Digital Library of Georgia Logo
GALILEO Logo

Weekly chronicle & sentinel. (Augusta, Ga.) 1866-1877, July 11, 1866, Image 1

Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

OLD SERIES, VOL. LXXV. Chvonitlc & f rntincl. WEDNESDAY MORNING, JULY 11. THE NATIONAL UNION CONVENTION. Opinions of the Press. The National Intrlligencerof the 30th ult. says: The Democratic members of Congress held a caucus last night, in which the re cent call for a National Union Convention was fully discussed. An address to the Democratic voters of the country was agreed upon, approving and endorsing the will thus made. The address has been submitted to the Democratic .Senators and Representatives for their signatures, and will be ready for publication on Monday. This is a movement in the right direction. Some of the Democrats in Congress hesi tated to make this endorsement, because' they apprehended that it would lie virtu ally an abandonment of their*|>arty organ ization ; but better counsels prevailed in the caucus. The endorsement of this call for a convention does not in any way im pair party obligations. It simply affords an opportunity for men of all shades of politics, who approve of the propositions enunciated in the call, to unite their efforts for the common good. inhere is no party question involved in the movement. The objects of thcconven* tion are greatly superior to any party pur pose. The maintenance of the Union, the restorat ion of its integrity, the defence of the Constitution, and the promotion of the welfare-of the whole Republic from the as saults of a rabid fanaticism are the issues presented. Hitherto the Democrats, in and out of Congress, have nobly and mag nanimously sustained the propositions which are made the basis of this convention. They cannot now, and the action of their Sena tors and Representatives in Congress shows that they will hot, prefer party to patriot ism, or the maintenance of party organiza tion to the assurance of the safety of the Union and the Constitution. It is time now for all true Union men to cotnc for ward and lay mere party associations and obligations upon the common altar of their country. The origin of the call for the con vention is of no consequence. It stands upon the merits of the propositions sub mitted. No patriot will stand aloof from the endorsement of these propositions, be cause they do not emanate from recognized party authorities. TUB BOSTON POST. This sterling old Journal is in favor of the proposed Convention. It says the proposition to hold a, National Convention of natioqpl men at Philadelphia in August next, wherein delegates from every State shall appear to confer together upon meas ures concerning the general welfare, is a recommendation which will command gen oral attention, and, we hope, a cordial re sponse from every Congressional district in the country. The people are tired of par tisan jugglery and ask for statesmanship : they are disgusted with the counterfeit loy alty and patriotism the Radicals present as genuine, and demand that honest devotion to the country manifested in endeavors to reshire peace and harmony between the North and South, and a Union of the States founded upon the Constitution. A convention of sincere, honest, capable men —seeking the elevation of.the nation —dis- daining the tricks of mere partisans, and trusting to the purity and wisdom of their motives and acts for the peoples’s appro bation, would receive blessings from their countrymen and a firm "support of their ef forts to relievethe Government of the Rad cal incubus which u, : unmet domiuaticy of a why.-'. V " every principle o ■■■ r j unsm in their grasp at perjH wer THE VOICE FROM VIRGINIA. The Richmond Dispatch remarks that tho Convention “will be the most impor tant event of our time, and will look more like Union than anything that has happen ed since the war.” The Richmond En quirer considers the call “liberal in its terms.” The Richmond Examiner asserts that the “South is the party most im mediately and vitally interested in the suc cess of the movement,” and that no South ern State should “hang back” from it. The Lynchburg Virginian affirms that the terms submitted as the basis of the Con vention are “broad enough for every pa triotic man in the country to staud upon,” mid —more significant than all —that the Democratic party of the North must give up its present organization, and merge in-' to another, if it would help the South. THE ALBANY ARCHJS. The call for a National Convention by Messrs. Doolittle and Randall of AViseon nin, Browning of Illinois, and Cowan of Pennsylyania, with the endorsement of Senator Dixon of Connecticut, Hendricks of Indiana. Norton of Minnesota, and Nesmith of Oregon, is an event likely to attract unusual attention in the political world. It gives evidence that the men in the Republican party who seek peace in stead of discord have come to the conclu sion that the leaders of that organization have no sincere desire for the restoration of the Union. Congress has been in ses sion several months, and yet no practical measures tending toward the pacification of the country have been adopted by that body. At the commencement of the ses sion, the President’s annual message was hailed by the whole country as indicating a course that would soon bring our national troubles to an end. There was but one opinion among the people as to the wis dom of the policy *>f the President Rut soon the malcontents in Congress be gan to develop their plans, and a Central Directory was organized; and thus, by sharp management, the whole question was re ferred to a committee, with Thad Stevens for chairman and leader. A struggle, cur ried through a long session, lias resulted in the exclusion of the representatives of the Southern States from any participation in the affairs of Government. Nothing has been gained, but much valuable time has been lost, and uew apprehensions of coming evil have been engendered. The work of restoration remains where the President •left it when Congress convened. The peo ple, with one accord, professedly endorsed the President’s policy then, and why should they not do so now? The Radicals have resorted to the mean est pretexts to find excuses for refusing ad mission to the loyal representatives of the South. Smelling committees, paid cor respondents, and Freedmen’s Bureau agents, have searched in vain to find evi dence that the South arc still rebels against the Government. Everything possible has been distorted in order to give color to such an idea, but to no purpose. The whole question was finally narrowed down to the idea that party supremacy demand ed the exclusion of the South. The good of the country or justice to a fallen foe was of no consideration —the existence of the Republican party was alone to be taken into account! The country will rejoice that prominent and talented Senators, and able leaders in the Republican party, have broken loose from the Central Directory, and have as sumed a position of independence in view of this condition of public affairs. They