Newspaper Page Text
(Chronicle & Sentinel.
SUNDAY MORNING, JULY U.
National Union Convention.
National polities have been utterly ig- J
nored by Southerners since the close of the |
war. After the termination of hostilities, j
by the surrender of Lee and Johnston, in- j
telliycnt minds expected and wished for j
some actiorpon the part of the Government
which would be broad and catholic in its
character and lead to the restoration of the
Southern States to their constitutional
rights, and establish harmony and good
feeling among the people of all sections.
The President officially announced the pre
requisite to full restoration. The condi
tions were plainly and distinctly set forth,
and although some of those conditions bore
exceedingly hard, and involved almost State
and individual bankruptcy, and caused
much distress and suffering, they were
nevertheless accepted in good faith, made
part and parcel of the organic law of the
Smte in the ordinance of the Convention,
affirmed in the Constitution and made
effective by Legislative enactment. Con
servative men thought the terms severe —
extremely severe—but counselled a'prompt
and truthful acceptance, and full and
faithful adherence to these conditions,
believing that it would annihilate all sec-
tional and partisan spirit, enkindle good
feelings in Congress and end in a speedy
restoration of political rights, and the early
recuperation of Southern prosperity. The
action of the President it was believed,
would be entirely satisfactory to the
Northern people, and those who controlled
the Republican party—and thereby the Gov
ernment Legislation. The President has
certainly kept faith with the Southern peo
ple, inexorably as to the terms which he
specified as pre-requisite. lie has brought
all the influence of position, and all the ex
ercise of power to sustain these terms. liut
what has been the course of those who
control the Republican party and Congres
sional Legislation ? The Democratic party,
although numbering nearly half the voting
population, possessed but little political
power. The Republican party, as a party
seems to lie wholly under the lead of Sum
ner, Stevens and Wilson. From the be
ginning of the session down to the present
time, we have looked anxiously but in vain
for the promulgation of a single principle,
for the enactment of a single law, of a
broad national character. We are aware
that individual members of the Republican
party entertain and express national views,
hut even these have been modified by party
interests, and controlled by party lash. We
believe that if the question of restoration
as proposed by the President, could be
fairly submitted to the people of the North,
a large majority would be found to sustaih
it. The masses there as here, are tired of
the incessant clamor against the immediate
restoration of ‘the States of the Union to
their constitutional rights and obligations.
Tliey desire peace. Peace not only in
name, hut in fact. They wish to cultivate
friendly relations with the people of the
South. Having accomplished the objects
fijr which they sprang to arms, they earn
estly desire to reap the fruits which the
success of their arms secured to them and
the country. These fruits were the as
cendency and preservation of the Union of
the States, under the OWfctitution of the
country, and the enforcement of the laws
throughout this broad land. These results
have not followed the termination of hos
tilities. The war, it is true, has ceased.
The Southern States have laid down their
arms, have faithfully complied with the
terms put upon them by the conquering
power, have abandoned their Confederacy,
taken the oath of allegiance, reformed their
State Constitutions, adopted the Constitu
tional amendment abolishing slavery, re
pudiating their war debt, and have enacted
wise, wholesome, and liberal laws for the
benefit of the African race.
The dominant party in Congress are still
opposed to the restoration of the Union.
They refuse to acknowledge the rights of
the Southern States, as members and co
equals of the States of the North under the
Constitution. They declare in their speech
es and through their official proceedings,
That the Union is destroyed—that the elev
en Southern States are not component
parts of the Government, and therefore not
entitled to representation in the Halls of the
Federal Legislature. They violate one of
the plainest, as it is the most vital princi
ples of our Republican Government, that
taxation must follow and be dependent
upon representation. They follow up this
radical and destructive policy, with a pro
position forfurther amendments to the Con
stitution, which put upon the people of the
South terms of the most degrading and hu
miliating character, and demand our ac
ceptance of the same as a prerequisite to
our admission into the councils of the na
tion.
Those terms we cannot accept. We have
been conquered, but as yet we are not dis
graced. They may wound our pride, in
sult our feelings, destroy our prosperity,
confiscate our property, and imprison our
bodies, but they cannot degrade tts. This
they feel and know, and hence the attempt
to force us to do what they can never ac
complish themselves.
The true friends of the Constitution and
1 uion, at the North and West, forgetting
in their anxiety to preserve the one and
maintain the other, all past differences,
haw agreed to unite together to make
common cause against the disunionists who
now control both branches of the Federal
Congress. They invite the co-operation
and support of national men in all sections,
in organizing a great National Union Party
pledged to the support of the principles
laid down by President Johnson, for the
restoration of the Union and the rights of
the States. The true, consistent and con
servative men of the Republican party,
have nobly come forward and laid the
prejudices and heart-burnings of the past
uiHui the altar of their country, and have
joined hearts and hands with the time-hon
ored Democracy of the North, in a last,
great, final, and, as we honestly hope, suc
cessful struggle to put down the Disunion
ists of and preserve the Gov
ernment under the Constitution.
They ask our support Shall they not
have it? They solicit our co-operation.
Canv. e refuse it ? They ask our counsels.
Shall we deny them? They invite us to
meet them in a spirit of mutual forbearance
and forgetfulness of the past, and deliberate
tor the success and security and happiness
ol the future. Every Southern State is
called upon to send delegates to Philadelphia
to take counsel for the general good. Pre
sident Johnson, who has stood as firm as a
Wvk between us and the angry tide of fe-
natical Radicalism, calls upon us to lend
him the approval of our presence at least
in this great gathering of the true men of
the nation. The Conservative Republicans
who have been ostracised by their party on
account of their firm constitutional position
on the question of reconstruction, call upon
us to aid them in putting down the bad
men who rule the hour at Washington.
The old. true, and life-long Dem
ocrats, endeared to the whole South by the
sacred memories of the past, beckon as to
come to this great National Council, with
clear hands and true hearts, to aid in es
tablishing a party which shall know no
North, no South, no East no West, but
whose watchword and motto shall be the
“ Constitution and the Union nov: and for
ever, bne and inseparable. ’ 1
There are some expressions used in the
call issued by the Union Club, at Washing
ton , which we think had tetter teen omitted.
Thoje are some abstractions contained in
one or two of the clauses of the published
call which we do not assent to, and which
a large number of even the Northern peo
ple do not agree with. The object in view
is a great and good one. Our people can,
without the least sacrifice of feeiingor prin
ciple, give cordial support to the movement,
and join in the proposed organization with-
out ihe surrender of a single cherished idea.
