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About Weekly chronicle & sentinel. (Augusta, Ga.) 1866-1877 | View Entire Issue (May 2, 1866)
Clpuirle 'i: fcatinii AUGUSTA, GA., \\ KIHKMJA V HOHMXU, MAY 2. Iflanly Ittrraneeg. The fallowing remarks are contained in a discourse reoentiy preached in the city of Philadelphia by the Rev. Albert Barnes : I hesitate not to say, on the whole, the con duct of the South, in the feelmgs evinced on the termination of the conflict, has been such as to demand the confidence of the North, and to si r’ure the admiration of mankind. The surrender of armed forces was bo complete and entire ; the cessation of hostilities was so immediate and universal ; the acknowledge ment that they had been overcome was so prompt, frank and tnaniy ; the readiness to return to the Union has been so general, and apparently so sincere ; the recognition of the fact that slavery is extinct forever has lieen go v- is- !y admitted as a tact —vast as are the con sequences involved, and is the change in their habits ; the readiness to come under the ar rangements for collecting the revenue has been so prompt ; the disposition to resume com mercial intercourse with the great cities of the North has been so marked ; and the willing n -,i to come into the great arrangements of the nation lor the perpetuating of freedom has been so general, that we see in this, I think, the return of feelings of the best days of the Republic. There are exceptions (individuals) but there has never been a civil war closed where tbeje was less lingering animosity, or more willingness to unite again under the same Government. Can wo forget, wban we think of what is in the Nonihern bosom still, that long cherished opinions, feelings and cusioms do not soon change among the peo pie 1 Can we forget how long after the wars of the “Ron s,” and after the civil wars that voswiiei U tkv i>k>raonti *yi til 1 “ OxjtW ’ monwealth” in England, on the cessation of the forms of war, the feelings that had been engendered lingered in the bosoms of English men ' Can we forget how long alter the revo lution.‘he banishment of James, and the ac cession ot William and Mary, love for the ‘•Pretender,” lingered in the hearts of a por tion of that natloD; bow firm was the convic tion that be was the rightful heir of the Crown; how strong the hope that he would yet come to the throne ? bliall we blame our Southern brethren ii some similar feelings linger in their bosoms t Mr. Barnes, the author of the foregoing ex tract, is one of the most prominent and influ ential members of the New School Presbyte rian Church in the Northern States. He hat I men lor more than a quarter of a century known as an anti-slavery man. Fiom bis pul pit and from the press, he has, through all this period, sought to create a public senti ment in the country which might result in the overthrow of slavery. Such a man will surely not he regarded by the radicals as a witness prepossessed in favor of the South. His expres sions are those of an honest and intelligent observer, with all the warp of his anti slavery education, upon the facts which have trans pired in the Confederate States since tho sur render of our armies. In publishing such observations he but does our people simple justico. But at a time when the radical party, tor the purpose of excluding us from our con stitutional rights, are moving heaven and earth to persuade the Northern people that the South is as refractory as ever, and is only waiting an opportunity to foment now dissen sions ; it is refreshing to find a mao, who like Mr. Barues, has the honesty to proclaim the truth in regard to our temper. His remarks will not win the admiration of tho cabal who are seeking tho permanent humiliation of Southern mon, but they must secure the ap proval of his own conscience, a thing more to be desired than ten thousand pecans from such lips as Stevens, Sumner & Cos. Mr. Barues is not the only Northern clergy man who has had the manliness and candor to speak in behalf of an overpowered people at a time when unpitying and cowardly men are clamoring for the still further effusion of blood and imposition of penalties. It gives us pleasure to ruler in this connection to Henry Ward Beecher, who, whatever his antecedents, has deported himself towards us sinoe our de feat In such a way as to surprise us by his magnanimity and generosity. He has drawn down upou himself it is true the fiercest anathe mas of Ids quondam coadjutors in the abolition army ; hut. ho must find ample indemnification for alt such cursings in the consciousness of honesty, and in the affiliation which he now enjoys with more worthy associates. Nor do we lorget that eloquent Irishman in Philadel phia, the liev. John Chambers, who, amidst storms ot hisses and denunciations from his own brethren, and from outsiders generally, has stood up, like a man of true courage as he is, in behalf of the assailed and suffering—stand ing like a fast-seated rock of the ocean, whilst the angry billows were descending furiously against him. Bishop Hopkins, too, the elo quent Prelate of Vermont, who in tne midst of the strife could publish a book asserting the morality of uu iustitutiou which was then a target for the shatts of a world, cannot be ig nored in this connection. Other names occur as we write, but we need not extend the list. We have mentioned euough to show that wo have been too indiscriminate in our censure of tho Northern pulpit, aud that there are influ ent! il ministers at the North wtio believe that something ot truth and honor ip. the South lias survived the tearful wreck which war has created. It is ; n obvious dictate of wisdom on our p art to deport ourselves in such a way as to streugtheu our friends and weaken our ene mies at the North. Let out conduct corrobor ate such sentiments as those to which Mr. Barues has given utterance, and he will be encouraged to speak again, aud others will rally to his assistance. It ought constantly to be borne in mind by us that all expressions of hostility to the United States Government, all abuses of Northern citizens as such, all disiegard of those rights which the laws of our own State guarantee to the population, irrespective of color, are studiously treasured up by our ene mies as proofs, at once, of Southern insubordi nation and the necessity for contiuujd military rule. These are the arguments which the Radicals diligently use to fight the reconstruc tion policy of our patriotic aud Constitutiou loviug President, and to rebut the testimony ol those lriends who would offer a word in our favor. This is the staple which they seek to gather from every man from the South who is brought before their committee of •‘obstruction.” Let us do nothing, if we would be relieved from military rule and be re-invested with our political privileges, which such malignant haters can use for our detriment. Though false testimony may be borne against us—though men hailiug from our own State and but recent ly the recipients of official position, may speak of us in Washington in such terms as must be as much gratifying to our enemies as they are inconsistent with tacts—let us rebut their testi mony by such conduct as shall shame our traducers and silence our enemies. ♦.en. Tlllson. We had a pleasant interview yesterday with General lillson, the representative Jot the l ulled States in charge of the Bureau for Freedmcu and Refugees. The General coin municatcs the gratifying intelligence of the restoration ol plantations on the sea coast—to many on the Salts—Dr. Bignon's and other es timable friends and acquaintances. He speaks in glowing terms of climate, soil and charming appearance ol the whole Island country. In Southwestern Georgia, with the exception ol Stewart county, everything works smoothly aud haimonioueiv. In Middle Georgia, also with rare exceptions, everything is working smoothly and correctly, and the tone and sen timent of the highly educated and best people who control public sentiment, is elevated and characterized by a full determination to carry *>ut the laws of the State, imore liberal than any posse. K-d by any other S'ate). He regrets that in some of the river counties of the Eastern part of the State some lawlessness still exists. But this is gradually subsiding. He deprecates the publication of newspa per items—founded notunfrequently in truth— which are calculated to inflrme instead of al laying excitement, and to induce a partizrn ship which is subversive of all justice. Besides this, they are injurious ; giving such a charac ter to the State as will