have assumed a patriotic position, and one that will secure to them the sympathies of all national men. Immigration In Virginia. The people of Virginia arc looking to foreign immigration for the development of the agricultural and mineral resources of that commonwealth. To this end, the late Legislature chartered “ TJie Virgi nia Immigration Society,” and about $70,000 have already been subscribed to the capital stock of the Association, in real estate, which is assessed at about one half its value before the war. The plan of the association is, to receive subscriptions either in land or money. If in land, its value is fixed by referees —each subscriber receiving for his land a certificate of stock equal to the appraised value of the land. Money subscribers receive a certificate of stock, on the payment of their subscrip tions, which makes them joint owners of the lands owned by the society; the pros pective value of all the stock being depen dent upon the appreciation of the present value of the lands, resulting from their set tlement and improvement by colonists to he secured by the society. An agent is about to sail for Europe, and negotiations have already been made with a number of Scotch families, who have sailed from that country to take possession of some of the land which has been placed under the con trol of the Society. The theory of tho So ciety is that with proper management, and by holding out sufficient inducements to immigrants to settle on the lands in ques tion, their market value will be doubled in the course of a few years. For undertaking these operations in behalf of the landown ers, the Society charges such fees as it is believed would make the investment remu nerative if there were no other source of profit in the enhanced value of the land, in which the Society also shares, and which constitutes its capital stock. It is claimed that the stock subscriptions in money will constitute one of the saftest and most judicious modes of buying lands in Virginia, and it is the intention of the Society not to allow the amount of money subscriptions to exceed the sum absolutely required for carrying outthc objects in view. The capital stock of the Society, as au thorized by its charter, is three hundred thousand dollars, but it has the further privilege of holding, in addition to this, five thousand acres of land, and as this rill be retained at points suitable for vill ages and factories, it is assumed that the ctual authorized capital of the Society is about half a million of dollars. Already two villages have been laid off, one on the line of the Orange and Alexandria Rail road, and another adjacent to tho James River Canal. We have thus presented the plan of this Virginia Association, not for the purpose of endorsing its details—though they ap pear to be feasible and safe —but to urge upon our Georgia readers the importance of some well defined policy in reference to immigration. We are constantly receiving letters from parties who complain of their disgust with planting under the new sys tem, and express their desire to sell out, but money is so scarce in this country that it is evident that they must look to the North or to Europe for buyers. Northern and European buyers do not generally want large tracts of land, nor are they properly advised of the real condition of things at the South, and of the advan tages of this section over the great West, to which tho tide of immigration has so long tended. We know of no proper effort be ing made to secure buyers or tenants from abroad. A few immigrants have beeu brought here, to work as laborers, but we have no faith in such a system. We must give up the old gang system, and lease or sell small tracts to those who will become permanent settlers. Hundreds of our farm ers are willing to divide up their farms, but they do not' know how to the tenants or purchasers. This musw bo done by some such means as that adop ted in Virginia. Louisiana has adopted a similar plan, and we believe an agent is now on his way to Europe. The igno rance and prejudice which exist, concerning the climate and society and soil of the South will prevent for years such access sions to our population as are requisite for the successful cultivation and developeiuent of the country. Men of intelligence must bo sent abroad —European residents among us should accompany them —with definite offers from land-holders, either as individu als or societies, with maps of districts in which lands are located, and all the facts necessary to a full negotiation. In this way good settlers may be obtained—a very different class from the paupers and prison I birds who are sent to us in emigrant ships. We urge this subject upon the attention !of our planting friends. The expense to j be incurred will usually render association i of means necessary, though we believe that I any man owning one or two thousand acres I of land, who will divide it into alternate I sections of twenty-five and fift> acres each, and spend two thousand dollars in visit ! injr or sending to Europe to negotiate sales i or leases, will find, in the increased value of the reserved sections, a better invest ment. at the end of two years, than he ever made in growing cotton. ( National Union Convention. We present for the consideration of our readers the following call for a “National Union Convention” to assemble in Phila delphia on the 14th proximo. The object of the Convention, as we understand the call, is to organize a great Constitutional Union Party for the preservation of the Constitution from the rude assaults which are being made upon it by destructionists of the North, and the enforcements of the rights of the people in all sections of the country. In this view of it we approve the move ment, and gladly herald ,it as a significant indication, from the conservatives of the North, of their determination to uphold and support the President in his patriotic purpose to restore the union of the States and the rights of the South under the Constitution and Laws. A National Union Convention of at least two delegates from each Congressional dis trict of all the States, two from each Terri tory, two from the district of Columbia, and four delegates at large from each State, will be held at the city of Philadelphia, on the 14tli of August next. Such delegates will be chosen by the electors of the several .States who sustain the administration in maintaining unbroken the union ot the States under the constitution which our fa thers established, and who agree in the fol lowing propositions, viz : The union of the States is in every case indissoluble and is perpetual, and the con stitution of the United States and the laws passed by Congress in pursuance thereof are supreme, constant and universal in their obligation. The rights, the dignity and the equality of the States in the Union, including the right of representation in Congress, are solemnly guaranteed by that constitution, to save which from overthrow ho much blood and treasure were expended in the late civil war: There is