We deprecate a critical or suspicious
scrutiny of the language of the call. The
great leading fact which this movement
brings to light, is the fact that the good
men of the North and West arc endeavor
ing to organize a party for the overthrow
of the disunionist* and a restoration of the
Union. We can aid them. They invite
our aid. Let us not hold back or throw
suspicious glances at their movement? The
South —the whole undivided South, must
be represented in the Philadelphia Con
vention, if they would have’that move
ment succeed.
THE CONVENTION.
The following letter, from one of the most
experienced and conservative of Southern
statesmen, and one in whom the people of
Georgia have heretofore most confidently
relied in times of difficulty and trial, we
take pleasure in presenting to our readers.
Although entirely private, and intended
only for the eye of the gentleman to whom
it was written, we feel assured that we will
be forgiven for this partial breach of confi
dence in giving publicity to its contents.
We wish that we could givo the name of
the writer, but the confidence of private
correspondence forbids it at present.
It will be seen that the distinguished
writer is in favor of the South’s being rep
resented in the Philadelphia Convention.
Since this letter was written we have re
ceived the address of the Democratic mem
bers of Congress endorsing the call for the
Convention and urging the propriety of a
full representation from the Southern
States, and which we published in our is
sue of yesterday.
This action of the Democratic leaders
fixes, it seems to us, the duty of the South
ern States to be represented in the Philadel
phia Convention, we hope and trust that
we shall have no division amongst us on
this question. The objections whieh have
been urged by some of the Southern press
against the co-operation of our people in
this movement, have been fairly and fully
mot in (hi*.thllowinp: lottor of our gifted and
esteemed correspondent. We have seen
no one who was willing to endorse and ac
cept all that is contained in the original
call for the Convention. The main object
of the Convention, thp people of the South
are most deeply interested in. They
arc, by the dominant party in Congress,
denied all participation in the Govern
ment while they are subjected to all the
burdens and obligations which are imposed
upon the States that have a voice in
the National Legislature. We are held
as conquered provinces, without rights, ex
cept such as are dependent upon the bare
will of the Rump Congress.
The President has labored faithfully to re
store us to our constitutional rights andobli
agtions. In this he hasbeen warmly support
ed by the Democrats and Conservative Re
publicans. They have not been able as yet to
defeat the mad schemes of the Disunionists.
This failure has arisen mainly from want of
organization. This want, it is now deter
mined, shall be overcome by the inaugura
tion of a great National party, whose lead
ing and (distinctive principle is the rights
and equality of the States under the Con
stitution of the United States. Shall we
not join with our whole hearts in this great
and good work ?
But to the letter. *
July 3d, 1866.
My Dear Sir.
-x * * * * *
The language of the call is not such 'as I
would have used to answer the same ob
ject which I think was intended. Rut it
is no time with us to stickle too much on
words where the meaning and intent may
be matter of doubt. The worst feature in
the programme is the principle to be ac
knowledged bv all the delegates to the
Convention of the indissolubleness of the
Union and the non-existence of any right
anywhere to put an end to its perpetuity.
But I take it, the meaning of this is simp
ly that secession is abandoned; and the
whole programme on that point is equiva
lent to an acceptance of the Constitution
and the Union as it was originally accept
ed. The Constitution and the laws made
in pursuranoe thereof, are to be the _ su
preme law of the land, and for all time,
just as it was originally accepted—nothing
more and nothin" less. The right of se
cession I take it has been abandoned. But
nothing in this programme, I imagine, could
be intended to cover any future arrange
ment that might be made by eon
sent of the parties. Most treaties that are
made, are by their terms to be perpetual,
and yet it has never been considered a
violation of faith on either side, to change,
alter or modify them bv the consent of the
parties.
The objection to the word loyalty in the
call is by no means an insurmountable one
to me. I have before given you my views
very fully on this word. It is as distaste
ful to me, as commonly used, as it can be to
any one. But the word is with us—we
cannot exterminate it, and our course to
wards it should be to give it the only proper
and legitimate meaning that it is'entitled
to in our institutions—that is, being true to
flighted faith—true in devotion to the prin
ciples of the Constitution. When the rains
have fallen, and the floods are threatening
to sweep away not only the dam. but the
mill-house too, it is worse than folly for the
proprietor to stand witli folded arms
grumbling and cursing the elements—the
dictates of duty and common sense in such
a situation, is to put forth all exertions
promptly, so ; to direct the current as that
it may do as little mischief or damage
as possible. So I think we should
now do with this word loyalty , especially
a? we ourselves—l mean our own people
and press—did as much to give it currency
in its obnoxious and detestable sense as
the people and the press of the North did.
\\ hen this illegimate and improper use of
the word was first introduced amongst us,
1 warred as sternly and fiercely against it
then as now. I endeavored to teach our
people that loyalty with us could only mean
fidelity to the Constitution, and not to a
dynasty, or men in power, or any bare ad
ministration of the government. In its
proper sense it is a word of good import
with us. It signifies true and noble quali
ties, and in tills sense I am not ashamed
and do not feel the least reluctance in
declaring myself as loyal as the lovalest.
In fidelity to the principles of the Consti
tution of the United States I yield to no
man living or dead.
But enough of all this. The conclusion
of the whole matter is this : I still think
that we should favor the call of the Con
vention, and should send delegates to it
unless some disclosures should be made
showing that the real objects are not such
as I am now inclined to think they are.
* * * * We ought as a peoi de to meet
the Conservative element at the North in
common council on their invitation, if
the object, be, as it seems to be, to fa
vor the immediate admission to their
seats of members of Congress from tbe
South who stand pledged in good faith to
support the Constitution of the United
States, and who will give the only consti
tutional test of such loyalty —their oath on
entering upon the discharge of their duties
to support the Constitution. * * * *
lam very anxious to see how this call is
responded to by the Democratic press of
the North. If the Democratic party at
the North 'generally favor the movement
and go into it. much good may, I think,
come of it. But if the Democracy do not
go into it generally, I am satisfied that but
little good can be made of it, and it will not
matter much whether the South is repre
sented in it or not —our main hope now, as
it was before the war, is with the Demo
cratic organization of the North. Outside
of that, our friends and the t*ue friends of
constitutional liberty in the North are few
and .far between. * * * I write in
great haste, but you will, I trust, under
stand me. While I do not at all approve
the exact language of the call, and think
it might have been greatly modified with
the same object in view,, yet I look upon
this as but the covering—the shell of a
germ jvitliin, which, if properly and wisely
matriculated and manipulated, may be
brought to vegetate and bring forth good
fruit. Yours, truly, *** * *
Gen. A. R. Wright.