deter and las deterred capital and energy from our borders; as no man of common tense and common prudtnce will trust his person or invest his property where the epitome of daily :.fe is outrage —whether committed by white or black. As the Gov ernment representative, it is his duty to see that the Etate laws are enforced, and he is gratified that in the discharge of such duties he poßreste-: the confidence of the good men of the State. He further states that the march of European events and the disposition ot the Northern mind, gathered ai,ke from public prints and peroonal correspondence, indicates a flood of em gration during the ensuing fail, and looks fora tide of prosperity which our people little expect at this time. An Unpleasant incident. Our community were considerably excited Saturday afternoon by the rumois which were in circulation of an apprehended difficulty at the City Cemetery, between the city authorities and a portion of the black people, headed by Capt. Bryant, a Mr. Eberhart and some other white people (not citiz ms,) who had gone there with a view to decorate the graves of some Federal soldiers (white), who are there inter red The facts as far as we have been able to obtain them are as follows : A number of ne groes of both sexes, and of all ages, under the instigation and by the advice of the white men beforementioued and some others connect ed with the colored schools, had been induced to collect in a considerable body to repair to the Cemetery, with flowers to pay honors to the Federal (white) dead, there buried. This intention on tho pait of Capt. Bryant and his coadjutors coming to the ear of the city au thorities (unofficially,) the Mayor with some ot our most prominent and conservative citizens called on Gen. Brannan, the efficient and po lite commander ot the department, and laid before him the information which they had received. We learn that the General express ed bis disapprobation of tho contemplated movement in tho strongest terms, and assured the Mayor of his sympathy with him and the people of city at this most uuparalied procedure, but said that lie had no power to forcibly interfere in the movement, unless violence was threatened or commenced. That ho be lieved the movement could only be productive of harm, and that what influence he possessed would bo exerted to prevent tho display. The Mayor then called in company with the other gentlemen upon Gen. Tillson, and made a similar statement to him. He informed Gen. T. that no application had been made to him or to any of the city officials for permission to use the cemetery for this celebration, and that as the Chief Executive officer of the city ho should interpose the power of the city to prevent a consummation of the proposed cere monials. Gen. T. wo are informed Mayor that he waß totally opposed to the whole movement, and that in his opinion it could only lead to an estrangement of the two races, and doubtless would arouse and excite bitter feelings against the blacks. He also informed the Mayor that he had no power to prohibit the contemplated movement, and no foice at his disposal, if he had the power. The Mayor then ordered a strong force of the city police placed on duty at the Cemetery with orders to prevent the entrance of the crowd if it should attompt to do go. About 4 o’clock or a little after a large crowd of negroes, of all ages, colors and sexes had assembled at the nogro school house near the Northern corner of the Cemetery, with great quantities of flowers, wreaths, banners, &c. A Mr. Eberhart, who seemed to be a leader and spokesman for the colored people, called upon the Mayor and the other officials who had repaired to the Ceme tery, and after a brief conference it was agreed that those negroes who had brought flowers, and none others, would be permitted to enter at tho lower gate (the one nearest the graves of the Federal soldiers) and deposite their flowers, or make such disposition of them as they saw fit, and that no other negroes would be permitted to enter the gates. Th s arrangement seemed satisfactory to Mr. Eberhart, who pro ceeded to report the proposition of the Mayor to the negroes. One of the members of Council (Mr. Bothwell, we believe,) and two of our most esteemed and respectable citizens—J. M. New by, E-q , and Gen. Geo. W. Evans—proceeded also to the school house and gave the colored people their advice aud counsel, which seemed to be well taken. Indeed quite a number of the most intelligent confessed that they had gone into the movement under the advice of others, and that they were not aware that it was offensive to our citizens, or they would never have given their countenance to it.— They seemed pleased with the manner of these gentlemen towards them, and tho kindly way *u which their advice was given, aud cordially consented to abandon any further attempt to ■carry out their plans. Tire Mayor directed the lower gate opened for the admission of those who had flowers, when the negroes all rushed to the gate for admittance. The officer in charge bad them promptly closed. Some parlying here en sued, iu which the Mayor aud Capt, Bryant took the most prominent part, the latter insist ing that all the negroes shoul 1 be admitted and the Mayor resolutely refusing. There were several white womeu in the crowd of negroes, aud to them the Mayor sa ! d, “You can come in, ladies—there is no objection to your entering, and ycu can have as many of the colored people to accompany you as you wish to carry your baskets, flowers and wreaths.” But one of the white women availed themselves of the invitation, when the gate was closed aud the negroes dispersed, and the affair ended. We have no doubt that this was from its inception a studied attempt to insult and humiliate our people. We do not believe that the black people would ever have thought of such a thing, but for the promptings of Capt. bryant, Eberhart and the white school teach ers who are iu our midst. ' Their mistaken policy of leading the colored people to en croach upon the rights and feelings of onr citizens, can but prompt and engender strife and ill feelings between the two races. We do not believe that they are intlueuced by any great love for the negroes, but rather by a bitter and vindictive feeling towards the whites. We tell the black people that their true policy is to cultivate and deserve the friend ship of our own citizens. With them, and through them, they are to earu their living, aud they will he their best friends, in the very course of things the presence of these people will cease, aud then if they have so managed while their pretended friends are here as to estrange the feelings of those with whom their lot is cast, they will in their hour of greatest need find themselves friendless and unpitied. This should afford much for serious reflec tion to the blacks, and they should think of this when their new friends instil into their minds the idea that we are their enemies. We doubt not that this unpleasant incident will be represented as a refusal, on the part of our authorities, to allow the graves es Federal soldiers to be decorated. Nothing is more un true. If the soldiers or their friends here de sire to decorate the graves of their fallen com ales, and prop-Tiy respect the rights and feelings cf who those control our cemetery, we doubt Got that they will not only bo freely permitted to do if, but every facility will be afforded them in executing their grateful and proper purpose. How Northern Opinion is iflanufattiired. If we know our own hearts, we would shrink from writing or publishing a line for the pur pose of keeping aiive the bitter feelings en gendered by the war. On the contrary, we earnestly desire to promote a spirit of concili ation, harmony, and muLualfriendship between the two parties to the late struggle. There fore, in publishing the following extracts, we do it, not to stir up a spirit of anger toward the wretches who revile us, but simply to put upon the record the evidence cf the regular system of slander by which Northern public opinion is swayed to our injury. How can we blame people who read such libels in news papers, whose editors endorse them, for believ ing that we are rebellious and cruel, and need military control ? A Northern paper says : Recently two colored men presented them selves to the office of the Freedmen’s Bureau in Augusta, Ga., with a chain closely locked around each one’s neck. The men tor whom they were working bad taken the liberty of administering one hundred la-hes the wife ot each one, to which they objected; where upon this hutnaue(?) employer chained one down by the neck in the kitchen, and the other in the smoke-house. They effected their escape; and, upon the advice of Hon. Alexander H. Stephens, presented themselves to General Til son with the chains still on their necks. No body here ha3 heard of such a case. Here is an item from Eibert county : Recently Gen. Tillson sent an officer into El bert county to look after the interests of the freed people; and while there, he fined a white man five dollare for maltreat ng a freedmac. The citizens, for that act threatened to mob him and drive him away; but, inasmuch as he had a few good, trusty soldiers who had faced rebels many a day before, they finally con cluded that prudence was the better part of valor. In Putnam county, within a week, one of Gen. TiUson’s staff and several Northern men, who were there hiring men to go to the Missis sippi Valley, were mobbed, and forced to make a summary exit from the county ! And men representing the best families (?) in the county were leaders iu the disgraceful affair. The citi zens swore that they would clean out the and and Yankee sons of b s, and “not a and and nigger should be allowed to leave the county.’’ The truth in reference to the above affair is, that several Northern meu went to Putnam and enticed about a thousand freedmea to break contracts made with the Bureau, and leave— whether for the West or Cuba, has not trans pired. Another: At Madison there has been some trouble in consequence of some freed men wishing to get out of the county, while tho whites swear they shall not leave. Their schooihouse was burnt on the 13‘.h inst., by white men. It was here as in Putnam, save that the ne groes were convinced of the bad faith of those who tried to get them to leave, and would not go. An old house once used as a school house, and in which the lreedmen talked of having a school was burned, last fall; it was the act of two or three thoughtless youths, and was de plored by the wholecommunity whoallowed the negroes to meet night after night for religious and school service in the Methodist Church.— The old Baptist Church—infinitely better than the old Academy, has been used as a school room New York Cotton Market. Much surprise was expressed on Wednesday at the quotation of the cotton market in New York at 24 to 2C cents. The figures indicated a decline of about 10 cents a pound, and the impression prevailed that it was a telegraphic error, and should have been 34 to 36 cents. Sharing in this impression, we affixed a mark of doubt (?) to the quotations. To allay all suspense, we sent a dispatch to New York on Thursday, and received on yesterday the reply that the figures as published were correct. Be fore this answer came, the extraordinary decline in Liverpool was reported. No definite and satisfactory reasons are given for the de cline in Liverpool, and wo are left to assume that it results from the threatening aspect of continental politics, and tho heavy receipts reported from this side, together with large estimates ani prospects of a crop of this year. Later.— Our New York dispatch of last night reporting the market at 31 cents seems to nullify our private intelligence, and we may perhaps as well fall back on the original opinion that the figures ought to have been 34 and 36. The decline is a very serious one anyhow. Cholera Preventive. —Gas is said to be a sovereign cholera disinfectant, aud escaping gas in a house will protect the inmates against cholera. An old physician, who has had some experience in the treatment of cholera cases, recommends that, when the disease ap pears, every tenth burner in the city be turn ed on, and the gas allowed to escape and impregnate the atmosphere. Dr. Hamlin, whose experience of cholera has extended through three visitations of the disease in Constantinople, expresses the opinion that there is no disease which may be avoided with so much certaiuty as cholera. If one is prudent and temperate in diet aud drink, and can avoid over exertion, great fatigue, great anxiety, fright and fear, he thinks he is as safe from cholera as from being swept away by a comet. This opinion, he declares, is the result of his personal investigations in at least a hun dred cases, not less than thres-f-mrihs of which could be traced to one or another ot the incit ing causes mentioned. The Crops. —Accounts of the growing wheat and corn crop continue favorable. The heavy rains, accompanied with severe winds, of the past ten days, have been general, and the weather has been quite cool for the season, causing some apprehension of frost. The weath er, however, has moderated and the sky is once clear, and we trust no such calamity will be visited upon our people. Our exchanges in the upper part of the State made no mention of iDjury from frost. A newspaper correspond ent who has traveled over several hundred miles in Pennsylvania, Delaware and Mary land, rep'rts that, excepting perhaps one field in twenty-live, the wheat is in fine condition. New Express Company. —The Herald says that a number of new express companies have been projected lately, but they have, so far, either been absorbed in or bought up by the old companies. We now hear that another one,—called the Merchants' Union, has been organized with a capital of §5,000,000, and that its principal office is 60on to be opened— Elmore P. Ross, of Auburn, New York, Presi dent, aud Wm. H. Sewatd, Jr., Vice President. The company intends, if it does not follow the new organizations previously mentioned, to run over the principal loutes of the coun try. What Denomination. —A Western farmer, who wished to invest the accumulation of his industry iu United States securities, went to Jay Cooke’s office to procure the Treasury notes. The clerk inquired what denomination he would have them in. Having never heard the word used except to distinguish the reli gious sects, he after a little deliberation, re plied : ‘‘Well, you may give me a part in Old School Presbyterian, to please the old lady ; but give me the hett on't in Free Will Bap tist.” Kentucky Races —The Woodlawn Associa tion. known throughout the United States as among the first racing organizations, have made ampie arrangements for the spring racss over their course. These races will commence on Monday, the Tth of May, and continue until Thursday, the 10th. dia WASHINGTON IETTER. INTERESTING NOTES AND COMMENTS ON’ NATIONAL AFFAIRS. (FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.) Washington', Monday, April 23. The telegraph has already given you an oatline of the conditions, on which the Radi aais propose to admit the South to representa tion ; or, to speak more correctly, by exact ing which, they expect to ace mpiis’n tha in definite exclusion oi the Southern people from any participation inthecortro of national affaire. The Reconstruction committee have shown themselves to be adepts in the great art of “How not to do it they have arranged a set of propositions to which they are confi dent the South can never agree, and it is only too certain, I fear, that their actioi will re ceive the plaudits and the coufi.mation of both branches of Congress. THR TEST OATH. Let the people of Georgia understand at once—for they must learn it by bitter expe rience iu the end - that tho resolute puipose of the men who Ebape the action of Congress, is to allow no man now or hereafter, to sit as Senator or Regresentative in Congress, or to hold any Federal office whatever, unless he be ready to swear that he has never either par ticipated in, or in any manner sympathized with the struggle for Southern Independence. There is absolutely no hope of the removal cr modification of that test, until, by the action of the people at the polls, the political com plexion of Congress is materially altered. VIEWS OF THE 'SUPREME COURT. Os the eight Judges of ’the Supreme „Court there are five—namely, Judges Wayne, Clif ford, Grien, Nelson aud one other—who make no secret of their opinion that the test oath is unconstitutional. But only the first four of these—not a majority of the Bench—were in favor of rendering an immediate decision in the case which involved the constitutionality of the test. So the case is held over and the Court cannot officially promulgate its opinion until its next term, which will not open until the first Monday in December. Sccreta.y Seward is in high glee that, THE FRANCE-MEXICAN IMBROGLIO, if not already at aud end, has at last ceased to wear the threatening aspect which it has hith erto borne. The French Minister on Saturday called officially at the