no right anywhere to dissolve the Union or to sep arate States from the Union either by vol untary withdrawal, by force of arms or by Congressional action, neither by secession of States nor by the exclusion of their loyal ail'd qualified representatives, nor by the national government in any other iorm. Slavery is abolished and neither can nor ought to be re-established in any State or Territory within our jurisdiction. Each State has the undoubted right to prescribe the qualifications of its own elect ors; and no external power rightfully can or ought to dictate, control, or influence the free and voluntary action of the .States in the exercise of that right. The maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially of the rights of each Stato to order and control its own do mestic concerns according to its own judg ment exclusively, subject only to the con stitution of the United States, is essential to that balance of power on which the per fection and endurance of our political fab ric depends, and the overthrow of that sys tem, by usurpation in centralization of power in Congress, would be a revolution, dangerous to a republican government and destructive of liberty. Each House of Congress is made, by the constitution, the solo judge of its election returns and qual ifications of its members, but the exclusion of loyal Senators and Representatives properly ehoson and qualified under the constitution and laws, is unjust and revo lutionary. Every patriot should frown upon all these acts and proceedings every where, which can serve no other purpose than to rekindle the animosities of war, and the offeets of which upon our moral, social and material interests at home, and upon our standing abroad, differing only in a degree, is injurious like war itself. The purpose of war having been to pre serve the Union and the Constitution by putting down tho rebellion, and the rebel lion having been suppressed, all resistance to the authority of the general government being at an end and the war having ceased, war measures should also cease and should hi- followed by measures of peaceful admin istration, so that union, harmony and con cord may be encouraged, and industry, commerce and the artsofpeaco revived and promoted; and the early restoration of all the Btatos to the exercise of their constitu tional powers in the national government is indispensably necessary to the strength and the defence' of the republic and to the maintenance of tho public credit. All such electors in the thirty-six States and nine Territories of the United States, and in the District of Columbia, who, in a spirit of patriotism and love for the Union, can rise above personal and sectio: lal .con siderations, gnu who desire to see a truly National Union Convention which shall represent all the States and territories of the Union, assemble as friolids and broth ers under the national (lag to hold counsel together upon the stato of the Union and to take measures to avert possible dangers from the same, are specially requested to take part in the choice of such delegates. But no delegate will take a seat in such convention who does not loyally accept the national situat ion and cordially endorse the principle above set forth, and who is not attached in true allegiance to the constitu tion, the Union and the government of the United States. A. W. Randall, President. J. R. Doolittle, O. H. Browning, Edgar Cowan, Chas. Knap, Sam’l Fowler, Executive Committee National Union Club. Washington, June 25, 1860. We recommend the holding of.the above convention, and endorse the call thereof. James Dixon, T. A. Hendricks, Dan’l S. Norton, J. W. Nesmith. COMMENTS OF THE NEW YORK PRESS. Journal of Commerce. The curse of this nation is. now, as it has long heretofore been, the existence of po litical parties. If, with a sweep of the hand, we could annihilate both the Re publican and the Democratic parties, leav ing every man free from the shackles which a party alliance imposes-, we should have reason to place confidence in the American people, and look to their decision of any great question as the decision of an intelli gent mind, judging for itself with refer ence to its own best intetests. But there are hundreds of thousands of men in this country who decline to take the trouble of examination and independent thought, who perhaps shrink from the exposure to which independent voting subjects them. For the tyranny of party has been more absolute during the last few years than ever before, and it was hard for a MSfein to leave the line in which he had SSrcn marching. In many parts of the country party had divided society. The newspapers of one party abused the mem bers of the other party without stint, and public meetings wore held, and resolutions adopted declaring that it was wrong to deal with tradesmen of the opposing party, and wrong to hold social intercourse with the families of those who were on the other side. This led to great social divis ions, and also led to increased difficulty in the mind of any man, on either ride, who might begin to tliink his party wrong. It was no easy matter to leave a party when leaving it implied a change of social habits, acquaintances, and friends, and when it would inevitably subject the deserter, however conscientious, to the most viru lent personal abuse. It is plain enough that party spirit, leading to such a state of things as this, could not hut become a curse. It changed the verdict of the peo ple to the verdict of a party, and virtually plaeell in the hands of a "few men the ability to wield the whole power express ed in more than a million votes. The re sult is even now abundantly visible in the position of any party which holds power. It is visible in Democratic results in this city of New York, where the people ex peet to see daily exhibitions of fraud and corruption ; it is visible in Republi , can results in Congress, where unlimited AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, JULY 11, 1866. power has led to an unparrelliled condition of affairs. The better class of men, the thoughtful, patriotic, earnest men what ever their party names, are beginning to open their eyes and hearts. What might have been saved to the nation, if such men had but taken a firm stand on independent ground, three, two years, one year ago! If the wise and experienced financial men in this city alone had but exhibited indepen dent courage, and resisted the propositions which they believed wrong, but which ob tained party indorsement at Washington, how much would have been saved to them selves and to the whole country by the ounce of prevention they could have ad ministered. instead of the pounds of cure they now vainly seek to make efficacious! Why did they not act as responsible men, having a duty to perform ? Because, they argued, ‘‘it is best, on the whole, to let the party go on and manage affairs, rather than interfere to produce discord. ” And this same general style of argument has led to an immense amount of public injury, under Democratic arid Republican