Opinions of the State Press.
We believe that the most acceptable
reading which we can present to our read
ers at this time is the views of our Geor
gia contemporaries upon the subject of the
proposed “National Union Convention.”
Hence we devote much of our space to-day
to this purpose.
The Columbus Enquirer says:
There is now no doubt that the call for
this Convention meets the approval of the
President and a majority of his Cabinet,
and that they and the party supporting
them will make it the occasion for the in
auguration of an active campaign against
the radical organization and its plans for
the continued alienation of the sections and
people of the Union.
The call in full is published elsewhere in
this paper. There are two or three ex
pressions in it that are distasteful to us,
but these arc matters of no practical con
sequence now.. We are standing upon the
defensive against the efforts of a powerful
and vindictive party to degrade and op
press, us. In such a situation, it would be
tolly in us to cavil about terms of expres
sion or political differences in the past.
The occasion calls for more earnest thought
and work —for a combined effort to deieat
an organization whose triumph will result
not only in humiliation and oppression to
UHj but the overthrow of every political
principle which we hold dear.
The Journal & Messenger says the pub
lic will have noticed and considered the
call of the conservative members of Con
gress for a National Convention of the
friends of the restoration policy of the
President, to be held in Philadelphia the
14th August. next. • The States are all
earnestly invited to send delegates; and,
as none are so vitally interested as the
Southern States, we think it desirable that
all of them should proceed at once to make
judicious selections for that purpose.
How shall this be done ? It would be
difficult in Georgia to secure, at this season
of the year and upon such brief notice, a
Convention of the people at large to make
the requisite appointments, and county
meetings (if a good many were held,) would
probably result in cross purposes, for they
would scarcely unite upon a common ticket,
or even, if they did, they could riot furnish
credentials or claim to represent the entire
State. It is probable that in the present
poverty and depression of the people, and
amid the. struggle to recuperate their
fortunes, few would be inclined to take
such an active interest in the matter, as
would be necessary in getting up meetings
which justly claim to represent even the
counties or congressional districts.
It occurs to us that, under the circum
stances, the test course would be to memo
rialize the Governor to make the necessary
appointments. It is an extra efficial duty
for which he would require warrant; but
we assume lie would discharge it (and
with great judgment and discretion) if sat
isfied that the people desired it at his
hands.
The Governor is in himself a represen
tative of our entire people. He was elect
ed by unanimous consent, and wc think
the most entire confidence is reposed in his
judgment, integrity and patriotism ; and a
certificate of appointment by him, under
such sanction, would be considered a satis
factory voucher. Inasmuch, therefore, as
there is no division of opinion among us
in regard to the object of the Convention,
we venture this suggestion for what it is
worth. Should the press and people
adopt it, a good and efficient representa
tion can be secured without trouble. The
time is short and it will be necessary to
act promptly.
The Georgia Telegraph is strongly in fa
vor of the movement, and urges the pro
priety of sending delegates from the South
ern States. It says:
. “ The Convention at Philadelphia is de
signed to uphold the Constitution and
maintain the cause of civil liberty through
out all this country, and especially at the
South, where both have been overthrown.
It is . designed to hold up the arms of the,
President in a war against a faction that
would inaugurate a centralized despotism
over these States. The Southern people
have*a deep interest in this struggle. They
are friends of the President, and intend to
stand by him to the last. We, therefore,
maintain that it is as much their Conven
tion as anybody else’s, and no six men, as
a committee or otherwise, have a right to
exclude them by irrelevant issues or un
reasonable conditions. It is a People s
Convention t not the convention of Mr.
Senator this or Mr. Representative that.
When they meet, it will be theirs to decide
who are and who are not qualified for
membership. Upon their action in this
particular the representation of the South
ern States can determine whether they can
remain or not. consistently with the rights,
interests and dignity of their constituents.
“In view of these considerations, we are
of opinion that all the Southern States
should take steps to be represented in the
Philadelphia Convention. The President
desires it, and our interests demand it. In
our judgment it will result in a glorious re
union of a divided people, and the early
and complete overthrow of the enemies of
the Constitution. Let us send able,
discreet, and moderate men to represent
us, neither ultra-ceders. nor ultra-unionists,
but such men as can cordially affiliate with
conservative men of the North, and work
with them in harmony for the public good.
We believe they will be cordially met.
asked no questions at the door, and that
their deliberations will result in great and
permanent good to our divided and dis
tracted country.
“There may be some objections to this
course, but they are mainly of feeling, and
should give way to the promptings ot sober
judgment. The}' are nut as a leather in
the scale compared with such grand results
as the defeat of the revolutionary spirit of
the North, the salvation of the South from
tie fete prepared for her by her enemies.
and the revival of constitutional liberty
from the tomb to which bad men have
consigned it. It is of first importance that
entire harmony should exist among our
people on this subject, and we hope to see
all preconceived prejudices sacrificed on the
altar of the country.
To the South, down-trodden, oppress
ed, and powerless, this is a golden oppor
tunity. She cannot resist it and be faith
ful to the country, to her best friend, the
President, or to herself. ’ ’
In commenting upon the position of the
Journal cfc Messenger and Telegraph , the
Savannah News A Herald says :
“We cordially approve the views of our
Macon cotemporaries, and trust that the
action of the people of the South will be
united, harmonious and prompt. If in the
present attitude of affairs anything can be
accomplished towards the restoration of the
Union under the Constitution, the proposed
convention offers the most practicable, if
not the only possible means of accomplish
ing that object. For the reasons stated.by
the editor, we also approve the suggestion
of the Messenger in regard to the manner
of selecting delegates to represent Georgia
in the Convention.
The Athens Watchman in publishing
the call for the convention, urges upon the
South the propriety of its co-operation in
the movement, and gives the following
cogent reasons why the Southern States
should be represented :
It will be seen from the above that the
leaders in the new movement are not mere
ly willing, but anxious to receive delegates
from the South in the proposed Conven
tion.
Will the people of Georgia send dele
gates to it ? Do they wish to he repre
sented ? This is a matter which they must
settle for themselves.
Much might be said on both sides. In
opposition to sending, delegates, it may be
urged that to meet with Southern delegates
in Convention the Northern Conservatives
would lay themselves liable to the accusa
tion of sitting in council with rebels, and
thus weaken their strength by arousing
prejudices in the minds of the Northern
masses. It. Is furthermore urged that there
is no necessity of sending delegates to give
moral strength to the movement; as,
whether the South shall be represented or
not, all men know that her people are a
perfect unit in opposing the schemes of the
Radicals, and stand ready to aid any party
in putting them down.