State Department and announced the adhesion of the French Gov ernment to the American principle of non intervention in Mexico, and that, in pursuance thereof, the gradual withdrawal of the French forces from that unfortunate country wiil at once begin, ’this is regarded as quite a tri umph in the foreign poiicy of the Administra tion ; but, on the other hand, we bear sinister hints that the action of the French Emperor in this matter is a mere juggle ; that for every French soldier who quits the Mexican soil, ten volunteers stand ready to take hisiplace, and that, as regards money, Maximilian can draw all that he may need from the treasury of France. Time must show whether Napoleon is thus keeping the word of promise to the ear only to break it to the hope. BENDING NEGRO CRIMINALS SOUTH. Quite a singular commentary upon the recent action of Congress in officially protesting against and the pardoning of criminals by Eu ropean Governments on condition of their emigrating to the United States, is furnished by the recent action of the Fieedmen’s Bureau here. Under the orders of the Bureau, a large number of negroes confined in the city jail, charged with larceny and other crimes, have been liberated on condition that they would qo to Louisiana. The black rascals of course were glad to get off on such easy terms, their travel ling expenses being paid and subsistence fur nished them until they cau be supplied with places at “good wages” in the sugar State. Not to speak of the strange contrast that this af fords with the treatment accorded to white criminals of the same grade, it may well be doubted how far the people of Louisiana will fancy the conversion of their lovely parishes into an ebony Botany Bay. TUE ADMISSION OF COLORADO. The friends of the admission of Cos lorado as a State are struggling hard to get the bill through Congress during the present session. An effort is now in progress in the Senate to induce that body to reconsider the vote by which the bill was rejected a short time ago. If this effort should secceed the chances are very good for another star being added to the “galaxy” before the end of spring. Sumner and tbo extreme wing of the Rrdical Senators steadily oppose ths bill because tha right of suffrage is denied to negroes in Colorado Teri tory. THE TIME OF THE ADJOURMENT of Congress continues to be a matter of great uncertainty. If any truce could be patched up between the President and the Radicals, an adjournment would take place about the end of May. As it is, the leaders in the House of Representatives continue to threaten that they will sit the summer through- The work of the session is well advanced, the House having taken action on all the principal appropriation bills. The tax and atmy bills are also in such shape that their passage may be expected at an early day. The Senate is somewhat more behindhand in its business than the House ; but. if political manoeuvering does not prolong the session, there is no good reason why the adjournment should bo defer red beyond the first of June. Butternut. Planting Large Crops in Virginia. —lt is stated by the Lynchburg News that the farmers of that section, the Piedmont region, and in the southwestern portion of the State, and in other localities of Virginia, are assiduously devoting their time and energies to the main objects of raising large crops of tbs various agricultural productions during the present year. Preparations have been made for the cultivation of large crops of corn, and more than an average amount of oat-e has already been put in the ground. The wheat crop, it is gener ally conceded, will not prove an average one, though a better supply will be realized than was anticipated a few weeks ago. Trouble in Georgia.— A Nashville paper says that the Governor of Georgia has called upon General Thomas for troops to aid in the execution of the laws in the Northern coun ties of the State. In Fannin county, the civil officers are defied by the mob and disaffected The request was complied with yesterday, by a squadron of the sth U. S- Cavalry being ordered to the locality of the troubles, The Richmond Ppess.—Arrangements are in progress for the regular appearance of the Richmond Enquirer. The Dispatch appears in an enlarged and improved form. The Times, in deference to the wishes of its patrons, has dropped its quarto form, aud appears on a sin. gle sheet. The Boston Traveller says: The Southern trade has completely collapsed, and hardly a vessel is on its way hither from New Orleans, Mobile, Savannah or Charleston. Our people have probably as much cotton on hand as they care about holding, and wish the quantity lessened rather than increased. The French Ordnance Committee have come to the conclusion, first, that breach-loaders are a mistake tor large calibres, and that for rifled guns, throwing heavy shot, the Whitworth gun is the best. The only thing against it is its COSt. Jft There are at Fort Jefferson, on the Dry Tor* tugas. sixty-five whites and ninety five colored prisoners. Most are undergoing sentences of courts martial, and every day the number is being diminished through expirations of terms of imprisonment. SR. tLAUSTOSfe’s GREAT REFORM SPEECH. ENTHUSIASTIC EULOGY ON THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATKB. The basqaet given to Mr. Gladgtone by the Liberal party >. 1 Liverpool was a brilliant and tjuccesslul allair. Mr. Gladstone emphatically declared that the Government would stand or fail by the reform bi'l which they had introdu ced. In the course of his speech he referred to the Fenians in America, and in strone terms denounced their threats against the in nocent citizens of Canada and New Brunswick as a means of rediessing supposed wrongs, with which they had nothing t > do. He as serted that in the event of the heniaus proceed ing to such a diabolical act, they would place themselves beyond the sympathy of the whole v.orld, and all the resources ol England would be freely spent to assist her colonists in the holy work of ref-defence. The Duke of A-gyle and Mr. Goscben was among the guests at the banquet, and made speeches in support of the reform bill On tha following evening Mr. Gladstone ad dressed a great reform meeting at the Amphi theatre, Liverpool. He adduced strong argu ments in favor of the Government measure, and his remarks were applauded with the greatest enthusiasm. He pointed to the exer tions of America in the late war a? proof of the benefits resulting from trust in the people ; and looking at the energy displayed on both sides, he said : About five or six hundred years ago, when the subjtct of parliamentary reform was un der discussion, it was a popu ar and fashiona ble practice to speak of the institutions ot America as a perfect failure, aud long orations were delivered in the House of Commons stat ing all the particulars of that failure, and making use of those institutions as a bugbear to terrify and frighten us from proceeding in the path of ouv duty, to induce us to with hold our confidence from our countrymen, and insist upon retaining the narrow limits of the present constituency. [Hear hear.) What ba3 taken places since that 1 lam not going to a general lecture upon the civil war in America ; above all, lam not going to bring forward any invidious distinctions or any distinction at all, between one section aud another of that great community. For my part, my earnest and devout aspiration is —and I believe that ia the aspiration and de sire of Englishmen at large—for the welfare of that nation in every part aud portion of it the white or black, North or South. [Ap plause ] Neither am I going to hold up American institutions as institutions to be preferred to our own. [Hear, hear ] But what lam going to do is tnis : I think it is our business as men of sense to draw lessons from the experience of mankind, [hear, hear,] and from the fads that come under our view, whether they be in despotic countries or in constitutional couutries, or in countries re publican or democratic. [Hear, hear ] And the point which I ask you to observe is this : not the comparative met its of English or Amer ican institutions, but thi3 single and important point, of the effect that has been produced in America by largely extended popular iranchises by a widely spread patriotEm on the part of the people in the choice of their governors, the wonderful, unexampled, and almost incredible effect that has been produced by that system in giving forcible expression to tho national will, and in enabling the Government to de velop energies for the purpose of