rule, in times past. Party has nearly ruined coun try. But party exists, and it is utterly im possible to ignore the fact. We hear con stantly asserted, now on one, now on the. other side. —“the Democratic party is dead.” All these assertions arc folly. Both parties live and are strong. He who leaves this truth out of his calculations will make a fearful error as to the future. I The Democratic party has existed through the last six years, and has polled just about one half of the entire vote of the country. It has been welded together more firmly and compactly than ever before in all its history. If any one doubts this, let him study the facts and look at the remarkable spectacle presented from year to year by this party, marching steadily to the polls in solid phalanx, met by every sort of op position ; under a tempest of* obloquy, threatened with the direst punishments, but unflinching for all that, earning fairly 'its old name “unterrified,” and voting steadily the half of all the votes in the country, within a small fraction, This is a fact to be taken into account in these days. On the other hand, the Republican party has survived tlje worst of all trials —the possession of unlimited power, and re mains strong, and up to this moment uni ted. It is not half so strange that the Democratic party has survived defeat and persecution, as it is that the Republician party has remained united and survived overwhelming success. Up to the present time there has been no practical division in its ranks. . In the House of Represen- where we may look for the fair exposition of its probable course, we have seen a small minority voting against the majority on minor points, but coming up fair and square to the party demands on every great question, so that the entire Republican representation is a practical unit in the party organization. Our _ object is only to present a fair and impartial view of the state of the great po litical parties. It may he taken for grant ed that the Democratic party exists in strength and vigor on the one side, and that the Republican party exists in prac tical unity and force on the other. The utmost that can he looked for by anew or ganization now is to hold the balance of Eower, and to exert it in conliielling one or oth of the great opposing parties to he conservative, or to be beaten. [From the New York Times.} To those who would convert the Union Party into a. sectional organization, the call for a National Convention, as printed yes terday, will not be particularly acceptable. From their point of view ; nothing could be more unseasonable or improper. Ob jecting to a restoration of the Union, except upon conditions that, would emasculate it and destroy all vital resemblance to the scheme of government for nationalizing the Union Party upon the basis of friendliness and justice to both sections. Such a move ment may frustrate their plans, by trans fering their consideration from a sectional arena to an arena representing- the Union sentiment of the country, may upset many calculations, and knock down many idols, and play havoc with many hobbies, by sub jecting the decrees of local caucuses and cliques to the calm judgment of the whole party. On the other hand, the friends of a mod erate, conciliatory, constitutional policy, will probably see in the assembling of a National Convention the fairest and the readiest method of testing the capacity of the Union Party to meet the existing re quirements of the country. As the party charged with the conduct of the war, it may appeal to the results of the war as evidence of its past success. It undertook the suppression of the rebellion, and the assertion of the supremacy of the General Government, and in both respects it tri umphed. .Up to this point the-party has justified its existence and its management. Rut with new circumstances come new re sponsibilities. . With peace arises a neces sity for a policy adapted to peace. AVith the unity of the nation restored by force of arms, springs up a demand for measures needed to infuse into it the animating spirit without which the suppression of the re bellion will have been in vain. The soldier must give place to the statesmen. . And the Union Party must demonstrate its fit ness for control —its willingness and ability to solve the problems growing out of war —not as this or that State Convention or this or that Committee would have them solved, but as they should be solved to give back to the Union its original harmony and force. This is exactly the point which the Union Party is now required to meet. — Shall it be the governing party of the fu ture. or shall it struggle and linger, like the Whig Party, with glorious traditions indeed, but lacking power to resist more useful competitors t The essential condition precedent is, that the Convention purporting to represent the Union of the whole country shall stand upon ground to which the Union Party as it is cannot authoritatively object. The propositions submitted as those to which the delegates will be required to subscribe are scarcely open to controversy within the party. - They affirm the perpetuity of the Union of States—the equality _ot all the States in respect of representation in Con gress, and other rignts—the absence of right anywhere to separate States from the Union, whether by the States themselves or by Congressional action—the inviolate right of each State to control its own do mestic concerns. And "the purpose of the war having been to preserve the Union and Constitution by putting down the re bellion, and the rebellion having been sup pressed." it is declared that‘'war meas ures should be followed by measures of peaceful administration, so tliat union, harmony and concord may be encouraged, and industry, commerce, and the arts of peace revived and promoted. The basis thus presented is sufficiently broad to meet the expectations of L nion-loving men eve rywhere. North and South may_ meet without surrender of right or dignity on either side, and with eminent advantage to both. And though thy delegates who ral ly around these propositions will unques tionably be selected from the ranks of those “who sustain the Administration in main taining unbroken the Union of the States under the Constitution, there is nothing in them to which the ! nion Party, as a party, has not at one time or another dis tinctly committed itself .. [From the New York Tribune.] The X. Y. Times discredits itself more than H deceives its readers by .seeking to create the impression that the convention called by Messrs. Randall, Doolittle. Hen dricks & Cos., is to be a convention of that Union party which elected Lincoln. John son. Fenton. Morton, Bullock. Oglesby, Fletcher, Ac., in 1864. Messrs. Randall A Cos. have no right to call a National Con vention of that party —as the Editor of the Times ought especially to be aware —and they do not pretend to have any. Messrs. Hendricks and Nesmith would not sub scribe their names to a call addressed to that party. The call is expressly addressed to "all such electors" as