On the other hand, while it is conceded
that Conventions merely for the purpose
of securing the spoils, of victory, are un
mitigated humbugs, it is contended that
there is, at this time, a great public neces
sity for concentrating the conservatism of
the country. Such concentration is abso
lutely essential to the preservation of our
present form of Government; because, if
the Radicals arc permitted to remain in
power, the last remaining vestige of ra
tional liberty will be swept away.
A majority of the American people are
conservative. This was true in 1860, when
Mr. Lincoln was elected by a minority
vote —the majority against him, in the
popular vote, being about one million !
We have no question but that there is a
much larger proportion of conservatives
now than then. The trouble is now as it
was then —this conservative element,
though largely in the majority, is not or
ganized, and hence an organized minority
can rule. This, want of organization is
owing to the fact that this conservative
element is composed of the debris of all
the -parties which have existed for years
past —Democrats, Whigs, Know Nothings!
Anti Know Nothings and Republicans.—
The issues which divided them into par
ties having been swallowed up by one of
Tar greater importance, viz: whether
Free Government shall continue or be
subverted by a central despotism." These
formerly jarring elements can be harmon
ized at tills time. They are composed of
the very best materials of all the old par
ties, ancl if once brought to act in concert,
will form not only “a party of size,” but
of immense power for good—-a party which
can and will save what is left of our once
noble heritage.
The only feasible plan upon which the
Conservative voters of all the States and
Territories can bo brought to act in concert,
is to send delegates to a Convention, where
general interchange of opinion can take
place, and such concert of action be se
cured as will insure success.
If we ever expect to have our rights re
stored, it must be after the Radicals have
been defeated. But can we contribute to
their defeat ? Most certainly we can, and
that, too, to a powerful extent. Show the
Conservative men of other sections, by our
presence at the proposed Convention, in
full force, that we feel an interest in the
matter, and assure them tjjat the South
will be a unit in support of the Conserva
tive candidate for the Presidency, and it
will infuse into them new life and renewed
hopes, and they will go to work with a
vigor which will sweep to the four winds
the Radical majority in Congress, restore
the South to a participation in the benefits
as well as the burdens of the Government,
and elect Andrew Johnson, or some other
Constitutional man President in 1868. Let
this opportunity pass, and Radicalism will
be fastened upon the country permanent
ly! _
FROM PORTLAND.
Terrible Conflagration—Half the city in
Ashes—lmmense Doss anti Suffering--
100 Tents sent to the Houseless People.
P9RTLAND, July 5.—A terrible confla
gration took place here yesterday, the wind
blowing a perfect gale at the time. The
fire originated on Commercial street, the
principal wholesale. thoroughfare of the
city, and swept over a space of one and a
half miles in length, by a quarter of a mile
wide, destroying everything in its track.
Half the city was destroyed, including all
the business portion except the heavi
est business houses, which were on
Commercial street, and on the wharves,
several churches, all the newspaper offices,
banks, public buildings, and many dwell
ings were, destroyed. Fifty houses were
blown up in endeavoring to check the pro
gress of the fire. The custom house, beine
fire proof, escaped.
The loss is] enormous, and at present
cannot be estimated. A thousand tents
have been sent to the houseless people.
The destruction was so complete that the
people could not tell where their homes
were.
Further Particulars of the Great Fire
-2000 buildings burned—Loss over Sio
ooo, 000.
Portland, July s.—Details of the
great fire show it to have been terribly
disastrous, all'the newspapers and insur
ance offices, all the banks and hotels, eight
churches, and Catholic Convent School,
lawyer’s offices, including valuable libra
ries, and nearly every prominent business
house in the city, were burned, as well as
a great number of private dwellings.
. The'estimated number of houses consumed
13 two thousand, and the loss exceeds ten
millions dollars.
The churches not burned are appropriated
to the homeless, and committees are en
gaged in the endeavor to relieve the dis
tress of the sufferers. The flames are still
troublesome in different parts of the city.
Nearly all the hose are bursted, and sever
al fire engines were used up.
Bitter Without Churning.—At a
recent meeting of the American In
stitute Fanners’ Club, Mr. Sylvester
stated that he had tried the experiment of
making butter by burying the cream in a
linen and that in another bag to keep it
clean, which he buried about eighteen
inches deep, and after 24 hours took it up
and found the cream as thoroughly con vert
ed into butter as it is by churning.' It is just
in the condition butter is when it is “come’ ’
without being adhered by the dasher. It
was worked in the usual way. and made as
good butter as ever was churned.
General Wigfall, ex-Confederate Senator
from Texas, is in London, and is about
starting out to lecture on the negro, begin
ning jungles of Africa and concluding
with a review of his present position in
America.
Progress of the Country.
The New York Mercantile Journal con
tains the following interesting statistical
review of the progress ot the L nited states
in population and in a number of branches
of enterprise:
In the year 1700. or only one century
after the'regions of territory now included
within the limits of the American Union
had been referred to as a howling wilder
ness, the population of the English colonies
liere was 262.000. In 1749-50, it had risen
to 1.000,000. Twenty-five years later, or
just before the outbreak of the Revolution,
it was 2,389,300, and in 1790 had increased
to 3,929.327. In 1860, the year of the
latest regular census enumeration, it was
31,442,321. In this year, notwithstanding
the civil war that has intervened, we have
no fear of exaggeration in placing it at 35,-
000,000, nor in expecting to see the num
ber multiplied to 40,000,000 by 1870. The
growth from 1775 to 1790 was 64 per cent.,
and from 1790 to 1860, seven hundred per
cent., which carried out at the same rate
would give us between two and three hun
dred millions 70 years hence—a stupendous
prospect of National power, and, we trust,
of civilization, union and happiness also.—
The number of acres of land assessed for
direct taxes under the Act of July 14th,
1798, was 163,746,688, not including Lou
isiana and a large mass of lands exempted
by various provisions of law, as well as all
lots on which houses worth SIOO were
erected. In 1809, the improved lands in
the United States embraced 63,570,000.
acres. In 1860, the account stood as fol
lows :
Improved Unimproved Cash
in farms value.