giving effect to that will, such as have probably never been developed in equal times aud among equal numbers of men since the race of men began upon the earth. [Applause] Less than 30- 000,000 of people—l do not speak of the ne gro population, who can hardly be said to have entered distinctly into the war, thankful as we may be at the change it has ultimately had upon their destinies—2o,ooo,ooo in the majori ity and 0,000,000 in the minority coming to the bloody issue of war upon a matter which upon the one side and the other was heid vital by both, have, lam bound to say, common justice requires us to admit, developed an amount of heroism, a power of self-sacrifice, [hear, hear,] an energy, a perseverance, a for getfulness of every personal interest, an amount of actual force arrayed and marshalled by the subjects in support of their chosen ru lers such as I know not where to seek for in the annals of the history of the world. [Ap plause.] What I would say is, let us learn lessons where we can, aud among others let us learn them from our brethren the chil dren of our loins in America. The position of England is a peculiar position in the world. England has inherited from by-gone ages more, perhaps, of what was most august and venerable in those ages than any other European country, and af the same time that her traditions of the past are so rich and fruitful that all our minds and char acters have, both within and beyond our know ledge', been largely molded by them, she has hkewisebeen exposed in the highest possible de gree to every modem influence which the nine teenth century has brought into activity. As geographically she stands with Europe on the one side of her and America on the other, so she stands between those feudal institutions upon which European society was formed, and which have given her her hierachy of classes, and on the other side those principles of equal ity which form the basis of society in America. Ii is the business of England, not, by servile imitation of the one or the other to forget her own glorious history, but on the contrary, to cherish everything she has inherited and to im prove it, but to improve it for the sake of pre serving it. [Cheers.] But it is her duty while she so Jooks upon the past to learn likewise from the present; and if the recent events which have taken place on the other side of the Atlantic have demonstrated to us how, by an enlarged franchise, augmented power cau be marshalled on behalf of the Government, and increased energy bo given to the action of the nation, why then I say without risks, with out forgetfulness of the rules of prudence and circumspeciion, always within the limits of modesty and moderation, but yet with firmness, with determination we ought to observe, copy, and appropriate the lessons which may be so gathered from other por tions of the experience of the human family. [Applause ] It is sometimes said that tee measure we propose is a democratic measure. The word democracy has very different senses If by democracy is meant liberty, the exten sion to each man in his own sphere of every privilege and franchise that he can exercise with advantage to himself and with safety to the State, then I confess I do not see much to alarm us in the word democracy. [Hear, hear, and cheers ] If by democracy is meant the enthroning of ignorance against knowledge, the setting up of vice in opposition to virtue, a disregard of rank, a forgetfulness of what our fathers have done tor us, indifference or cold ness with regard to the inheritance we enjoy, then I, for one, and I believe all whom I have the honor to address, are the enemies of democ racy. [Hear, hear.] In such a sense this is not a democratic country. [Hear, heat.] Oa the contrary, in this country there is a love for that arrangement and constitution of society which we have disinherited from former times; and I do not believe that of the entire commu nity there is one man in a hundred who would disturb it if he could. [Hear, hear] There is but one thing that can make this country from a country aristocratic in its feelings become democratic. That day, I think, would be an unhappy day, and I know nothing that could bring that day to arrive unless it were a for ge’luiness by the British aristocracy that their order has in all times beyond any aristocracy in 'he world, been trustful and confiding in_it« temper toward the people, mild and forbearing ia its use of privilege, [hear,] ready to give leaders to the nation in every cause that be longed to its honor and liberty. [Applause.] Great Gale on Labe Ontario. Oswego, N. Y., April 25. The gale which set in on Monday continued up to this morning, and several disasters have occurred to vessels on Lake Ontario. The schooner Montana, bound from this port to Chicago, with coal, is ashore near Oak Orchard creek. The schooners Monticello and Traveler, bound from French creek to Detroit are ashore, the former at the Devii’s Nose and the latter at Thirty Miie Point. Steam tugs and pumps will be sent to their assistance. The schooner Raleigh arrived in this port this morning from Canada with the loss of her deck load of lum ber. The schooner Coral, from Ogdeosburg, is ashore three miles below the Devil’s Nose. The propeller Buckeye arrived here to-day from Toledo. This is the first vessel from Lake Erie through the Welland canal this season. The Captain of the Buckeye reports he passed through about sixty miles of floating ice on Lake Erie. Buffalo, April 25. The bark Tony Young and schooner Star light, both laden with lumoer, were ashore at Fairport, Ohio. Mexico. Governor Allen gives this advice in his new Daper, the Mexican Times : “To our friends in Griffin and Atlanta, Georgia ; in Jersey City, Miss., in Montgomery, Alabama ; in Dayton, Ohio ; and in New Orleans, Louisiana we say to come to Mexico immediately, if you have any money: Even a small capital wiil answer. The best bargains in land and stock can now be had for cash—a small por tion for cash and the balance on long time, lobe plain and candid : It yon have no money, don’t come, stay where you are un til you can accnmnlate some.'’ riiHlt. EXPLOSION ON BOAB1) THE STEAMER EUROPEAN We condense the following account of the terriMe explosion at Aspinwall, from the cor re-p*d*nce of the New York Times, dated Panama 13th : Aspinwall, on the 3d inst., was the scene of ona of the most terrible accidents on record. Just before 7 o’clock on the morning of that day, the West India and Pacific Steamship Compauj's fine steamer European was hlown up at bar wharf, resulting in the death of more than sixty poisons. and destroying property to the value of three quarters of a million of dollars. The accident, which was at first sup posed to have arisen from powder clandestine ly shipped by agents of the Chilian and Peru vian Governments, was subsequently found to have been caused by thß explosion of a large quantity of nitro-glycerioe, described in the bill of lading as “glonoin oil.’’ The explosion was terrific, shaking every building in Aspin wall from its foundation, shattering many roofs, tearing doors and windows from their fastenings, smashing glassware, crockery, and scattering broken furniture over the rooms. The European left Liverpool on the Ist day March, touched at Port-au Prince, Kingston and Carthageca. and arrived at Aspinwall on the Ist day of April. She landed goods at all the ports named above, and took in some freight at Carthageua for the return voyage, t-be hauled into her wharf at Aspinwall on the 2d in the afternoon, and when the explo sion tQok place, a gang of laborers stood on the wharf ready to receive and take away cargo, while a dozen or so of blacks from the shore were between decks, ready to take it out. They were only waiting for the clerks of the Panama Railroad Company to check the goods, who were fortunately that morning a little late, as they were gathered around and dispatching file Panama train, which should have gono at C:3O o’clock. Had the train gone oh time, a dozen or more American clerks inu=t have been killed, aud probably many merchants and others, who were also waiting for the train to start. The explosion took place in the alter between decks. A volume ot fire and white smoxe ascended high in the air, carrying up with it twenty or thirty men from the hold and vessel’s decks, spars, bales of goods, portions of the uppei deck, etc., etc., the goods unrolling as they went up and descended in the flames, form ing as described by those who were at a sufficient distance to take in the el fect, one of the most