about the way
to get it.
Baton what suljecb do differences exist
that it requires ii Convention to harmonize
t here are two mentioned by the Coverno ,
which arc sufficient, ’ a justify the call for a
I Convention; aud there is a third one, not men
| tioned by hitn, but of uo less importance, in
I my judgment.
One mentioned hy ShcUovenior is the pu
! ting of negroes into the army. Mr. Benjamin,
the Secretary of Slate, said ia his speech be
fore the mass meeting at. Richmond, that this
was the only policy that could save us in tills
crisis. (leu Lee is s rid to favor it. Some oi
the presses of the Confederacy are advocating
it, wh ,le the general sentiment of this State is
utterly opposed to it. Well, sir, it is a policy
th >t is piegnant with result. My opinion is
that it is freighted with as much mischief-as
the Grecian horse was to the i'rojar.3. Other p o
pic, whose i®triotisin i don’t impugn, think it
a wise and beneficial incisure, ft is a ques
tion that might to be settled. If this fs the
ark of our salvation, Jet us get injo it and
havo I Ire question sett’ed quickly. If this is
the policy that is to save us, in the name of
| common sense aud of patriotism let us adopt
it It it is not the policy to be pursued, lot
i bo quickly rejected. I wgnt harmony. Dis
ferences exist. It is well lor us to recognise
the fact and try to have them settled, and not
act like thd ostrich, which hides its head in the
sand mid vainly supposes ir is safe from its
pursuers, because it canuot sae them.
\ou may cry peace and harmony until you
me black in the lace, bqt you know they don’t
exist. They ought to exist, and ijo other pow
er on earth but a State Couveutipu euu bring
them to the people
Rut I come to reason on this subject. Shall
we put the tjogro into the army, aud if so, up
on what conditions / Congress can’t answer
this question. Every scheme which the advo
cates <>f this measure have proposed bin the
idea of emancipation with it This is the idea
of the R resident, Mr. Benjamin and-the mi vo
cal os of the meaainu iu Congress. This is said
i tn be Gi«. Lae’s viejv, and some of the papers
are holding forth the same idea. Nosv if Con
! gri r should dot his—shouldPpat the negro in -
to the army and emancipate him f.»r faithful
| Gei vice -it would be a, greater usurpationW».u»
J ever was proposed in Hie old Congress. Our
n< w Oonatitution is stronger on this point Mian
the old pne was, and declares expressly that
Congress shall have no power to pass laws im
pairing the right to hold property in slaves.
The L. -gisiaturo's of the States can’t do ties.
]ho Legisiatue cf Georgia cannot; and if it
could, ii would not dare to do so without con
sulting the people-. Nobody says the Legislu
fijli-.! pui Jo ic. \Vho then can ? There is only
1 one power on pavth, and that js lhe people
themselves. speaking through a Convention.
Y'.'t here are meu opposing n Ommrntion, cry
ing out harmony, unity and peace," while th y
i are getting up dissentious and disputes about
Ia policy, that can never be adopted without a
i Conveelion.
liut another reason why a Convention is
! proper, aid one that is presented by the Gov
ernor is the necessity of a change ia the Con
titution of the Confederate States relative to
5 r,e lodgment of the military power, which is
now in the bauds of the President. And here
I 1 don’t want to,be misunderstood, and if meu
do misunderstand me, they shall do so wilfully
• I come to speak freely .and fearlessly of tins
i diave quitter. What has b:en our military
i Ids,orv under the guidance of Mr. Davis A
review of the past demonstrates lo my mind
that it has been most unwisely and n,i<ehiev
i eu'ly managed thus far.
But lam met wilh cant ! “Do you set your
| judgiiicn*up against that of President Davis J"
Ami lam tauutf and with theory of “ Home
I Generals’ 1 and such like. lam told that . I
i must have no judgment in this matter. Anil
I u-' you want someone else to judge for you?
Who shad it be ? Davis and Lee? Why . Is
it because'they arc better judges than we are ?
. This is aliornt. \\ hen I consent, foi a man to
judge for me, yon must convince iao that his
'jivlgmsat- is better than mine. You mn-i no-
I cv-s -Vi'-V judge of the reasons he gives for his
iudmielit, L-fti to ymnvly oa ft. Is it true
u.ai a man who has no s.ars o r wreaths on his
collar cannot pass jivlgment on the conduct of
military matters ? The great- Albert Sidney
Jelmaion said in that mouinlully beautiful let
ter, wuich now even speaks from his grave,
that it we s a hard test, but a just one aud the
only correct one, that true merit in mi\itary
matters must be judged by results.
Now what are the facts ? Are we in as good
a condition as we wj?ro when the war first
; commenced ? Have we as good an army and
as much territory ? Where is it, east of the
Mississippi river, that the enemy cannot do as
he pleases, except where Lee’s army is loca
ted—that oue green spot in all our military
horizon east of tllO Mississippi ? And what
are the results ot even that army's heroic
deeds? It has wdn many glorious viotGries,
and beat back the foe a hundred t’mjes; but
iit has never borne any fruit. Somehow-all
| the fruits ot Loe’s victories have turned to
ashes updn our lips. What is the result ? It
is not worth while to clc:e your eyes on th*se
truths. Compare your country now with whu
i it was two rears ago. - We have lately had al
most an unbroken tide of disasters. These
lj ivo driven the people to one ot two couciu
I c oils either that there is a hopeless weakuess
in our cause, or that it is miserably mismau
| aged and mangled In its a daunistratioa.-
AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, MARCH 15, 1865.
Tb =re is no escape from this. Apply Gen.