In the
States 162,649,848 241,943,671 6,631,520,046
Terri
tories, 460,872 2,-158,147 13,524,961
163,110,720 244.101,818 $0,645,045,007
thus showing that t':e quantity of land im
proved in farms in 1860, was almost, equal
to the total area subject to valuation in
1798. Thus, the increase was in the ratio
of 1,286 per cent., or 2,074 per cent, per
annum for the 62 years. The increase of
areas under cultivation between 1850 and
1860, was 44 per cent. This would soon
cover all the available soil of the Union
with agricultural improvement, and . the
mind of man has probably never conceived
anything so beautiful as the appearance of
the Middle aud Western States, with their
innumerable gardens and limitless fields of
grain, under the culture of half a century
hence.
The financial business machinery of the
Country, as we now behold it, is of com
paratively recent date. We find that only
one association for banking purposes is
mentioned previously to 1775. It was
known as “the Land Bank of Massachu
setts,” which w T as established in 1.739-40,
but soon after disallowed by Parliament.
When the National Government went into
operation, the Bank of North America,
chartered in 1781, the Bank of New York,
established in 1784 and chartered in 1791,
and the Bank of Massachusetts, at Bos
ton, were the only concerns of the kind ex
isting among us. Their conjoint capital
scarcely exceeded $2,000,000. In 1850,
there were in the United States 872 hanks,
with a capital of $227,000,000, and in
1860, 1562 with a capital of $421,000,-
000. On November Ist, 1.865,. there
were 1601 National Banks, of which 679
were new concerns, and 922 were conver
sions from. State infcitutions. The enor
mous multiplication of these establishments
within the last year is worthy of grave re
flection, and we have but too just reason to
fear, may result much as the dispropor
tionate inflation of financial companies in
England has so lately done.
The estimated amount of National Bank
notes on January Ist, 1866, was $380,000,-
000; $80,000,000 from State Banks, and
$129,000,000 supposed to have been issued
since October Ist, 1865, to the National
Banks. Our return of precious metals for
the fiscal year ending June 30th, 1865, was
$100,000,000, and our Treasury receipts
for the same period, $929,500,000. This
financial exhibit is certainly very encourag
ing, provided that no serious danger is
lurking in the rapidly advancing influence
of the new National Bank system.
Insurance is a branch of business which
has made great progress on this side of the
Ocean. Although the first office in Amer
ice was opened in Boston only in 1724, and
there was none other until the Pliiladel
phians established one in 1756,'the number
of insurance companies in full successful
operation in 1860, was 294 with capital and
assets amounting to $82,170,219; at risk
$2,605,538,319. The losses by sea and
fire for 1860, were $50,595,700. In life
insurance there were 47 offices, insuring
60,000 lives at $180,000,000, with annual
premium of $7,000,000, Since then the
business has grown with great rapidity in
all parts of the Country, and we continual
ly hear of new traveling and accidental in
surance companies, who meet with great
favor at the hands of that portion of the
public whom they specially address.
For internal improvements, the'United
States are emphatically the wonder of the
world. It is amazing to contrast the situa
tion of the country in that respect, as it is
now, with what it was at the beginning of
the century. As late as 1784 not a single
canal had been dug, and as for railroads, no
person, apparently, had thought of them. In
1860—61, there were 118 canals and slack
water improvements completed in a length
of 54,211 miles, at a cost for 68 of them
amounting to $147,393,997, the remainder
not having been reported with sufficient ac
curacy to admit of repetition. In 1860,
our commercial railroads were equal to 30,-
793,67 lineal miles, at a construction cost
of $1,151,560,829, and our city passenger
railroads were equal to 402,57 miles, cost
ing $14,862,840.
But it is, after all, in real and personal
property that the United States have made
the most surprising advance. In 1789, the
total for taxation was $619,977,217,92,
the dwelling houses numbering 276,659.
,In 1860 it had attained $16,159,616,068.
according to the Marshals returns, while
the aggregate individual returns made, of
course, with much more accurate and in
timate knowledge, amounted to $19,089,-
156,289. The increase was two fold in
the ten years between 1850 and 1860, and
unquestionably would have been equally j
great in the decade, now more than half
gone by, had not the devastation of pro
tracted warfare intervened. However, the
substantial basis for future improvement
revealed by the census returns, which
have furnished us with the foregoing facts,
leave no room for doubt that the next
series of similar papors will not find us
fainting in the way of National prosperity.
LETTER FROM LEIINGTOIf.
The Mails, Crops, &c.
Lexington, Ga., July 6, 1866.
Messrs. Editors: “Let me_ tell you
something,” as an old friend of mine would
say, and it is this; we have “ gone under”
here as to mail facilities, and from hence
forth if we get a letter or paper, we will
have to go to the Lexington depot for it,
and even then it will be stale news, as on
and after Monday next I learn the Georgia
road will only rnn one train a day, and that
at night —excuse the bull—and _on the
Athens branch a night train _ will run to
connect. Not to characterize it _ too
strong—allow me to say—emphatical-
Iv, that it is an execrable arrangement,
To add to our misery—the mail carrier
who has been working the past six months
upon promises without the pay—very
properly swears that he will carry the mail
no longer. So with the Railroad mon
opoly, and the miserable Post-office man
agement—we are deprived of all our former
pleasant connections with the outside
world. So if your subscribers “grumble
and growl” they will know the reason “for
why’ ’ your paper does not reach its desti
nation in this section.
Weather hot and dry —crops suffering—
and miserable looking prospects ahead, for
not only the farmer, hut every body else.
Yours &c.,
R.
Stewart’s wealth is now estimated at
fifty millions.
GEORGIA.
Eight or nine negroes broke jail in Rome
on Sunday last
A fine horse was stolen from J. A. Ans
ley, near Kingston, on the 2d inst.
A planter in Sumter couuty writes that
there will not be half a crop of corn in that
county, and that the cotton will not be suf
ficient to buy thed-orn that will be needed.
It is very dry in the region of Macon,
and without rain, the Journal says, gar
den and field crops will yield up the ghost
in the course of a few days.
The Mayor of Columbus has called a
meeting to be held next AY ednesday night,
11th inst., to consider the subject of push
ing forward the Savannah, and Memphis
railroad.
The Early County News expresses the
opinion that there will not be com enough
made m that county this year, to last until
March or April, at best. If corn enough
is not made in that part of Georgia, we
fear that there will be a great deficiency
indeed.
The Recorder says. that the number of
convicts in the Georgia Penitentiary has in
creased during the past few weeks from
forty to ninety. Os these, forty-seven are
negroes. Cant. Anderson, the principal
keeper, is highly complimented for his gen
eral good management and skill in turning
the labor to good account.