terribly magnificent spectacles ever witnessed. Almost simultane ously with the explosion the great iron and staled roof of the railway company s stone freight house was seen to lift itself a little from its walls aud then dropped down inside of them, smashing the lighter goods piled in the house, and kiliiug several persons upon whom it fell. One of the clerks, Mr. Burnham, who was in tho freight house, seeing the roof lift, sprang from the. high platform over a train of freight cats on to a window-6ill, and the inner iron shutters, by the force of the draft shutting him off from the falling iron and elates, escaped unhurt. Mr. Forman, another clerk, sprang into a doorway and was saved. Mr. Calvo, a native clerk, was torn to atoms. The great iron doors and doorways at both ends of the freight house were drawn inwards by the roof, and, as well as the massive Btone work, fell among the wreck, ihe side walls, over 300 feet in length, are standing uninjured. The long wooden wharf of the railroad company, on one side of which lay the European, was af&ost completely destroyed, up to within 100 feet of the freight house. Thousands of dol lars’worth of goods, on the end of tho wharf, were blown into the sea or destroyed. Twenty-two of the crew of the European, who were in the forward lower hold, were unharm ed. Captain Coate, who was on deck, was so blown to pieces as to be scarcely recognizable. Mr. Swainson, clerk of tha Steamship Company, was blown ontrthe wharf and killed. Mr. Glass, chief officer; Mr. Parson, second officer ; Dr. Burrows, surgeon ; Mr. Nisbet, engineer ; Edward Davis, carpenter, and about a dozen firemen and sailors were instantly killed. The whole of the gang ot ten or twelve laborers who were in the after between-decks, as well as most of those waiting on the wharf to go to work, wero killed. Altogether not lees than sixty persons, probably more, lost their lives. Out ot about twenty wounded, taken to the Panama Railroad Company’s hospital, seven or eight died During the next two days after the accident, six bodies were washed on shore. Immediately on the explosion the ship’s decks were covered with Are, and the wharf was in slimes. The fire on the latter was extinguished by the exertions of a private engine belonging to Walter Field, under the control of G. Rosenthal, Esq., a merchant, who worked with a will. The town and wharves being still in great danger, it was determined to pull the burning vessel out to tea. Gupt. Morn had just come into port with the Royal Mail Company’s steamship Tamar, and the anchor of the European having been gone ten ot the crew of the United States gun bout James Adger and other brave men, at an eminent risk to their lives, made a cable fast to her, and &be was towed a couple of miles over toward the opposite shore from the city aid abandoned. No sooner had the Ta mar left her than another terrific explosion took place on board, supposed this time to havo been her powder magazine, and just beiore 2 o’clock P. M., she settled down aft and sunk, nothing but her smoke-pipes being now visible. The latest reports from Aspinwall gives the folio wing as the number of killed and wounded: There have been buried up to the Dresent time. 27 Missing from the ship 12 Missing from the shore 8 Seriously wounded iu hospital, of whom 5 will probably die 17 Besides these there are a number at their Own homes slightly wounded. An Appeal. Rev. H. C. Hornady publishes the following appeal to the charitable in behalf of tho First Baptist Church, Atlanta, which we cheerfully lay before our readers : It is a matter of history that the city of At lanta lias been destroyed by the ravages of war, and that her people have been reduced to very great poverty. It cannot, therefore, be expected that a people so impoverished can do much more than repair their shattered, and re- build their destroyed homes. But the First Baptist Church, greatly needing a house of worship, suitable for their purpose, have re solved to build, a- soon as the means for the purpose can be obtained. And as we are not able to provide the means in the city, we are under the necessity of looking abroad for help. Atlanta is. a great railroad centre, where it is very important that moral and religious in fluence should be fostered and encouraged. The First Baptist Church has a good lot, con veniently located, near the great thorough, fares, and in easy walking distance of the hotels. We have a large and flourishing Sab bath School, fine congregations, and altogether an encouraging prospect of euccess in the work of the Lord. Now, I appeal to the friends, and brethern who may see this notice, to aid us to the amount of from $1 to $lO according to their ability, and thus we may be enabled to build without burdening aDy one' Funds designed for this object may be directed to A. K. Seago, to J. J. Thrasher, or to the writer. Small sums may be sent by mail, larger ones by express. H. C. Hornady, Pastor Fiist Baptist Church. The Steamer Gibbons. The Savannah Republican, alluding to the loss of this river steamer, says : She wa; insured in several companies in the city of New York to the amount of $50,000. Some portion of her cotton was insured, Messrs. Brady. Smith A Cos., having 225 bales insured for $42,000 in the Mercantile Mutual Insurance Company of New York, oi which Company Messrs Greene, & Footman are agents here. The Wm. G. Gibbons was built at Wilming ton, Delaware, in July, 1865, at a cost of $75,000, and was brought out here in the fol lowing month, and immediately placed upon the Doctortown route, connecting with the Al bany and Gulf Railroad. She kept up that c rnnection until the 4th day of November last, when she was transferred to the Augusta route, upon which she has subsequently been running up to the time of her disaster. She was a first class iron hull built boat, of 170 tons register, and was as fast as she was re markable for the rrgularity of her trips! The W'm. G. Gibbons has run from the time that she wa3 launched an aggregate distance of twenty-on) thousand miles—never missing a connection nor having been delayed an hour in her advertised hour of departure or arrival from or at any point. She once made the trip between here and Augusta in twenty-eight hours, counting stoppages, or twenty-two run ning hours —the fastest time ever made by a vessel of her class—making her speed nearly twelve miles an hoar against a strong current and up a river. Her capacity for carrying freight was 700 bales. “Pap, I planted some potatoes in onr gar den," said a smart youth to his father,“and what do you think came up ?” “Why, pota toes of course.” “,No siree ! There came up a drove of hogs and ate them all,” Judge Hook’s Decision oil the Legal Tender Question The following decision ot Judge J. S. Hook upon the legal point, whether contracts made before the passage of the act making green backs a legal tender, are embraced in the act, is of general interest; and we invite to it the attention of our readers : Wm. W. Montgomery, ] el cU trustee, Ac., ~ , . . - ys ’ [ Complaint for rent- Gray. Mullarky &Cos | This case presents the question whether a debt made prior to the passage of the act of -Congress of 25. h February, 18G2, making tho Trc usury notes authorized by it, “a legal (ei - der in payment of all debts, public and private in the United States” falls within the operation of the act. It was argued and earnestly in sisted, that the whole act was unconstitutional and void. But as this case does not make it necessary lor me to declare an opinion as to its constitutional validity, as to debts subse quently made, or p.<ss upon any other featuie than the one alluded to. I shall proceed briefly to do so. In 1858, the plaintiff executed a lease to defendant, of a store room, in the city of Augusta, for ten years at a stipulated price per annum to b 8 paid in quarterly install ments. The installments have been regularly paid as they have fallen due, but the defen dant pioposed to pay the two last quartern in legal tender treasury notes of the United States, and plaintiff refused to take them, on the ground that the defendant’s undertaking and agreement was to pay in gold or silver— the only legal tender at the time. A grave question is thus raised for adjudication, tc-wit: the question of ths extent of the power of Congress over contracts, a question involving great constitutional principles, which if fully canvassed and considered, would require a display of authority and an elaborateness of argument, not compatible wish the haste and dispatch usually and almost necessarily inci dent to the decisions of ani si priwi couit. A very brief statement of the reasons which control my judgment in this case is all that will be attempted. The history of the formation of our govern ment, clearly reflects its political design, and better enables us to understand the powers in cident to it. Before the Federal constitution was adopted, the States wero independent sov ereignties. For their mutual security and ad’ vantage they resolved to form a representative head—a general government —which they did under the name of the United States, And they distinctly defined whac should be the peculiar powers, rights, and duties of this general government. It was the cieation ol the States, and ot course, derived all its func tions, powers, and attributes fiom them.