Sidney Jcnnston s test. All we have to do is
to look at results
,But r, th«t it is easy to point opt
b,".n'-. e —. after rfcej have been committed ;
and a great and -*al is said about addressing lan
gi - c -of hopefulness to the country, about
croakeie. and painting bright jrictures of the
future before our people. lam here to paint
truthful pictures, Jet them be good or bad. I
believe in the doctrine taught in the Scrip
tures, teat we will never he saved until we
.I’.ef to be right honcot. If the prospect is
black, we mast look it full hr the face ; and •
instead of making line speeches to the people
we must m ike true speeches. Who are they
who spread gloom ana despondency through
ou;. the country? They are those who say our
r.. ; i rirs have been a3 well managed as it was
po:; ibie, and thereby give the people to con
clude that the cause is bad.
lire important inquiry is. can we yet be re
deciii and, aud what \vi!J it require to do so ? I
say wi #ur: and all we have to do is to make
a wi.-e use of the means we have at our hands.
lf_w- o‘this we will yet bs triumphant. I
flunk :: is ia oar ptfwer, under God, to save
our.-sives. If we have the wisdom and cour
age to change our past tactics —to throw aside
our follies—we will do it It we don’t, we will
go down into irretrievable ruin. I don’t
want such a fate to befai us ; but it we pursue
the same system, which has been going ou
from bad to worse, from the first, down to this
how, b will cea'ainly be our fate. When
wisdom is dmuaeded folly won’t do ; and
when cool judgment is required, personal
bickering will not answer. From the first we
have pursued the mistaken policy of dividing
and fc-ittering our forties, when we ought to
have concentrated them. This policy lost us
1! 'terns Now Orleans, Island No. 10, Fort
Do?clson, Vickkburg, Atlanta, Savannah and
Columbia, and now Wilmington and E'-chmond
are trembling >u tho balance. We set out
w'iih the cant that the foul foot of the foe
should never dmeer ite our soil, and have tried
to defend every point of our territory with
tnadequate foic?s. Lee has been sent into the
enemy’s territory with an inferior army.
In dividing and i ring to defend the coun
try everywhere, wa have almost defended it
no where. The highest wisdom consists in
being able to distinguisn between the impos
sible and the attainable in action. Wisdom
does not nudettake what is impossible in the
conduct of human affahs. * 0
Now say what you will, it was simply im- '
possible to defend all the points wc have at
tempted to defen’i, and it should not have
been tried Ncitiiorlhe good of the cause nor
our success in the contest depends upon it.
We have faded to use our own advantages as
wc could have done. Lincoln has the advan
tage of a great number of men, but we have
a etili greater adva luge than this. We have
a large extent of territory, ami wo are acting
on the defensive. Lincoln’s mission is not to
pp's through the country, but to lake posses-
I Sion of and hold it. Shot man’s army passed
through my country, but I never heard any of
the people who were visited by him talk as If
they were conquered. On the contrary they
seem to be filled with new resolution to <lo
whatever they can to » : d in repelling the foe
and securing our independence. Liucoln’s
policy, necessarily, is to occupy the whole
- coutnry. Ours should, be to concentrate our
forces rapidly and stike stunning blows on his
divided armies of occupation. This,we have
never done, and funster, almost unbroken, for
some time past has Den the fiuit- the bitter
fruit, of our policy. Lincoln is obliged to di
vide ahcl scatter his whole army. Our policy
is, not to try to keep the enemy off our soil,
but to welcome them to hospitable -graves in
it; not to keep them out, but to let them in
an i bury them We have the ability and
it js onr privilege to concentrate, our forces
ami strike blows that will toll. I will illps
t rate.
Grant was threatening Richmond aid Sher
man’was-threatening Atlanta, and each place
was defended by foic.es inferior to theirs. The
President' was urged by. the Governor of this
State, by General Joe Jchngton, and Qen. G.
\V. Smith, through a special messenger for
that purpose, to send reinfoicements from
Virginia to Georgia. Sherman stood ia a
condition to be ex term mated. The President
was urged not to try to do everything at onpe,
but to exterminate Sh.-rmau first, and then
turn upon Grant and serve him the same way.
“|l«t then iiichtn u I would go up,” says
one. It is a singular fact that forces could
be spared- from Lee, and were sent up the
Vail y, and on a raid into the enemy’s country
at the time they were so much needed here, it
is said that Early was sent after Hunter, but
this is no! so. for Hunter had already been
whipped by Breckinridge But if it had beep
necessary should have let Richmond go up
for tho time, to exterminate Sherman. The
Tr< Bident's excuse for not sending troops was
to. save Richmond. 'Her he saved it J Here
in Georgia wo have eaten the bitter fruit of
.Sherman passing at his leisure and spreading
devastation through our whole State He has
gone through South Carolina iu the same way,
and is now in North Carolina—all this to save
Richmond ; and it is not saved, and can
not be. except on one condition, and that is
by doing wh iV t should have been done in Geor
gia 11 Sheira in Is not, checked in North Car
olina, or Before he reaches Grant, Richmond is
lost You made the excuse that .Georgia wf 3
abandon--i to save Richmond. Ido not com
plain of the ; reference oi.Richmond over Geor
gia. My complaint is a greater one than this:
that a miserable, weak aud halting policy was
adopted, whi h w.iil probably result in the Iq3S
'of both.
The most favorable position for exte’-miifa
ting Sherman’.s army was j-ist above Atlanta.
Ho depcndi 1 upon a single line of railroad,
three hundred miles, long, for his supplies.
•The way to and > it was to concentrtae our'
forces, tut the Fres dent divided thorn, as he
always di i. It is jio presumption in any one
to conclude that things have been managed
unwisely, ft was mi error, from which the
President could not bo persuaded Os driven.