The Rome Courier says that the story
recently published of a negro who had de
tained a white woman several days in the
woods, and at her request, had been skin
ned alive, is a lie out of whole cloth. Either
the above exact account or one essen
tially the same has been located first in
Gordon, next in Polk, then in Floyd, and
lastly in Cobb county. The Courier says
nothing of the kind has occurred in any of
the counties named. The miscreant who
started the story ought to be treated to the
punishment allotted in the report to the
negro.
The Chattanooga Union says that the
number of persons in Cobb county who
are destitute, will reach 3,000. The
Mayor sent a list of about three hun
dred for the Marietta district, but since it
has become generally known that rations
w r i!l be distributed, the wildest excitement
prevails, and the officer having charge of
the issue is visited from five o’clock in the
morning until dark, and principally by
women. In four days he had recorded the
names of over five hundred women and
children.
The Savannah Herald is indebted to
Col. A. 11. Wilson, Collector of Internal
Revenue for the first District, for the fol
lowing summary of collection derived from
the export duty on cotton and from licences,
the income tax returns not having been
made :
Receipts for April $44,731 04
“ “ May 43,922 53
“ “June 51,164 71
Total $139,818 28
The Madison News says that the colored
people of Morgan county gave a barbaeue
on the 4th of July to which .they invited
the white people. They also invited sev
eral white citizens to address them, and
Dr. Dannelly and Rev. Mr. Butler com
plied with the invitation, giving them
kind suggestions' and wholesome council.
Several colored men also spoke, and every
thing passed off pleasantly and profitably
for all. The colored people are highly
complimented for the well-filled tables, one
for the whites, and the other for their
own color. The whites in return propose
to give them a rousing barbaeue on the
4th Saturday in July.
The Atlantic Telegraph.
The London Times of June 10th lias the
following:
“ As the time draws near for the depar
ture of the Great Eastern the utmost ac
tivity is observable on board in order that
| the great ship may be ready to leave her
i moorings in the Medway, at the latest, on
\ Saturday, the 30th June. With this view
1 relays of workmen are employed, almost
: without intermission, both day and night.
| Up to Saturday evening at tire hour for the
1 hands discontinuing work there only ro
i mained a length of cable of a little over 400
miles to be received on board, and by extra
exertions the remaining length will be ship
ped by the end of the present week. The
whole of the 1,600 knots of new cable has
been completed, and in the course of the
present week the two Government vessels,
the Amethyst and Iris, lent by the Admi
ralty, and employed from the commence
ment in transporting the cable from the
works to the Great Eastern, will receive on
board their last freights for conveyance
round to the Medway 1
“The weight of the new cable is about 38
cwt. per mile, which is almost double the
weight of the original Atlantic cable. The
total quantity ofcableto.be taken out will
exceed 2,700 miles. The steamer Medway,
1,900 tons, belonging to the company, will
accompany the Great Eastern, and will
convey about 400 miles of the cable board.
The tanks for the stowage of this quantity
of cable have been fitted on board that
vessel, and by the time the great Eastern
is ready to take her departure everything
will be in readiness on board the Medway,
The paddle wheel steamer Terrible will
again accompany the Great Eastern ; but
it would seem that the Admiralty have
intimated that a second vessel of war
cannot be spared this year. The screw
steamer Albany, a vessel of fifteen hun
dred tons, will accompany the expedition
to render assistance and to carry stores
and supplies, besides which the
screw steamer Wm. Corry is also being fit
ted to proceed to sea with other vessels.
After completing her coaling the great ship
will proceed direct to Yalentia and com
mence the work of laying the cable about
the 7th or Bth of July. No doubt what
ever is entertained by Captain Anderson of
his being able to place the Great Eastern
aft near as possible over the spot at which
the lost end of the cable lies, notwithstand
ing that the buoys which were left to mark
the locality are swept away. Supposing
the exact spot to be reached, the work of
grappling for, when found, hauling in the
lost cable will be commenced, to accomplish
which new machinery of enormous strength
has been constructed and fitted on board.
Twenty miles’ length of wire grappling
ropes have been manufactured at the com
pany’s works, and some idea of the enor
mous strength of this rope may be formed
when it is stated that it is nearly eight inches
in circumference, and is manufactured of
the toughest possible steel wire.
Distress in Italy.
Florenec Correspondence of The London Times, June 15.
The great inconvenience caused by the
forced paper currency, and by the want of
a sufficient supply of small notes, contin
ues, in spite of the devices to which re
course is had for its alleviation. Some
municipalities have sought a remedy in the
issue of small local notes. The Parma sav
ings bank has done the same, and in Tus
cany certain manufacturers and commercial
establishments have issued paper of their
own, down to one franc notes. Ginori, the
great porcelain manufacturer near Florence,
has done this. The shop-keepers take
them from the workmen, and receive bank
notes of lOOf. in exchange. To-day th’e
walls of Florence bear placards announcing
tiie establishment of a People’s Bank, also
for the issue of small notes to facilitate
trade, which has suffered grievously for
want of a proper cii-culating medium. The
public has bought as little as it could, and
sellers have consequently been losers. An
exorbitant per centage has often been paid
to exchange large notes for small ones.
The door has been opened to fraudulent
jobbery by the manner in which the pas
sage fropi a specie to a paper currency has
been effected, and the public has been the
victim, while money-changers, the less scru
pulous portion of the bankers, and other*
speculators have reaped the profits. The
premium on gold, two days ago, 20 per
cent., has fallen considerably inconsequence
of certain purchasers having withdrawn
from. the market. The purchase of cocoons
requires gold, the country growers refusing
other payment, hut it is now over. At Ge
noa, on Wednesday, the money changers
shut their shops, for feqr, it is said, of at
tacks upqm them ; but they have since re
opened them. The Milan Mint is coining
8,000,000 francs in copper, 2,000,000 in
irane pieces, aud 1,000,000 in half-franc
pieces.
SOUTH CAROLINI^Nd"THE PHILADEL
PHIA CONVENTION.
Governor Orr, of South Carolina, one of
the Vice-Presidents of the Washington
Union Club, lias issued the following patri
otic and manly address to the people of his
State, urging them to take steps to secure
a proper representation in the Philadel
phia Convention. Wo believe that all the
papers in that State have taken ground in
favor of the South being represented in
that body. We hail with delight this man
ifestation of popular unanimity in our sis
ter State, and believe that our glorious old
commonwealth will not he a laggard in this
good work.