— The Government of the United States, there fore, is purely and simply a government of delegated authority. True, it is sovereign and supreme, as it should be, iu the sphere of its delegated powers. Two classes of powers are conferred upon it: Those which are ex pressly granted and usually called substantive and independent powers, and those which are not expressly granted, but result by implica tion as necessary and proper for tho iuiorce ment of the express powers, and usually called auxiliary or implied powers. After the enum eration in the Constitution of all the power ex pressly conferred upon Congress, the powers, rights and reservations guaranteed to the States aud the people, are distinctly and comprehen sively defined in the following clause. “The powers not delegated to the United States by tfo Constitution nor prohibited by it, to the States, are reserved to the States respectively or to the people.” If the general power to impair the obligation of contracts is delegated to Con gress by the Constitution, then, there would be no doubt but that if Congress had the power to make paper money a legal tender, they would also have the power to declare that it should be so as well for debts antecedently created as for those created subsequent to the act. That Congress has not this general power over tho obligation of contracts, I think is evident from the following considerations. Ist There is no express grant for it. 2nd. The only express grant on this subject at all, is one which limits the power to the right to pass “uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies.” This signifi cant iact at once discloses the purpose of the framers of the Constitution to define very clearly how far the government was to be per mitted to go iu the exercise of this most deli cate and important power, and explains the scope and design of ibe Constitution to be the assertion of the absolute inviolability of all contracts except as therein excepted. It can not as it seems to me in view of this fact, bo insisted with propriety that the prohibition on the States, raises a necessary impli cation of the power of the general government. Mr, Duor, in his popular and lucid “lectures on Constitutional jurispru dence’’ says “but the National Legislature has no power to interfere with contracts ex cept when it is expressly given to it. By the obligation of contracts in the meaning and in tendment of the Constitution, is understood not merely the moral but the legal obligation. Nor is it an obligation arising from the uni versal law of Givilized nations, but that which results from the laws of the State whoie tho contract is made; and in this sense, a system of bankruptcy impairs the obligation of con tracts when it releases the party from the ne cessity of performing them. But Congress is expressly invested with this power iu regard to bankruptcies as an enumerated, aDd not ss an implied power ; and in no other form can it impair the obligation of a contract, [Duer’s Lee- Con. Jur. 2d Ed. page 350.] It can never be right to imply the power to do a wrong. It is certainly a wrong to make the creditor against his consent, accept 75 dollars for 100 dollars justly due him upon bona fide contract. Even a bankrupt law, which Con gress as we have seen is allowed to pass, is free from one feature which appears in this; for this allows the debtor, be he ever so abie to pay, to keep the twenty-five dollars which rightfully belongs to his creditor, while the bankrupt law requires a full surrender of all the debtor’s property. There isneither reason, justice or propriety in a proceeding like this! I have been able to find no authoritative case in the books sustaining the general proposition that the prohibition to the States to impair the obligation of contracts was an implication of the power in Congress. An obiter dictum of Justice Washington in the case of Eaton, vs. Evans Ist Petsrs C. C. Rep. 322, is to be found to this effect. But this was not a point however, mainly relied on in the case, and when afterwards the whole case went be fore the Supreme Court of the United States, Chief Justice Marshall, in pronouncing the judgment of tho Court, took no notice what ever cf this obiter of the Circuit Judge. At the time the contract in this case was made, gold and silver were the only money legally recognized as a tender in payment of debts. The parties are therefore presumed to have contemplated this money in making their contract; and the obligation of the con tract therefore is to pay this money. It is a doctrine well sustained t>y authoiity that con tracts have reference to the laws relating to or in any wise affecting them, that are of force at the time the contract was made, and that all each laws enter into and become a part of the contract. This do;trine rests on that the contracting parties aro presumed to know the law and make their agreements in refer ence to it. 1 Kent. Com. 421. 16 John Rep. 233. 13 Mass. Rep. 1, 7 John Ch. Rep. 297 Now any law which would in anywise change the terms of a pre existing contract, would be a law impairing the obligation thereof. Chief Justice Marshall fully recognized this distinction in re gard to debts alreadv in existence in Sturgis vs. Crowninshield 4 Wheat. 122,by maintaining as he did in that case the principle, that an insolvent act discharging the debtor from his contract existing when the law passed, so that his future acquisitions could not be touched, was unconstitutional and the discharge obtain ed under it void. Many other authorities might be cited in support of this position, but it is not my purpose to go into this question at large. Certainly in the case at bar, it was not tbe intention of the contracting parties that the obligation was to be, or might be, discharg ed by payment in something which then, was not money. A dollar in the legal tender Treasury notes of the United States owing tc obvious causes, falls short more than a fourth in value of the gold or silver dollar which this contract contemplated. I cannot with the lights before me hold that it was within the Constitutional competency of Congress to declare by tbe act in question that contracts founded upon gold and silver cnrrtncy could bo discharged by pay ment in a currency of less value subsequently created. Contracts for the payment of money contemplate a specific value and their obliga tion connot be discharged short of an exact compliance It is therefore my opinion that in so far as the tender act of Congress of the 25th Feb ruary 1862 applies to debts made prior to its passage, it is a law not in pursuance of the Con stitution of the United States, and to that ex tent not obligatory upon the people. By the very terms of the Constitution the power to impair the obligation of contracts is prohibited to the States. By the well established rules for construing the Constitution, the General Government is also denied tbe power except as heretofoie excepted. So that, it results, that the general power to impair the obliga tion of contracts is reserved to tbe people; and nntil they declare otherwse by amendment to the Constitution, such power cannot bo exerch - ed by Congress, ihe plaintiff is therefore hereby permitted to taka his judgment in conformity with this opinion. Jas. S. Hook. Judge, S. C. M. Dist. Loiter from a i’reiuinent Floridian. We find in the Floridian the following letter from Judge Marvin, recently elected Sena tor of that State, which will be of interest also to many Georgia rea l era : Washington, April 7, 1806. My Dear Sir—l have been for some weeks past diligently engaged in Florida business, and as I receive many letters from there, and it is difficult fur mo to respond to each, I will thank you to notice a few things of public interest in your paper. And first, there does not at present appear to be any prospect that the Southern U. S. Senators or Representatives will be admitted to their seats in Congress until after another election of members. The difference between the President and the radi cal majority in Congress has developed itsslf more and more, the radicals charging the Presi dent with usurpation of power in attempting the reorganization of the State governments, without a previous act of Congress to authorize it, and the President charging the radicals with being disnnicnists because they are un willing to have reconstruction on the b sis of the Constitution as it is. 