All the wisdom of Johns ton and the best men 1
in his command, and of numbers of states
men and good i algos of military tactics was
brought io bear upon him, but he remained
immovable. You have, the result of it. The
{hvsident wal begged and implored to send
Forrest to destroy Sherman's communications,
but refusal, a- he refused to send auy other
assistance
Auothor error w.\? the dividing of the army
of Tennessee, and sending a part- of them to
\ icksbnrg. Here Ponbertna with 80,ODD men
went up Fher-t is alw ivs division to accom
plish everyth:ag. and the result he ? • generally
het-n either disaster or the accomolishment of
nothing.
Another great error 1? the notion that the
president has about officering his army. Gen.
Cobb, in his speech the other night, said that
what we need is an army, and asked if a Con
vention can furnish it. I say yes, it can. J
say all ouf disasters is the legitimate fruit of
the President s military policy, and this a
Convention cau correct. The .policy of con
scription, with all its untold evils, was inau
gurated a*, his suggestion, aud one object was
that he might select all the officers of the ar
my. And more than this; there is something
in the President s personal character and the
obstinacy wita which lie adheres to his opin
ions ot men that produces immense mischief.
tje went let the army have - commander ot
their choice, the soldiers of Alexander’s ar
my tried bis sub ordinate Gcn?rn!« and deposed
them. Caesar wanted no men to go with him
into battle that wt- not satisfied with him as
their leader; aud Napoleon's g.«at success wa3
owing in a great measure to nis rare faculty of
winning the hearts and affections of his soldiers,
and selecting subordinate Generals to com
mand them in whom they had confidence.
But Mr. Davis don’t respect the wishes of
the soldiers. He retained Bragg in xoouaand
of the Army cf Tennesr-je and I a3i not hsre
o criticise the ability of a 3 a General,
but to notice the fact That .‘be President kept
him in commend agaisst tae notorious wish--?
of tho urtny. snd would not relieve him till
the General himself saw that ii-s usefulness
was entirely gone and asked to he relieved
In the game way the President kept Gen.
Huger at Norfolk, and lost that pkee through
his iacomDetency, and r do know lie was be
sought aud inivorfcuned to remove him. His
.short comings were particularly pointed out
in detail to the President, but h-> would pay
nomttention to them. I know that'a Colonel
then commanding a Georgia regiment, now a
General iu the army, wrote a letter iu which
specifications of G .n. Unger's incompetence
were distinctly set forth lie asked that the
letter might" he laid be lore the President, only
with a pledge that be should not be consider
ed as speaking disrespectfully of his superior
officers, as his whole obj; id was the country’s
good. The President said he did not wish to
see the letter and refused to read it, saying if
General Huger was not an officer he did.not
have one Norfolk wrsrtst-.' and he failed to
remove him; and he never did remove him till
Lee denounced him for Iris conduct iu the
battles before Richmond.
And the same thing may be said of Pember
ton and Holmes. The army did* not want,
either of them. Their complaints and dissat
isfaction were loud and notorious, yet they,
werd retained, and the President would not
allow the soldiers to have their choice, The
Army of Tennessee would not exchange Gen.
Johnston lor any man on the face of the globe.
He is their idol in whom they havo the most
unbounded confidence. Yet at the most crit
ical time, the President removed him and plac
ed the army under tiio command of Hood, in ■
whose ability as a commanding General they
did not have such confidence. This was done
to strike an honest blow for the defense of
Atlanta.
When Johnston was in command of that
army Sherman had seven corps but did not
whip them. . Hood was sent off to Tmigessea
with the whole army. Sherman took four
corps of his army and went to Savannah, and
Hood could not whip the other three corps, and
Johnston was removed lor not whipping the
whole system
Here are stem facts. You cannot do away
with them by shutting your eyes, neither can
you create a different state of things ,by as
serting it exists when it does not. The Presi
dent will not be taught by experience, lie
will not restore Johnston. The Army of Ten
nessee ia discouraged and demoralized, not be
cause they are not as good aud as brave men
as any, but because they have been hacked
and maltreated and their wishes disregarded
until they have lost all hope and confidence
of being able to accomplish any good on ac
count ol' being kept, under Generals in whom
they have no confidence, and used in a way
they know Jlmy ought not to be, and yet the
President refuses to restore «them their loved
and lost commander.
Isay this not in depreciation cf Gen. Hood.
I have served under him, and I take- pleasure
in saying that I consider him a soldier of ge
nius apd unsurpassed gallantry. His misfor
tune was one which would have been com
mon to anybody else, and consist* diu iris be
ing the successor of Gen. Johnston. Nor was*
he guilty of any arrogance-or presumption in
assuming the position. He foresaw iisexnbar-.
rarsments, and joined officers of his
army in earnest expostulation agauist its being
conferred, on him. The President was resolved
on Johnston’s removal. A ' successor was a
necessity; add Gen. Hood’s acceptance, so far
from being.presumption, was a magnanimous
and heroic hazard of himself for tho good of
his country. The necessity for (he misfortune
was created by the obstinate prejudice of the
President.
It was it aid that when Lee was ppoint.ed
Commander in -Chief he would restore John
ston, Jaut (he President lms as much power
now as before, aval Lee can’t restore him to
his command. I want the Constitution changed
so as to take away (his incubus, not only on
the body politic and the army everywhere, bill.
upon (lie great genius o! Lee.
The President is an ob t.icie in the way of
our independence. Jdc n’t assail bis motives;
I attack his-policy and a trait of character
which stands out a fact no oiious to the
country, disqualifying him Jor the control bf
men and tbo coin maud of armies. Ho, by his
blunders ami mismanagement, is retarding (un
success, as !<t (l .‘imaging ihe curiae. Doii’t coma
to life and sing hosannas to his praise, with the
results of -bis policy before me, To*! might as
well sing psalms to a dec I horse. lam tor the
cause, and against all men who are in the way
of its success ; and you cannot succeed, unless
you are under ihe control of a man who is not
controlled and guided in h : s conduct of af
fairs by hii prejudices. The men in the army
must have tee mm of their choir,“ for their
commanding general ;*ayc, sir, and th-y must
have all their other officers of their choice;
Abolish your ruinous conscription law. It.
has filled the country with deserters. Some
’counties in the late elections voted nearly as
Strong ns they did iff 1 Still. These men say
they went to fight the battles of freedom.