condemn the action of the present Congress :r. 5 insist that nothing shall be done by (he loyal States to secure the Right of Suffrage to the blacks of the ex-rebel States. All voters who ap prove geuerally.theattion 0 f o ur present agrees in j^eulpueut. with tTieGovernors anaLegSmmreffOT the steadfastly loyal States without a known exception, are pointedly excepted from the Bolters’ invitation ; and, should they un dertake to send delegates to the Philadel phia gathering, these delegates will be shown the outside of the door. Such being the manifest fact, what is to be gained by juggling with it ? Messrs. Randall A Cos. have not the slen derest expectation of taking with them the great body of the Union party of 1864. They purpose to act henceforth against that party—to decry its principles and op pose its candidates. They hope, we will presume, to make the Democratic party take up Mr. Johnson and run him for next President; hut that party will see him and them in heaven first. It has not the least notion of running a man for President who is recently from our ranks—it will no more run Andrew Johnson in ’6B than it would run John Tyler in ’44. There is no use in mincing matters; Messrs. Randall A Cos. are going over to the Democratic party ; they are already glibly mouthing its catch words ; they are making good speed to the loving embrace of Belmont, Clymer, G. H. Pendleton, Vallandigham A Co.—but the Copperheads are not coming to them. Lin less the law of gravitation is reversed, they must shorten the distance between them a mile to every inch traversed by the Cop perheads in reaching their point of fusion. The Tunes . is for the Randall call this week; it will probably oppose it next week; hut that is his own affair exclusively. We shall watch its nimble somersaults with some curiosity but no deep interest. All that we ask,'and rather more than we expect of it is, that it shall call things by their right names i so that its readers may understand that the Randall party will be exactly such a Union party as that which John Van Buren, Montgomery Blair, Gen. Slocum, Judge Edmonds A Cos., ran into the ground in our State last Fall. It is identical with that in principles and in pur poses. as well as in the materials which compose it, and it will speedily achieve a similar fate. It may somewhat damage the party wherewith Randall, Doolittle A Cos., have of late seemed to act; yet it will not, if the people be not deceived. And we mean that they shall not be. The Cost of Wan. From the calculations of Herr Haussncr, a somewhat celebrated German Statisti cian, we compile the following interesting facts illustrative qJ‘ the fearful price that nations pay for the pomp and pageantry of glorious war. Their perusal can hardly fail to be instructive: Says our distinguish ed authority. “The European wars from 1815 to 1864, have absorbed 2,762,000 men, of whom 2,148,000 were Europeans, and 614,000 combatants outside of Europe. Thisisequal toabout 43,800 men peranmim, and yet the calculation does not include persons who died of epidemics engendered by war. The most sanguinary conflicts of the period indicated, were" as follows: The Crimean war which cost the lives of 511,- 000 men thus subdivided: dead on the field of battle, or in consequence of their wounds, 177,000; and of epidemics and maladies of all kinds, 331,500. These were according to nationality, Russians, 98,000 Turks, 107,000 French, 45,000 English and 2,600 Italians. The war of Caucasus, prolonged from 1859 to 186.0, consumed 330,000 men. The Indian Rebellion in 1857-59, cost 196,000 men; the Russo Turkish war in 1828-29, 193,000; the Polish insurrection in 1831, 190,000; the Spanish insurrections between 1833 and 1840, 172,000; the liberation of Greece in 1821-29, 146,000; the Hungarian insur rection, 142,000; and the Italian war 129,- 874 men. The last item may be sub divided into 96,874 dead on the field of bat tle or in consequence of their wounds, and 33,000 by diseases arising from the war. Their nationality was, 59.664 Austrians, 30,220 French, 23,510 Italians, 14,010 Neapolitans, and 2,370 soldiers of the Pope. JThe total loss of Europe in die wars from 1792 to 1815, was 5,350,000 men, or an average of 240,000 men per annum for 23 years. _ The seven years war in 1756-63, cost the lives of 642,000 men, or 91,700 per year. — Frederick the Great gives a still higher cal culation in his “History of My Time,” and thus classifies them: Russians, 180,000 Citizens massacred by the Rus»sian . jtroops, 33,000 Allies of Prussia, 16,000 Total on the Prussian side, 373,000 The same great military authority also fixes the losses of his adversaries: Austrians, 140,000 Russians, 128,000 French, 200,000 Swedes, 45,000 Total, 513,000 Grand total, 886,000 It is next to impossible to calculate in money the cost of war since 1815, but an example will convey some idea of its fright ful extent. The Crimean war for instance, entailed, in two years and a half, the fol lowing expense: Francs. Or nearly On Russia, 2,328,000,000 $465,600,000 On France, 1,348,000,000 200,600,000 On England, 1,320,0U0,000 264.000,000 On Turkey, 1,060,000.000 252,000,000 On Austria for armaments, 471,000,000 94,000,000 Total, 6,526,000,000 1,305,200,000 This was equal to “2.610,400,000f. or $522, 080,000 per annum. The Italian war cost the Powers involv ed, $1,485,000,000f. or $207,000,000 in two months and a half. But it must he remembered that in the above calculations, the wars in North America, in China, in South America and Australia, the Spanishcampaign in Moroc co, the rebellions and conflicts in the AVest Indies, tjie universal insurrections of 1848, and the war in the Schleswig Holstein Duch ies are not included. Embracing all. and contemplating the monstrous outlay and loss of Great Britain during the Napoleon ic Campaigns and of the United States, on both sides, in the recent struggle, there is little doubt that the reckoning for one sin gle century, the latest in fact, and the most enlightened in theory will show an absorp tion of 10.000.000 human lives and $25.- 000,000,000. AVhat an appalling holocaust to the De mon of war! Let us only endeavor to con ceive what would have resulted from the application of this tremendous amount of talent, energy- and wealth to the arts of peace and international good offices, and the intellect as well as the heart would shrink in dismay from the contest. The impend ing conflict iii Europe threatens to involve all the Continental Powers. Should it do so, there will be with France, Russia, Tur key, Holland. Belgium and Switzerland in the field as well as Austria, Prussia, the minor German States and Italy, a total of 5,000,000 ferocious fighters armed with the most destructive implements known to modern science, let loose at each other’s throats, not to mention iron-clad fleets of enormous effective force. The slaughter must be by hundreds of thousands, the cost in mere money, thousands of millions, and the detriment to crops, lands, habitations and monuments of civilization utterly incal culable. Well may this nation humble it self before the Almighty in contemplating the destruction it has escaped, and gaze with awe uptm the tertj,6e judg»«aAa, Ibat. seem to await the prmcipahtres anenwefe ’ of Europe.