'The radio Us ato revolutionists—the Piesideut conservative. In my judgment, the President is right, and the radicals are wrong. The deficiency can only be settled by an appeal to the people at the next elections. I bope and beliove the people will sustain the President. In the meantime the execu tive departments of the Go\ eminent seem to be disposed to do ample justice to the South ern people, so far as they are not prevented by laws passed in time of war and not yet repealed. The people of Florida, protected by their own Slate government and employed in rebuilding their fortunes, will get along pretty well whether they are represented in Congress or not for the next year or two. JKapresoutation for the whole South will come. The national government is to be re-establhhed and the South is to have all its power aud influence in the government restored .to it. In the mean time, a severe political campaign is to go on at the North in which the South will be inter ested, but in which it can do but little. Pru dence, patience and forbearance is at present our policy. Alexander H. Stepnens has been here some days. I called on him a day or two ago and dined with him at Justice Wayne’syesteidav. He has had two or three long interviews with the President, and I have had several fiee conver sations with him. He believes as 1 do, that ihe Union will and must be restored on tho basis of the Constitution as it is. the Slates re taining all their ri served rights. Many poisons in Florida are still interested in procuring pardons, so that (hey may get property restored or protected and they safely re-engaga in business. 1 have assurances '.bat a considerable number will soon be granted and sent to the Governor for distribution * * My sympathies have been very much inter ested for that class ,of persons whose houses and lands have been sold for taxes in St Au gustine and Fernandinu. Their’s are hard cases. Away from home, in tho midst of a terrible war, their houses and lands were forfeited to the Government under the law, because they did not pay the taxes within sixty days after the assessment, of which tney had no knowl edge. The purchasers of these liousss and lands, were in many instances, mere specula tors upon the miseries and distress of widows and orphans and innoceDt persons. But stiii, if these sales have been conducted according to the constitution and the laws, 1 know cf no remedy. But iu order to ascertain whether they have been so conducted or not, the Sec retary of the Treasury assures me that he will appoint a ccmtnissioner to proceed to Florida and take proof on the subject. This will give to the persons interested an opportunity to bring witnesses and testimony tending to im peach or invalidate the sales, and so lay the foundations of other proceeding* so repossess themselves of their houses and lots, if the con stitution and laws will permit it. It is probable that in the end, the courts must decide the questions involved, but a preliminary inquiry into the facts by a Government commissioner will facilitate tho final settlement. I learn at all the different departments that claims against the Government from the South existing prior to 18G1 are not paid. • They are suspended until the sense of Congress can be taken on the subject. I have received a large number of letters asking for my assistance to procure the resto ration of houses and lots heid byt.be special agentß of the Treasury or the Freedmen’s Bureau on the ground that they were aban doned property. There has been in nearly all these cases much wrong done by these special agents of the Treasury, who exercised their authority and held property to be abandoned which was not abandoned within the meaning of the law. But the question is how to get it restored to the true owners. The law makes it the duty of the special agents of the Treasury to turn the property over to the agents of the Bureau, and the agents of the Bureau are instructed by Gen. Howard to turn the proper ty over to the owner, upon liia application in writing to the Assistant Commissioner in (ho State, and upon showing that he bad been par doned by taking the amnesty oath. No di rect relief is given here at Washington, aud all the necessary orders have been issued from the Treasury department and from Gene al Howard, the Commissioner of the Freedmen’s Bureau, for the restoration of the abandoned property in Florida. Application should therefore be made to Colonel Osborn, the As sistant Commissioner at Tallahassee. I am very respectfully, Your obedient servant, Wm. Marvin. Victor Hugo anil the Barber. A pleasant anecdote about Victor Hugo’s literary habits, is told at great length in the Petit Revue by a neighbor of his, as long ago as 1838, when both had chambers on the Place Royale, and occasionally met at one Brassiet’s, a barber and hair-dresser of the quarter. Going in to be shaved one morning, I said, “Well, Monsieur Brassier, how is business to day ?” “Excellent, sir, excellent ; in fact, al more than I can attend to. Balls and parties everywhere. Here, you see, is a list of thirty ladies, whose heads are to be dressed between now and evening.” Dropping in at Brassier’s a few days after, I asked : “And how did you get on with your tffirty lady customers the other day?” “Don’t speak of it ; couldn’t attend to mote than half ot them, and lost a dozen or so of good customers, ali along of Mr. Victor Hugo.” “But bow did Victor Hugo have anything to do with it?” “Why, this was the way of it, sir: live minute- after you left, in he came and seated himself in this very chair. I put a napkin about his neck, and was on the point of putting my brush to him, when"suddeniy waiving off my haud, he cried out, ‘wait a minute.’ And with that, bo took out bis pencil and began lumbling in ail his pockets for something be aid not find. Then, all at once, seeing a sheet of paper on the table, he took possesion of it and fell to writing, In spite of the hurry I was in I was willing ♦o wait for him to finish ; bat he, without paying any more attention to me than though I had been at the other end of the town, kept scratching on, stopping now and then to bite the end of his pencil. Write away, said Ito myself, bat if yon can read it afterward you are a lucky one. ft was a horrible scrawl, sir, you may believe me. And they pretend he is a good writer 1 Then I said to him respect fully, ‘When you are ready, sir.’ ‘ln a se cond,’ says he, and on be goes with his scrib ble, stopping for a minute to look op to the ceiling, and then at it again ; I meanwhile, you understand, with brush and a soap cup in band, and ready to buist. Finally, I ventured to say : ‘Beg pardon, sir, but I am extremeiy busy to day.’ ‘Oh, busy, are you?’ says he, ‘so am I,’ and with that he got up and went out. ‘You have forgot your hat, sir,’ said I. ‘Why, to be sure,’ says-he with a smile, aud clapped it on, and went away without being shaved. ‘Now, boys,’ I called to my journey men, ‘you have not a minute to lose ; you will go straight to the addresses I give you. The list here—but where is the list ? What have you done with the list ?’ ‘lt was on the table a moment ago,’ said one of the boyg. ‘Are you sure ?’ ‘Perfectly,’ Will you believe me, sir, it was on the back of that list that Mr. Viotor Hugo had been writing ;'and he car ried it off with him all covered with his quail tracks, and that is the way he lost me my thirty customers.’’ The New York Tribune proposes, in future, to try white people in the bouth, before black juries, on the ground that that is the only way to secure their conviction. What next ? Ten thousand additional houses are needed to-day in New York and Brooklyn. The Tennessee Legislature have re fused to re-admit the bolting members bv a vote of 42 to 18. There are ninety stores placarded for rent in the city of Dubuque, lowa. Ihe lake tunnel at Chicago is nearly two thirds completed. The New Yoik Legislature adjourned sine die on tbe 20th.