This conscription policy puts m n iulo tho ar
my as a punishment—fixing the .stigma of dis
grace upoq the position of a soldier, when it
Ought to be* one of honor. M-.n have been
conscripted and pus, under bonds to stay at
home and seli their produce at certain fixed
prices beiow the market value! ’ They aie told
by the Government ‘*l do not want you in the
army; I want you to stay at home and raise
provisions and let me rob you of them If
you behave yourself right well i’ll let you stay
at home, if not I’II sen! you to the army.”
The Government has actually made the army
a Botany Bay, gud supports it by plunder and
robbery; and then holds up its hands aa*l say
the army .is demoralized
One great evil which we arc stiffjri«g now
is the lack of any army. Why ? Ours is vast
.ly inferior to the one opposed to us. One oi
the greatest mischiefs of this military conscrip
tion is tlje -example it has set the North.-
Here again have vVe through our lolly, sac
rificed the advantage, we pvU'3 l; ?«iC*cL ovei on,
foes.
If we had adhered to the volunteer system
and making requisition on the .States, the
North'never would have adopted conscrip
tion.- It would have been to dangerous an
experiment for them to undertake. They
have had great trouble in enfolding it as it i : ,
and the New York riots is one of the- conse
quences of it. If we had not set the example
the North never would have-lYdlowid, and the
issue would now be which could volunteer the
longest—we for the defense of all that is dear,
all that, is worth living for, and they for noth
ing but the subjugation ot au innocent peoole.
W r o have taught The North how they might
equal us m means of getting men into the ar
my, while they have vastly more men to put
there; and I tell you, when you have reduced
it to the principle of briQ(|iug men into the ars
my as mere machines, «5d not as freemec-
patriots, they have three time3 as many
machines as we have, and as good ones too I
believe that but for this policy, the was spirit
at the North would have been broken down
before now, and to-day our prespects would
have been infinitely brighter they are.
Another obstacle to our success is that ib
policy heretofore pursued, bas broken down
the coufi fence ot tbe country in the mili'ary
capacity of the President. I do not speak of
his motLvee, but the President has tailed, utter
ly failed ; and as a leader he cannot any mure
have the confidence oi the army or the coun
try. When Bragg Lad won the battb. ot Uaiek
amauga, the President was warned that the
enemy might get possesiiou of 1. tokout Moun
tain. lie said nothing would please him r t
Iter than for them to attempt it. The very v
on. which he uttered these words, the enemy
took possession of Brown’s Fecry, which was
i the key to the takm.c of ike c* .oil. rig B .-iulr;
1 have shown bo— imp rt nt ?! -t step **r.s.
j Again Le?c'. : us, ir. hi? '-!> -r. spree!:. *':•:—
•' Sb®rman wo*.: r bo cb i-:ei to rvk* re end ~:ri
: when he dd, it would J •* ar th-: - .- re
treat Well. Sh.reran he; gen? thro; -'• C- \r.
- gia, South C.noKua, .and is goin r'tbrough
North Carolina, and - r;> he v-po--. ;
Again, he f-ri !in hi- h h:#> u spe c ; .f. j
days ago, th Gi. the ai s ntces w*— , 1 r . ,
•he army, Sherni-au’n morcii .. .ce, , '-I
would bo bis la-'-t ono, find I- *■ .• ii- • |
reached this place, r!:-" n-ru*ha I ;•; ‘
through another Sr-atoa.ad ; t*uck .. ihi, J.
How can the ; -pie or t?..- be ,*xpec't
ted tj rely upon the predie.i oi :! •. :
of men who make stidh a-s tL- ro ? Upr. can
we expect iiucces-; tl.-n ugh suc-i biandm in • ;.r
we have had, mid wiveh .i. <; m .
-What is the value of a orvifcnr ilm! alt*.,; well,
as we were told at 111- hruotd th * of: vr d.ay.
when everybody knows i-* n-: ihu ..
The men who tell r.u so arp u - e c ■ * : .1
lors. Tney are no! ofiuli-jd'to c-nr ci-r.ri.;, r-c
in their present predteti:.*ds, Oi ih< -e a. ’ ■
in the past, or their skiffcmAyil sos * : ,
facts.
A distinguished Senator from this State. h
this hall a few nights ago, -made the same
.kind of predictions, and also s ,id
deficiency of supplies. Cm- pi.r-ple are; culled
upon to .believe men ia tbes o predictions and
statements, whose pas* pn dictions bare been
so signally unfa!filial •.
But my fiih'd rearoh for d-onci" a Conrt-r, •
tion is one that hr nor m-mUnicd ».y >».->. (gov
ernor In h?s message i : :•» for thu in por-e
making a yon-a to tUc pivpo.d
tions of ti.e State light‘s pion of the N=-r li.