— Exchange. Thomas 11. R. CObb. Born among the ‘ ‘old clay-hills of Geor gia,” in the beautiful town of Athens, where nature seems to slumber, resting her head upon the gentle slopes, and bathing her feet iu the gently flowing Oconee, that glides softly at their base, the subject of this sketch seemed to have imbibed in spiration from the scenery around, with the first breath of life. He was the second son of Col. John Addi son Cobb, an early settler of that portion of Georgia, who immigrated thence from North Carolina, bringing with him his bride, whom he had ‘wooed and won, in Fredericksburg Virginia, the beautiful and accomplished Miss. Sallie Roots, who still survives, and who in old age yet displays the charms that time could only mellow and steal away, like the softened rays of the setting sun. Col. Cobb died in 1855, at an advanced age, leaving six children surviving him. The fruit of a long and happy life—Hon Howell Cobb, being the oldest of the family. Thomas R. R. Cobb is represented to have boen precocious in childhood, and un like the majority of such instances,lie pre served the early prestige, and matured into a remarkable man, intellectually and mor ally. He entered college—the Georgia Uni versity—in his native town, and graduated comparatively young, taking the highest honor of his class. He engaged in the study of law, acquiring the profession with the same facility that he had mastered the best books gt school and college. Soon after his admission to the Bar, lie married Miss Marion Lumpkin, daughter of the Hon. Joseph 11. Lumpkin,* Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Georgia, ever since the organization of that court. The issue of this marriage were five children—• one, their only son, they buried in infancy. Their oldest daughter, the universally be loved Lucy Cobb, d.ied when just entering her fifteenth year. She was the town idol —an Angel on Earth. So gentle, so con scious, and so pure. The beautiful Female Seminary building was just being completed at the time of her death, and the trustees by acclamation called it ‘The Lucy Cobb Institute. ’ A monument to her memory and worth, and a delieate compliment, at the same time, to her honored father. If there was ever a man a community, it was Tom Cobb, by the people of Athens, and surrounding country. He was no demagogue, and yet he was every body’s friend. The old and the young, the rich and the poor, the bond and free, alike sought him on all occasions re quiring advice, aid, council or comfort. He had a smile and a kind word for every one, and time enough to listen to every once’s story, and to give the needed advice, or to soften the trouble, and cheer the heart —and all went away happier for having sought and seen Tom Cobb. How he found time to accomplish all he did, I nev er could understand. He was engaged iu the heaviest practice of any member of his profession in Upper Georgia, and never neglected his business. He never went in to a court room unprepared. He was the able reporter of the Supreme Court for a number of years, and only resigned when his duties, in connection with Ins practice, became onerous. Judge Cone, himself an able jurist, pointing to T. R. R. Cobb, said of him, ‘there goes the best lawyer in the State. ’ ’ Mr. Cobb is the author of the Di gest of the laws of Georgia, which bears his name. He also assisted in codifying the laws, being one of a committee of tnreo selected by the Governor for that purpose, under an act of the Legislature. He also prepared the work known as ‘Cobb on Slavery’—the first volume of which was is sued from the press in 1858, and shows great and accurate research. A second volume was very nearly ready for publica tion when its appearance was interrupted by the stirring events that resulted in se cession and war. Mr Cobb was possessed of great powers of endurance, mental and physical. He could labor almost incessantly and yet give no evidence of fatigue or languor. He pre pared innumerable addresses on literary, scientific and religious subjects —while pros ecuting his profession, and lecturing daily in the law schools, which was established by himself, Judge Lumpkin and Hon. AV. 11. Hull—and visiting constantly alone, the “Lucy Cobb Institute,” to which he seem ed to have transferred the ardent affection he had for his daughter, which it repre sented—and exerting himself efficiently and untiringly for the University, of which he was also a Trustee —as well as being en gaged actively in every enterprise for the development and benefit of that communi ty and section of country. He was one of the most devoted husbands, and fathers that I ever knew. Mrs. Cobb being of del icate constitution, lie relieved her of all do mestic cares possible. AA r ith all this, he was never morose, nor wore the air of an over-worked man, but was cheerful, ready for a romp or race with the boys and girls, who adored him. He always got up pic-nics and all sorts of in nocent amusements for the young people and joined them, and enjoyed the fun with as great zest as the youngest—his f happi ness seemed to lie to see them happy. He was exceedingly liberal and generous. I have known him to spend a- hundred dol lars omnibus fare, out of his own pocket, for the young ladies of the L. C. Institute, during the series of discourses delivered by the Rev. Joseph Stiles D. D., which he desired them to attend. He was very re ligious, being an elder of the Presbyterian Church—where he always officiated in the absence of the pastor. He possessed no acetidsin, no bigotry, no narrow, contracted spirit. He was a Christian, cheerful and catholic. He was loved by all denomina tions, and aided actively in all the auxil iary meetings and revivals in all the churches. He seemed to know no differ ence. He wielded an unbounded moral influence in his section of country. AVhile on the circuit himself and his cousin, Honorable James Jackson, the . Judge presiding, the one. a Presbyterian, the other a Methodist, would get up most in teresting religious meetings together, and accomplish an amount of good that Eternity will only reveal. He attended as a delegate, the Presbyterian General Con vention held in New Orleans, some time in 1858 or 1859. lie appeared as a stran ger. but left his impress on that body and community, by his masterly argument in reply to the Rev. Robert Breckinridge, of Kentucky, on the subject of the . union ot the old and new school Presbyterians. His speech was the only one delivered during the session published in extenso by the New Orleans papers. He was appointed a delegate from the Presbyterian Church NEW SERIES, VOL. XXV. NO. 29. 