To the Citizens of South Carolina :
Fellow-Citizens : As Vice-President
of the National Union Club, for the State
ofSouth Carolina, I earnestly invite your
attention to the call for a National Conven
tion, issued by the Executive Committee
of that body, and recommended by many
of the most eminent and patriotic members
of both branches of the present Congress.
The importance of this meeting, and the
beneficial consequences to result from it,
can scarcely be exaggerated. Separated as
we have been for the last five years from all
communication with the people of the North
and West, knowing but little of their opin
ons, except as expressed through the un
just and oppressive action of the bitter par
tisan majority which at present controls
the National Legislature, this is the first
opportunity which has been offered us to
take free and equal counsel with those who
feel impelled by a sense of high patriotism
to oppose the unjust schemes of the radi
cals in their systematic efforts to oppress
and humiliate the people of these States,
and defeat, if possible, the reconstruction
of the Union indefinitely.
The address states clearly the principles
upon which we are expected to act in com
mon, and it seems to me that there is not
one to which this State cannot subscribe
in honor and in sincerity. We simply re
cognize those results which the events of
the late war have placed beyond the
bounds of any future political discussion;
results in which we have unanimously and
sincerely acquiesced, and in conformity to
which we have already modified our Con
stitution, our Legislature,. and our po
litical sentiments. We are invited to join
in acknowledgement of the wisdom of that
policy by which Andrew Johnson, Presi
dent of the United States, has, in the
midst of difficulties unparalleled in the
history of any administration, maintained
the integrity ot the Constitution, identified
the exercise of Executive power with the
rules of strict justice and the spirit of mer
cy, and proved liis legitimate right to suc
ceed the great founders of the Republic as
chief Magistrate of a country which can be
made and preserved as one nation only by
the equal administration of just and equal
laws.
The purpose of the Convention will be
to organize, upon the principles set forth
in the Committee’s address, all conserva
tive men of all sections and of all former
parties, and, if possible, drive from power
that radical party who are daily trampling
under foot the Constitution, and fast con
verting a constitutional republic into a
consolidated despotism.
The great mass of the people North and
West have no higher interest in party
than through it to secure the wise., en
lightened and just government of the
country, and when organization is effected,
and the President’s enlightened policy of
reconstruction is presented for their ap
proval or condemnation, there can be little
doubt that he will be triumphantly sustain
ed, and our rights as equals in a restored
Union fully conceded. «
The compact organization of the conser
vative men is a necessity to' meet success
fully the well-organized bands of the radi
cals, and every man who disapproves of
the tyranical and unwise policy of the lat
ter should join in this national, patriotic
league to defeat them.
We are without representation in both
Houses of Congress; neither our opinions
nor condition can be officially known to
the country —unjust and discriminating
taxes are imposed on us—a people sadly
impoverished by the calamities of the last
five years—and we are allowed no voice of
protest even in the counsels of the Nations.
Our loyalty to the Government of the
United States is impugned in the face of
our oaths of allegiance, taken solemnly
and in good faith, and the poor privilege
of an official denial is withheld. We are
threatened with disfranchisement, and be
ing remanded to a territorial condition,
and we are to be denied all the rights and
privileges dear to an American, and con
secrated by the blood of the heroes 0f1776.
until we subscribe to terms too degrading
and humiliating to be entertained by a
freeman for a single moment.
We, then, have the deepest interest in
the meeting of the Convention —in organ
izing all conservative men to aid in carrying
out the wise and generous policy of recon
struction inaugurated by President Johr
son, and I therefore reiterate the earne.*
hope that you will take immediate steps to
secure representation for this State in the
Philadelphia Convention in August, by the
wisest and ablest men in the State.
As the time is short, and the means of
intercommunication between the different
sections of the State imperfect, I beg leave
respectfully to suggest that public meetings
of the citizens of each judicial district be
held on the fourth Monday in July inst,
(23d,) at the Cqurt House, that delegates
be appointed at these meetings to a Conven
tion of the State to meet at Columbia on
Wednesday, the first day of August, and
that the State Convention appoint the del
egates to Philadelphia. Each judicial dis
trict sending as many delegates to Colum
bia as may be convenient or agreeable; and
that Convention determining the vote of
each district, which will perhaps be a vote
equal to the representation of each district
in the House of Representatives.
The delegates from the several judicial
districts, making up the Congressional Dis
tricts, will most likely be charged with the
selection of two delegates for the
and the whole Convention select the four
delegates at large, to represent the State
at large. The selection of the delegates
for the State at large, would seem to re
quire a State Convention, and if it assem
bles, it would be desirable, as already in
dicated, that it should likewise select the
district delegates.
The suggestions as to the mode of select
ing a Convention —the time, place of meet
ing, and the basis of its organization, are
made in the hope of certainly securing
action in every district, and there is not
settle otherwise by discussion or
cSSwtation the details which I have ven
tured to make.
James L. Orr,
Vice President of the Union Club, for
South Carolina.
Anderson, S. C., July 4th, 1866.
An Anecdote of Daniel Webster.
The following anecdote is good enough
for a second reading, if any one lias
chanced - to meet with it before:
“When Daniel Webster was delivering
his memorable speech at the dedication of
Bunker Hill Monument, the crowd pressed
forward to such an extent that some were
fainting and some crushed. Officers strove
in vain to make the crowd stand back.
They said it could not be done. Someone
asked Mr. Webster to make an appeal to
them. The great orator came forward,
stretched forth his hand and said, in deep
stentorian tones: ‘Gentlemen, stand hack.
‘lt cannot he done, ’ they shouted. ‘Gen
tlemen, stand hack.’ said he without a
change of voice. ‘lt is impossible. Mr.
Webter, impossible.’ ‘lmpossiblere
peated Mr. Webster, ‘impossible ? j Coin
ing is impossible on Bunker JIM. Anil
the vast crowd swayed and rolled bade
like a mighty the ocean.
Fifteen thousand hardy Norwegians are
on their way to this country, and will set
tle in the West.
[Special Correspondence of ti e Chronicle & Sentinel.]
LETTER FROM WASHINGTON.
John W. Forney caught in Ms own Trap-
General Judson Kilpatrick—Rumored
Death of Jim Dane, &e.
Washington, D. C., June 2.