We are told that Lincoln lay?, cloo.-l the
door of neghtiatiers.between vin aad ihs peo
ple of the North. Oi.r 0.-ato , are t.. ■
our people to hate thb whok* North. We .a:-
asked it v. o n
which are imbrued ia our brut? •••*« Mo. as a
everybody in the North had
imbrued. Tjtr President in his late : K:.;!ii-i-ru!d
•cpeech, tells the hole North lie wilt t .
them that when they talk to us, they are
talking to their masters ! The (Tie-:;:.)’ Con
vention, ia its platform. said the United S' - ..s
Government had no light to <•.*, fso tovt-n etn
States. That principle carries everyth'ng-'in
volved in this revokTion. It is Tilt i a-!:
alt I want The sovereignty ;< the State*-is
derived from the Dccltu ■ :
That document asset! - InaWne 't i-irb-on Ooio
nies were not one conodldatcd, itulopeniteftt
nation, but. thirteen imho* : dent tv A, < r
the war, George J!f aeknow!,- !,;■• ! :*> vjr'h do~
’ pecdence, not its one eye; id’ . ; u ; -n*‘ f.nt
as thirteen separate ;*nd ii.uje
enumerating each one of i ; . m hy-n uir -
This is-our birthright ' . W
contending for find rh and
this principle and the tor,.-!.; •• a i [
ask no more. -Wo c<fu thou : all the U
form their aemvailidin; ;s id.-y pleufuj. A.
great party at the North jilar.i i the ibeivt-s
cn this principle. , Our iv.Wr!, . ’•nsdead <’•'*
responding to i; and gi ■ T
•mgourageiaent, rtnpcßd v a.i! Lake tho.nr
d*nvn, and here we are! The Pi• ie»r. in his
speech at Columbia, took pains io png him
self in opp jition to this r'e c-.j if., L.l
not even preserve silence,'but i, tiff noirMetri.
COUid not, produee.peaee, 1 t-rv if • jj : -i
attain' and only by ti:<> swoid; -and lv* •and : hi-’
suit to this injury,, by comp • p.-.-pd? of
■ the North to and ray In . the way
to make thorn civil, wen t’> ivh’p them.
Now what encouragement was Th.w to <>nr
fiiends at the North?.
But again, in his late Richmond speech
he declares lie 'will teach them v ry scon
that when, they talk to us, they will tali: t >
their masters. Ido think the r-e .of such
language by the President ia moH unfortunate,
and the ft ails of it are: bad. The .State Right;
men of the North and they are to-, re.
ia large numbers—of'’fcuime want the Union
r stored, b-.it tbqy contend that ! . P. dcrnl
Government has no right to co• roe a powivign
State. This Govern meat oug: it n c to eon •
duct itself ks to* throw those men inn* the
scale against us.
It is said that the lute effort- at m-g -ti.-.t'on
is a failure, turd there is nothin left us h
tight; and'that FTnnualo Wood is to waiving his
friendsh'p towards us and guar., to laneo- ) -u
his war. flow can v:» expect the hoen.dsbip<>t
such men and their'sops.oit of the pifneiplb;
of the old revolution, when we alwudon them
ourselves ? I want to see the South*tight !dih
coin and bis policy, and in doing Ihis.'i waui
just as much sympathy at the North as ».■* cm
get. -
I have no doubt Itfr. flavin piefn.a and the
election of Lincoln to MeGlsl! in, yvlttoti is v« vy
strange to me. Kurope is agaiast us on an-..'
couut of bur institutions. The world h :;in*t
us. When we get 'out -i<io of the bimaih of the
Confederate States, there is not. a spot on th;
green globe where, wo have as re. .ay ,y.nd a.-
warm friends as in the North. Do you want
to multiply our frkmh or ovr eneuii: s ? WiiTh
is the host policy ? I want to xnu'tiply oar
friends, and pirticularly in 1 .ine da’s domirions.
When I see a man in the Nonii a .-aoi.-g ;no'
principles on which Lincoln i u w■ hi - w.-.r,
be he Yankee or not,.he ii my Li* nd.
But we cH’edoue wi.lh the old i r ; in. Tk-.ie
is a delriion on the pare of tho e who would
be willing; to go back ikk> the Ur.ion. u-j if
was. -That is an imj>.■ g;b;!i-y. The Union is
gone ! It is dead ami Im -■! in p ..-it ami
ean.iot be resuiaeeb.d ! a;,d I ;-.m uot, disp-* -.1
to labor in such a work. (Suppose that Ln-.coln
should make a propusiiioa f-ir us io g-f vok
into tho Union as it-wu and vou £ -!; and <
to it ; would you #ot do so in. ha e >.pul
l would dig up rhe corner stone ot Lie old
Constitution and the ih-cXi; •:inn of ho!.*;-, a
deuce of 177(1. 1 would- t.-ke out th-a'. one,
and whin-that is done the whole fabric of, the
Union tails. You might have som.-thiag gi .e,
and .call it tho old Union, hue it won id not be.
Such is an utter impossibility. *
lam In favor oi holding out to tho . ' u the
idea that we are willing to : fop ihe \v .r on
conditions, .1 am not in fav- rof foimlo.- t ere
am mg us a littlo negro-(,em y, t. T>-*' entirely
isolated from ail it*t<he..i:t! ■ with ii.o on ide
world.- I greatly prefer.tot-ake the T-uthwc t
ern States into our Coni ■irravon. N: :• -.•• > u
will not HtvUi - h-i ;U-. udh 1 -rn,. , .= • lV ! Hi;
brue-d Iheli.- ,’ . bronn't h blood wb; . a
refuse to t*!•:.• Kv-ntncSy and ail \ iv into
oar Confederation - l them -.viui u:>, and
I want Jli'-ylfT!! too. i ; .m r.f- * Lee t.. .-v 1
want the Nortbwc?\rn States with us.
I would apply to this cue tto i -e w;-:
maxim which eetti nt isjiu war ol t; : . ii. ; ....
volution. Th preamble ■
treaty of peace w. .and. .-.-d !{• - .
bloody coatee:, dtj*.. ; ihat ;. yi
cages and mnt-iat can veil i ac* l* ;» ...
solid foeuda i-.n f u pe«c-j between in. -
is the language o' iuy le.-.eiiUioa--', "in my.'
judgment, aivauug.M an rmimi B
convenience rty,'ii:a tuat km States of this
Confederacy and the great Northwest should _
be embraced in Borne sort of political a-socia-"
tion.