1 of Amelia to' that of Scotland, but the seces sion agitation prevented his going. He ' never engaged in to politics, although lie might have attained any position to which the suffrages of the people, or the appoint ment of the Legislature, or Governor could have elevated him, and to which he might have desired to have aspired. His ambi tion was in another direction —to be a good and useful man in the more quiet and practically, and permanently, Doneficial departments of life, and to have no supe rior in his profession iu the land. But the speck of war ‘no bigger than a man’s hand' appeared in the horizon, and he discerned it, and invoked his position and his talents to avert it. He wrote un der the signature of ‘Georgia,’ a series of letters to the New York Journal o£ Com mit ieism was driving the country, and ap- pealing to them to desist, and wamiug them of the catastrophe that must ensue should they persist. They did persist , and when he saw the time had oome for every man to act, ho threw hhuselfhea rt and soul into the seces sion movement. Ho advocated it with his matchless eloquence and towering intellect. He carried the whole up-country with him. Ho was sent to the State Convention ns a delegate, by an overwhelming vote. He there was made Chairman of the Commit tee on the Constitution —and the new Con stitution that was presented to the people, and ratified by them was the work of his brain and pen. The Convention selected him as one of the the delegates to the Pro visional C.ongross, along with such men as Howell Cobb, Robert Toombs, A. 11. Ste phens, Francis S. Bartow, Ben. H. Hill and others. He sustained himself as the peer of the oldest, ablest, and most expe rienced Legislators of that body. When his intimate friend and college mate, Francis S. Bartow, fell gloriously at Manassas, Tom Cobb pronounced an eulogy that brought the tear to every eye. For touching patliOH, for life-like portraiture, for sweetly expressed affection, it stands unrivalled in the English language. Ho there disclosed the presentiment that Bar tow had entertained, and confided to him, that he felt that he would be killed in the first battle in which he would be engaged— and he then announced that he conceived it his duty to take his friend’s place. He returned to Georgia and raised the ‘Oobb Legion,' and hastened to the field of strife. He devoted himself to his new profession, and became a proficient in the art of war, as he had done in everything he had ever undertaken. He possessed great versatili ty of talent. He was engaged with his le gion, in most of the battles in Virginia, and received the encomiums of Gens. Magruder and Lee. He was promoted to a Brigadier Generalship, and occupied the post of hon or and of danger at the first battle of Fred ericksburg. Ho commanded the slope be hind the stone fence where the most perti nacious assaults were made by the Federals, and as often repulsed. It was there that Meagher’s Irish Brigade was so terribly cut to pieces, and almost annihilated — The battle was oyer, the victory was won. The sun was declining. Cobb had retired a short distance to the river, and had sought shelter under a tree, near to a small house, surrounded by his staff, and had just remarked to his Adjutant, (his nephew) ‘‘Thank God, Johnny, the Tight is over, and we are safe, when a shell burst near him and a fragment struck his thigh, and severed the femoral artery. Hem orrhage ensued, but with his usual pres ence of mind, he used his handkerchief as a tourniquet, no surgeon' being at hand. Before surgioal aid could reach him, his life had ebbed out. Thus died the patriot, orator, statesman, scholar, jurist and Christian. For in him was blended all of these. He visited his mother’s birth place, for the first time in his life, to de fend it, and to die ! His remains were taken home 40 Athens for interment, and although that county had been denuded of the anns-bearing portion of the popula tion, yet the old iucn and women and children flocked from the surrounding counties, and added volume to the gath ering mourners of his own county, until the funeral cortege that accompanied all that was mortal of Thomas R. R. Cobb, to the grave, extended for miles. Thus was he loved and thus was he mourned. Mr. Cobb, could not have been over 42 years of age when he met his un timely end. He was strikingly handsome, having been considerable above tho me dium height, and of full proportions, witli a round, beardless face, large hazel eyes, and long, brown, wavy hair, which fell in thick masses on his shoulders. The ex pression of his countenance was kindly and amiable. So great was the universal confidence in his judgment sagacity, and integrity, when living, that if his name was associated with any enterprise, it was a guarantee of success. Every one who knew him was willing to go into it. His was enviable reputation. His loss to Geor gia and humanity is irreparable. His ex ample remains for imitation, We are too proud by far to weep, Wo are 100 proud by stir to weep, Tho’ Earth had nought so dear As were the soldier youths who sleep Upon thoir honored bier. It wore a stain upon their fame, Would do their laurel-crowns a shamo To shed one single tear— It was a blessed lot to die In battle and for liberty. Florida Sentinel. C. P. C. THE FREEDMKJCS BUREAU. Generals Steedman’s and Fullerton’s In vestigations of Its Management in Mis sissippi. From the New York Herald. Jackson, Miss., June 26, 1860. —Gen- erals Steedman and Fullerton’s investiga tions in Mississippi disclose abundant evidence of dishonesty in thejmanagement on the part of Bureau agents, most of whom, however, have been recently re moved. , , . . Under Colonel Thomas s administration great irregularities prevailed at Columbus. According to the statements of citizens, fees were taken for the approval of con tracts and lor procuring labor. Bribes were received,, and the two first agents ap pointed returned enriched. At Grenada, Chaplain Livermore, a reverend Bureau agent there, displayed remarkable specu lative propensities'. lie. charged fees ranging from a quarter of a dollar up wards for every conceivable'thing—fees for marrying freedmen and fees for permits to many. No fish was too small that came into his net. One darkey owed him a dol lar and a half, and had only a dollar to meet the claim. Livermore took his wal let and Jack knife for the balance, lie sold pork, potatoes, and captured mules to citizens. lie made arrests, und convicted or acquitted according to the pecuniary argument employed. When his real practice swerc exposed he offered fifty dol lars to any one who would use sufficient influence to keep him in his position.