Who has not heard of John W. Forney,
editor of the Philadelphia Press , and
Washington Chronicle —Secretary to the
United States Senate, and candidate for
the United States Senate from Pennsyl
vania, to fill the seat now so ably occupied
by Hon. Edgar Cowan, Conservative Re
publican? The President’s significant clas
sification of him as a “dead duck ” will
excite the risables of a nation for at least a
generation. Gfadually facts are leaking
out, which, taken in connection with his
recent revolutionary and heartless denun
ciation of Andrew Johnson, add a shade to
the already damning blackness of the char-
acter of the oily political knave, the Na
tional Republican of this date contains the
following letter written by the redoubtable
Forney, to “my dear President,” begging
that Hon. Mr. Stebbins, a New York
Democrat, might be appointed Collector of
the port of New York. [lt maybe that
the letter has already reached the" readers
of the Chronicle & Sentinel, as it was sent
to Cincinnati by telegraph’ last night, but
it will bear repetition: ]
New York, January 2, 1860.
My Dear Mr. President: I have
been in this city for two days, and now
write under an impulse which 1 cannot
restrain, because I feel it to be for your
own good and that of the couutry. 1 take
it lor granted you are resolved not to be
unmindful of your own fame, and that you
will not allow your friends, who heartily
sustain your policy, to feel that they arc
without your aid and encouragement.—
Whether you are a candidate for President
or not, and if you are not, I shall be great
ly surprised with the wonderful favor that
has crowned vojjr restoration policy, you
should not allow the great office go to in
different men, or those clearly in the inter-
ests of your foes. I need not repeat to you
that lam now, as ever, for twenty years
shown in my writings, and since your great
act of patriotism in 1860 especially, your
open and avowed friend. Where lam to
day my two newspapers both daily show to
the world. Hence, in what I now say, I
speak no idle words, hut mean all I say.
The Collector’s Office at New York city is
a post that you should dispose of outside of
all the politicians; not, i mean, to defy
them, but to select your own man, who
should be free only to help you and
serve the Government—one they could
neither attack nor use. Such a man is
* * * of this city,. He was elected
to Congress in * * * as a Democrat,
but, like you , refused to follow the jfarty
into treason. He served a short time with
great distinction, and resigned on account
of ill health. He was a member of the
Committee of Ways and Means, and won
great applause. He is. a very able man,
educated to finance, intensely national,
honest, and independent, and could furnish
millions of security. He has an organizing
mind, would. make you a party or fight
your battles single-handed. lie is an An
drew Johnson Democrat, in short. I write
in the knowledge that he would accept, and
that liis appointment would be hailed with
joy by the whole community.
Yours, truly, j. W. Forney.
To the President, ate., Ac.
This letter found the light in re
sponse to an audacious challenge of
its author denying that he had ever
written it, and defying its produc
tion. Perhaps the consciousness of liis
baseness lead him to suppose that the
President’s friends would not produce, the
lettter, and possibly they may have com
mitted an error in doing so; but the fact
that he is the candidate of himself and
Thad Stevens for the exalted position of
United States Senator induced this cxpQso
of liis tergiversations.
But this is not the only letter that For
ney has written. If he will only Relieve
.the President’s hands of their obligations
to regard the injunctions on letters marked
“private and confidential” there will come
astounding revelations —in other words, it
is safe to say that Forney is unequivocally
committed to the support of the President’s
policy, to the revival of the Democratic
party, the immediate admission of South
ern members to seats in Congress, and to
an unrelenting warfare on the abolition
Whigs in and out of the United States
Senate.
There is now no question that there will be a
vacancy in one of the South America Mis
sions at an early date—l mean the one now
disgraced by that incomparable military cox
comb and shameless rente, the late Major-
General Judson Kilpatrick. His course as
the dignified Court of Chili was brought to
the attention of the American public by
Miles O’Reilly, in his New York Citizen ,
and subsequent investigation shows that
the inimitable Miles has “drawn it mild ”
indeed. It is a fact, then, that Judson Kil
patrick had a notorious lewd woman with
him in New Jersey, when he was stumping
that State last fall, and demanding the
blood of the Southern people • it is a fact
t.W he ' id tlii -man with him at
his hotel in New York it .•* fact that he
usik ’■ .'.iqi '• South America, and
r in a 111:111-
ner’hcjiK- it 1 fact that
he introduc'd I, ■.'■> i.: ■fthchigh
ie permit
ted an issue of veracity to arise between
himself and one of the chief rulers of the
Chilian Government, in which lie was fla-
Srantly in the wrong, and thus disgraced
is nationality; it is a fact that only a few
weeks had elapsed after he had entered up
on the discharge of the duties of his posi
tion, before Hon. Thos. Nelson, of Indiana,
his predecessor, when invited to social par
ties, was usually particularly requested
“not to bring that man. ’’ It may be safe
to add that the name of Judson Kilpat
rick will soon pass from the public mind,
except in connection with the multitudi
nous articles of jewelry to which himself
and men helped themselves during the last
campaign of the war. Very likely the
diamonds of some Southern lady are now
flaunted by his partner in shame. There
are other Judson Kilpatricks in the glo
rious army of Puritan radicalism. _
The news of the death of Gen. Jim Lane,
of Kansas has just reached here, and is
more sincerely deplored by the friends of
the South and of the President than one
could well have imagined, who remember
ing his revolutionary course in Kansaseight
years since, and his blood and thunder
record during the war. He was commit
ted to the President’s policy, and unques
tionably possessed the bull-dog pluck to
have “fought it out on that line. ’ _ Thus
the President looses another friend in the
Senate. Another serious blow to law and
order consists in the recent with
paralysis of Judge Grier, of the United
States Supreme Court. It is sincerely to
be hoped that he will survive to vindicate
the purity of the ermine of the country.
A report is being circulated that it is
expected that the Southern states will
send none but men who can take the
Test Oath to the Philadelphia Convention.
Such is not the case. The South are in
vited to send her best and most discreet
men, provided they sustain the policy of
him whom Tennessee sustains- Our
Andy.” Richard.
Hugging the wrong Man. —An amus
ing incident occurred at the depot in Man
chester, N. H., on Monday, which has
been related to us by an eye-witness. A
train had just arrived with a detachment
of New Hampshire soldiers. A blooming
maiden who was present sos the purpose of
welcoming her long absent soldier lovier,
caught sight of him, and, with outstretched
arms, started to embrace him. Just at
that moment the crowd had become so
great that the soldiers were pressed aside,
and the lady, missing her calculations —
caught another bronzed hero in her arms,
at the same time giving him a rousing
“smack.” The soldier, who had never re
treated on the battle-field, started back
with fright, exclaiming, as he did so,
“Who in the d—l are you?” The large
crowd in attendance, while they sympath
ized with the lady in her mistake, could
not repress a hearty laugh at her expense.
Vermont Record.