; Suppose the war was brought to a eucnc-ssfal
issue, and our independence ack-io’ i 1.
would the work thepbodone ? Gentlemen .kUc
!of circomscrlbiiig our iicaies. and m tk. , - i.fc
| tie negro-ocracy for ours-iivc-a ouly. L ;h. ia
| think seriously of the matter. We are <;- g
| with a great contintataL quo: ion. Att.-r Ui
-1 war, we will have to*live aiong-ide ot ih.
States with which we are now at war,-.either
as lrieuds or mn m- -. if me qiK -r;-.-n w - left to
the Statesewtions. without any otteer
v- n ifleill 'h'* 4ll lilc ’ r own in "
C |j< J /ey would Jorm two coun
ly;/ faiufej.itisof vitai impoit
• / a should be tHe strongest
A i, a structure that w !l en^-
fcet us have the principle
IT rates pan form treir al
y their own conrenieuce
aodiach r 6 wiil operate as a great
YOU, LXXIV.----NEW SERIES VOL. XXIV NO. 11
j to*l.' .nimsfifig principle, that will pre vent any
] future aenfiicts or distractions.
! . aare-vre to be_educ * and to hate the people of
; tfcf None What good can come of it ? It
w v:av, :£'.'rv':4' ruiCknsyian. H.teis an emana
t;-*:i ; ombth. Oar oiators Like pains to Dx'-
t *-■' t* -‘* ri -'’ut their-avarice, and at tire
1 titn!'! tels them'to hate Ihe p.-opfe of the
i -North This B ait uuehristian-and damnable
■ dovriinc. I bel.tve God rules' this world ad*
! eofding to the pniickdcs ot life B-ble. Pwiyers
n-n .* been road- tm our ... u days end thanks
i gi» mg days for tau iorgivece.-s ol car national
-uiis. y. o veil! not have this forgiveness till we
are prepared tor it ia our hearts aud deserve
i- \\ bile .ora educated in this idea of hat
ing mat dad, I Tremble tor theresult, This is
no an'.acceptable tiering upon God’s altar. I
don’t y.’.-iUt to hear'p'aycrs that breathe out
slaughter and death fmj inculcate the spirit -f
hwied ; ancTwi!.;i 1 he.*..* then* ] toe: like tak
•ing my hat and leaving the house Hue ! Are
y-nu going to dbtcnrd’ Western Virginia, and
~ ' '-tecky, and-Maryland and ill ,-.ois ? I.am
tree ty. nr:.eh’d:n that I am iu iav-.-ic.
; . ... 1 1-1; • : .«vtos .. me Valiev crlthe Missis.-ip
|d, ii Ifiov can he brmuh; to*a rc-c.ignition of
| the sound principle of State novOrcignty and
j ackiiow iedg 'thoir error iff denying it to us.—
Thin is all I want. If they will quit this war on
ins aud ;v.knowledge the right of the States
to do ns they plcgre—to form t-h( ir own rela
linpa -ac'Sordm'g to the r ou ii incions anif
I «}ui vviiiiag to Tuii.n with thonx. in
; an aHiiiuhe. iam not prepared to say. whether
and vverrid b-i-b c st to form this alliance nudev a
Coirstitn-rivin or a treaty; bui lain tree to say
we ougut,' in one way or,the other, to form
- ■
Mr.-Wright, of Coweta—l* uud.r.riood the
gen; -ru-iii to s:q ha wasopnesiM to retmidu.
j
Mr.; \\ iight*-And reconstruction ?
Mr.-- &h pm na - J am ultorly opposed ijo ro
. eo:.: .-a a ri term is commonly under
- i too‘i. ‘ . *
Mr. Vi right—But I understand you now that
yon would be waling to unite with alt cf the
o:d Shu i' ; : for ii appeals iiiat you don’t object
t:> assoniiito with auy i-hate because she has
fought us id the war
Ms. Stephens —Then you do not understand
mo. Ido nqt object to any State lor that rea
son; but I may object for other reasons. The
'-.gentleman argues that because I don’t-object
upon that g;-. and, then I can have no objec
tioo-u;iou any ' t umid. This is about as good
it gi.'iiw fr*i c mcltule Uut a plan is necessarily
“wi;lij»g to. mawi >• tt W(fninn b. cau • lie has no
phject-iou i-o her far the ground of porccnal
vbeairiy, Hd may -he perfectly rdisliod with
her p«ve,onal appearance a.id li an in/npera-
ion nx her bfld.character.
I imve r.ot s«!d :tf- all that l would be willing
to etffbre.ee* the KarJerii States nor even tlic
-.great Middle StatnMo tr»d’of r«-
eo - .-KV'hig !he severe!g l a*ts, which once
'composed th > American Union- What I have
fiaidu! tHitt Rqtiud i- uicysh: n!d admit <••!. ' vreat
NotriivcCst into cur family associai-ions cu ,-u; h
- i.-m-.ja.-t-.nent,-either under com ! ilo.ioaal or
treaty refations.
I woufel Bot’object to. taking in a flt ite solo
Iv on tl > griiiHui that felfc has fought us. Tffie
Biatvs to-form their alliances on the
Ti-ouari ci tec-iprofal advantage and mutual
cninVooiv.ro. 1-think we should have some
-i. Ic.e wia '.our, dither by-eonztitiuhoi or treaty,
. wit-i t-lie S':Cutes of the Northwest ; but I am
no 5 now prepared to sayfwhicji is best. Our
i: dura! l'uiiuson - aftei* tbo'uur vrquiro. that we
r.bould hhvu sou-.;- such - nlfiriiiecs.. We are
obliged to hafe"ftTWßiTthe people in the Missis
sippi Vailey. While the Mississippi River flows
whore God has placed it, th i people who, live
along its banks spd arc fed from its great valley,
must fise under some- regulated intercourse
--r some established relations wi ,-h th-ir several
States’ Iw< aid let the North know that we
ary uot 'besotted by hatt?, and are ready to form
and enter into such arrang; ment#. Whenever
you do this,»you drive a wedge itfl-o Northern
politics that: wifi split them to recces. • You will
not have to fight. PTe people of the West any
me re,* .a;. I (inly have 1.-ncoln and his party to
fight. Th- n wo can teach *Lincoin (not the
North) Gait when he.talks to ,ih he talks to his
master. . ...