— This man declares his intention of ifcturn ing to Illinois with ten thousand dollars in his rocket. He was removed in February last by Colonel Thomas, and placed under arrest for a short time, but nothing further was done with him. Like General Saxton, he took his record with him. The Bureau duties in this State arc now discharged most satisfactorily exclusively by the military' officers of the department In a window of a shop in an obscure part of London is this announcement; ‘ ‘Goods removed, messages taken, carpets beaten, and poetry composed on any subject. Uorrest’s Own Account of the Pursuit and Capture of Straight. Late one afternoon, long after this, at the moment when the entire Confederacy was ringing with his pursuit and capture of Col. Straight, Forrest came into the editorial room of the Rebel at Chattanoo ga, where three or four of his old friends were collected, and gave us a minute nar rative of the rocent campaign. Ilis de scriptive powers are naturally very good and on this occasion he was* full of his story, and spoke with the euthusiasm auj simplicity of a child. He had pursued Straight s column, fighting every day, for nearly a fortnight, over an almost barren country for oyer several hundred miles and with an inferior force, him ah it was like a game of poker, I called him on a single ‘pair’ to his ‘full,’ trusting to luck. He seemed, at first, to have very little confidence in my hand; hut I said : ‘I give vou five minutes. I’ve followed you and fought you for two weeks, and novf. I’ve got you just where 1 want you. I’m tired of sacrificing lives, and offer you a chance to stop it. If you don’t I warn you. I won’t be answerable for the conse- quences. ’ ’ Straight was “fairly bluffed.” He was in a strange country. His adversary was known to be a desperate man. His com mand was jaded. What could he do? If he stood out any longer and was mistaken, he might be sacrificed. lie surrendered, and in a few minutes himself and his men were disarmed prisoners under- the escort of one-fourth of their number. “Where is the rest of your command General?” asked Col. Straight. Forrest smiled grimly, and made no reply. Presently when they arrived in the village of Rome, the mystery was removed, and the gallant but outwitod Indianian saw his blunder. It was _ during the pursuit of Straight, that an incident occurred which Forrest reported with great satisfaction. The chase was becoming excited and the Con federates were beginning to be eager for its conclusion, when they reached a stream over which tho enemy had crossed in safety, but. which had in the meantime risen so rapidly as to he impassible. Forrest rode along the banks baffled and angry, while the bullets from the other side spun through the trees and whistled about his ears. After vainly seeking for half an hour, he came to a cabin which stood alone in the wilderness near the water’s edge. Here, as a last resort he inquired for a ford. A young girl ran out and said, “I can show you one if you take me up behind you. ’ ’ The mother was very much shocked, but the girl continued, “I’m not afraid. You’re General Forrest, and will take care of me. ” “Hop up, then,” said Forrest, riding close to the fence. — The girl bounded upon the horse, clung tightly to the General’s sabre sash, and away they rode, down the stream and through the bush-wood, to the rattle of sharp shooting and the whizzing of min nies, “What's that ?” said the girl in nocontly, as one of these came very near. “That, 1 said Forrest, “is a skeere dbird.” They reached the ford in safety, the com mand passed oyer, and the General turned to his gallant.little Q nrl wW he could do for he” She replied that her brother had been captured by Colonel Straight and was a prisoner in his hands j all sne desired was his release. “Very well,” said Forrest, taking a note of the name, “you shall have him by twelve o’clock to-morrow.” It was turned of eleven the next day when tSreight surrendered. Immediate ly General Forrest called for John Sansom, who promptly appeared, glad enough to be relieved, and wondering what could be wanted with him by his own General. “I promised your sister aimma,” said Forrest, when the young man appeared, “to sendyou to her at twelve o’clock to-day. Time’s nearly up. Jake the best horse you can find and pul out. Double-quick now —march!” As related by Forrest himself, with the earn est delight of his nature and in that quiet little editorial room at the close of a sum mer day, with all its freeness about it, tho story was thrilling, andwoat.once resolved to make a ho-ioine out of tho little rustic, Emma Sansom. Subsequently she re ceived a grant of land and a vote of thanks from the General Assembly of Alabama : but the reineinberance of that ride behind the most daring cavalry leader of lhe American continent should bo worth more to her than all the grants and resolutions which Legislatures have power to give. 1 know that Forrest looks hack upon it with a pride that exceeds the sense of tho victo ry which it secured, and never alludes to it without a touch of the old firo and a quick returning of the old flash. — Corres pondence of the Nashville Banner. A Grand Scamp. A Florida correspondent ofthe Columbus Sun & Times, writing from Tallahassee, thus shows up an abominable villian : Dr. E. Toland, who came to this State from South Carolina in 1863, and was sub? sequently appointed on the Medical Examin ing Board, and stationed in the little town of Quincy, was recently arrested in this city on a charge of bigamy, and is now con fined in the jail at Quincy, awaiting his trial at the fall term of the Circuit Court of Gadsden county. He passed liiuiself off as a widower, with three children, and suc ceeded in marrying, in the spring of last year, a beautiful and accomplished young lady, the daughter of one of the most respected and worthy gentlemen in Quincy. It is strange, but nevertheless true, that he lived with his new wife more than twelve months —up to the time of his ar rest —enioyed the confidence and respect of the whole community —who patronized him in the practice of his profsssion—and was never suspicioned of being guilty of an act of such diabolical meanness. I say strange, because he corresponded with his South Carolina wife regularly, and instructed the postmaster at Quincy not to deliver his let ters to any one except himself. The cause, finally, or the unfortunate young lady’s suspicions was grounded on the fact that while Toland was recently on a visit to his home in South Carolina, ostensibly for the purpose of seeing his children, she received letters from him enclosed in envelopes directed to her father. . Bhe, of course, suspicioned that something was not right, and after his return, while he was in the city oil a short visit, she took the liberty of opening a letter which had been received for him in the meantime, which proved to be from —his other wife: It has been ascertained since, that this consummate scoundrel had a negro boy (whom lie brought out here with him during the war,) bound to scoresy in regard to*ho matter, with threats of instant death if he divulged, and that he lias all this time made his legitimate wife in South Carolina believe that he had purchased a large plan tation in Florida, and was building a fine house and making other preparations to bring her put here, which was his excusp for not-going home after the surrender to live. Why did John Huss die a more noreca ble death than Charles 1 ? Because a hot steak is bitter than a cold chap. Someone called Richard Steele the “ril est of mankind.” He retortedwith proud humility. “It would be a glorious world if I were.”