To gay that w.b_ will tea ah the North that
when its people talk to ns t hey 'are talking to
their piasters, is like a small boy blustering in
his father’s boot# and great coat.
,1 would let the people ot the Ninth.and
North w out -.understand that we are -wil ling to
lot low that-great principle' wherever, 'it-may
lead ns. Do that, and you will got.peace, and
get it on right’ inns —and f don’t want it on
auv other. I went the same independence that
uy w acknowledged by G-.-orge -III —the separ
ate and .absolute independence of Georgia,
Virginia, and*the other Btates—ea, h on# indi
vidually Toat is what fare are fighting for.
Ton mi t put-the peace-of this contiitent on
a sound principle. If you don’t, it will be like
the seed- which tell on stony ground when it
does come- it will last lor awhile, but will
■soon be at an end. *
I wish to make a few remarks on what has
been said ol the lato effort at negotiations.—
Gen. Cobb claims the remit as*a fulfillment of
hie p' r.dictions ; L-akyet said it had done good
—it had mdted our people. 1 think it has
done good in uniting our people ia opposition
to the r it!Hog, unjust and outrageous de -
'•iu!ni--s oi Lincoln. . The.n geffCjetnen* pow
make th "mselvcs and the .fo.r.uer advocates of
negotiations shift position*exactly. Ttrey mis
state the former p< riUons of the wsnlvtk and of
pa. Ti--e.tr pp*d on was that an kffer so nego
tiate. could do no good and. would do harm.
Their present- as-'orlion, that it has retulted in
nailing our ‘people, a w>nli:s»ioaLi t!p:-5v for
mer error. Our former position was -not that
we mou and g( ; pi u ■ from—Mr. but
Uiai by his rejection oi it whi-n offered by us
on proper terms, orn people would be kept
united, his people would be divided and \w*uid
be l ;-.' him out ami elect a man who would give
us peace. In other words, that while
tiou would not proi-iire immediate peace from
Mr Lincoln, it would prepare the way for
peace, and so would do good and not harm.—
,‘J he present v:■ riion oi these gentlemen, that
the late inaugnration lias done good, is au in
dication ot the position which we have occu
‘;pied upon tbi- snljwt from the beginning.—
.None of the advocam;-. of negpti it on ever ex
pected peace from Lin o!a. Beane few persons
thought w-3 had nothing to do but to otter
|K eanl we would get i;; but I aev i did.—
> ihot was not the policy which the resoiutiens
we adopted a y<- r ago lqbked to
The truth is Lincoln don't want peace. lie
has sini.-Uv designs upon the liberiy ol this
continent. lie i not going to grant ua ps ce
it he. can help it. I should not have offered
peace when «our affairs had as much discoura
ging appearances about them as they have
now. 1 would Lave offered peace alter our
t
abound Richmond, Fiedericksburg, Ch-useel
iorsviiie, Can kamauga, &c. It was on tneee
occasions that I did think we onght to have of
tercet peace to Line .-fin. Ho would of course
I have rejected it, and 'that would have broken
and .wn his p.'.rtj and built up a peace party at
the North. *
F : it : r . it to • sou commissioners even
1 vrlo-n we <h-‘. •• ■ ough we ought to have com
menced t’:ff3 wo k before the Presidential elec
tion. *v e orght to have espoused the Chicago
platform, so as to. break down Lincoln with his
own p i> : ". and build' up a brute flights party
■it the North, if you had done this and failed
l > secure peace, thert I w mid have beed wil
itug to stand convicted oi Laving misled our ,
it 1 were in the place of those persons who
have all along boon making predictions and are
now making acm, I would atop it and make
no more, rust they said we would have no
war. luen they said cotton was King and
wouid so'oa end it, and that Fra use and Eng
land would break up blockade. I
miher think that our people now believe we
na,e war, and that we nav e a blockade. ■
T’ aid that ' tho P®°P J « are “ot fit to-be
trusted, aha we must not have a Convenfidn.
n° is hr that seis up this claim f Let the*
- inarmed. I am. willing to trust the people.
t .ink nis right to trust them at anytime
au«: on any question. 1 believe our people can
ip united on the resolution I have-offered, and
1 iippiehend no reunion freni a Convention.
ibi _r pi-aiier,. disasters are thicken inn upon
us fc her in an is going towards Virginia to
unite with vrrant agains: L„e. Thomas is again
on ike move and may soon be Ufaioug us. Soon
me c.arnor tor a Convention of the State, that
was raised when Sherman was coming among
us, ho raised again. When the cry is re
newed lor the Convention, if you refuse it now,
you wui have the painful consciousness of hav
'“fi® , . as . il , n obstruction between the people
vm r 8 ’ and the people will endorse
. * ° u ve.dict or self-condemnation.
THK,JHb.V» Ti\ Hhl.l*.
ine annexed tax bill p issed the House of
Representative Feb. 24:
i io Congress of the Confederate States of
America do enact, Th it upon all subjects of
taxation under existing tax laws levying taxes
fpr the present year, •except as hereinafter
otherwise, provided there shall bo assessed aiyl
levied au additional tax of centum up
on the present tax on the4auiesubjects of and
for the year 1865, including the specific taxes
and all taxes on sales during the year 1865,
whether made before or after the passage of
-this ait and not.expressly excepted or other
wise provided by this act, which tax shall be
payable in Confederate Ttreasury notes of the
new issue at par, or in the certificates of in
debtedness authorized by V-\n act to reduce th«
ourrency and authorize a now issue of notes and
bonds’ 7 approved February 17, 18tS4 Sat the rata
of . ; ii)-j for every SIOO yf said certificates, but
withoiit«anv aliowanco fur interest, and the
same shall bo collected at the sume lime with
the other taxes on the same under
existing laws. And where any tax for 18(15 A
has been collected prior to the passage of this
act, the 100 per cent, additional tax thereon
shall be collected as soon as practicable attar
its passage,
2. in the year 1865 and in each succeeding
year thereafter during the continuance of the
existing war between tft*- United .States and
the Confederate Slates, there shall bo leyied
and collected the tax in kind on the products
of property employed in agriculture as now
provided by law, without deduction or abate
ment from ihe assessed tax on the property so
employed.
8. That, upon the failure of any person, co
partnership, joint stock company, corporation,
or any other association of persons, to pay the.*
taxes levied by this act, at such times and
places as-the collector may prescribe by public
notice, Buck persons, copartnerships, joint
stock companies, corporations or associations
of persons, shall he deemed anil held as de
faulters, and shad pay a penalty ot ten per cent,
upm the amount due, and be subject to all tho
provisions of existing laws authorizing tha
seizure fynd rale of property for non payment
of taxes.
4 If any State shall elect to pa.v the taxes
imposed by this act upon its citizens, notics
thereof must be given to the Secretary of the
Treasury on or before the Ist of April next,
whereupon ho shall estimate the probable sum
of the tax for the State so applying and notify
the Governor thereof, and upon the payment
of not less than threu-imuiiis cn the siinr'sb es
timated being made on or before the Ist, of
JunS, 1865, it shall be thedu-'y of the Secreta
ry of the Treasury to instruct the tax collec
tors in the State so making payment to sus
pend the collection of the taxes imposed by
this act. And when the lull returns shall jiairo
been i received and the true sum ot the tax hs
oerlained, then the final settlement with the
State shall be made and the sum of the remain
der bo collected, and when paid the Secreta
ry ol the Treasury shall give, notice that tha
said taxes have been fully paid and discharged
to the tax collector ol the mid State.
Sec. 5 That where property (real or person
al) has been injured or destroyed by the enemy,
or the owner thereof lias been temporarily de
prive 1 ol the ure thereof, or in the case of real
estate, of the means of cultivating the same by
reason'ot proximity of.the enemy, the assess--
incut. on such property may lie reduced in pro*
portion to damage sustained' by the owner, pr
the tax assessed thereon may' be reduced in the
same ratio by the district collector cm satisfac
tory evidence submitted to him by the owner
or assessor ; Provided, that the families of sol
diers in the array and those soldiers discharged
or retired from active service in the field op ao»
count of physical disability, and whose families
composed entirely of white members, whose
farms are cultivated exclusively by she mem
bers of tbe family,' shall not be liable to any
tax in kind. ♦
FROM VJHUIMA
CJaptain Raphael Semmes has been made an
Admiral and appointed to jJie command of the
.James Sivpr fleet.
In the sifce fight ia Virginia, Gen. Finnegan
enticed the enemy into a trap and killed . five
-hundred in one.corps. '# '
i lie enemy is busily ex tending a line of
railway to his new position on Hatcher’s rue.
Thence to his base at City Point. Grant will
soon have a continuous rail, running at all
points in close proximity to bis main lines.—
He will, therefore, find no difficulty in trans
ferring supplies from the wharf us fast as his
steamers cun land them, and will be enabled
;o drop them at any campon the rente. ♦ '' ■
It is stated that the enemy is throwing up
heavy works on the Brunswick stage tfoad,
between Reams’ station and Monk’s Neck
bridge, two miles below the latter place. The
object of this is, probably, to strengthen their
position there, that* they may. be the better
able to .extend their lines ia that direction in
the future.' 1
A man name Stebbihs, his wife, three ohil
dren, and negro servant were burned to death
at a fire in Richmond Feb. 21. The oldest
son was’ away from home at the time of the
firp and thus escaped the fate of the. others.
The bodies were ail recovered, in 'a charred
state.
from Mississippi.
G.n. Frank Gardner reached Jackson,.Miss.,
cn Feb. 18th.
Brig. Gen. Marcus J. Wright has arrived at
Grenada and assumed command ol the district
of West Tennessee and North Mississippi,
which is as follows: Beginning at the southeast
corner of Lowndes county, Miss , thence west
ward to the Mississippi river, along the south
ern boundary of tbe counties of Lowndes,
Oktibeha, Chickasaw, Carroll, Sunflower, and
Bolivar; thence up the'Mississippi river-to
Hickman, Kentucky; thence east by the State
line and the Northwestern railroad to the Ten
nessee river, up tbe same to the Alabama line
and southward by the Alabama line to the be
ginning. alia staff is announced as follows:
Major L. L. Butler, A. A. G.; Capt. John A.
Mitchell, A. A. G ; Surgeon H. B. Jones, no
dical inspector; Lieut. Minor B. Harris. A. T.
G.; aud Lieut. Eugene TANARUS, Harm, A'. D. C.
FROM NORTH CAROLINA.
A raiding party of Abe’enemy which threat
ened Tarboio a.f.ew days Since has been driv
en back. They only succeeded in destroying
a few commissary stoics. The railroad ha#
been cut beyond Goldsboro. *
It is stated that Winnsboro S. C. was net
visited by Sherman's troops.
The Yankee prisoners at Florence wero
paroled after being sent to Goldsboro, N. C.
Western Kentucky and Tennessee are filled
with roving bands fjom Hood's army.