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(Chronicle & Sentinel. SUNDAY MORNING, JULY U. National Union Convention. National polities have been utterly ig- J nored by Southerners since the close of the | war. After the termination of hostilities, j by the surrender of Lee and Johnston, in- j telliycnt minds expected and wished for j some actiorpon the part of the Government which would be broad and catholic in its character and lead to the restoration of the Southern States to their constitutional rights, and establish harmony and good feeling among the people of all sections. The President officially announced the pre requisite to full restoration. The condi tions were plainly and distinctly set forth, and although some of those conditions bore exceedingly hard, and involved almost State and individual bankruptcy, and caused much distress and suffering, they were nevertheless accepted in good faith, made part and parcel of the organic law of the Smte in the ordinance of the Convention, affirmed in the Constitution and made effective by Legislative enactment. Con servative men thought the terms severe — extremely severe—but counselled a'prompt and truthful acceptance, and full and faithful adherence to these conditions, believing that it would annihilate all sec- tional and partisan spirit, enkindle good feelings in Congress and end in a speedy restoration of political rights, and the early recuperation of Southern prosperity. The action of the President it was believed, would be entirely satisfactory to the Northern people, and those who controlled the Republican party—and thereby the Gov ernment Legislation. The President has certainly kept faith with the Southern peo ple, inexorably as to the terms which he specified as pre-requisite. lie has brought all the influence of position, and all the ex ercise of power to sustain these terms. liut what has been the course of those who control the Republican party and Congres sional Legislation ? The Democratic party, although numbering nearly half the voting population, possessed but little political power. The Republican party, as a party seems to lie wholly under the lead of Sum ner, Stevens and Wilson. From the be ginning of the session down to the present time, we have looked anxiously but in vain for the promulgation of a single principle, for the enactment of a single law, of a broad national character. We are aware that individual members of the Republican party entertain and express national views, hut even these have been modified by party interests, and controlled by party lash. We believe that if the question of restoration as proposed by the President, could be fairly submitted to the people of the North, a large majority would be found to sustaih it. The masses there as here, are tired of the incessant clamor against the immediate restoration of ‘the States of the Union to their constitutional rights and obligations. Tliey desire peace. Peace not only in name, hut in fact. They wish to cultivate friendly relations with the people of the South. Having accomplished the objects fijr which they sprang to arms, they earn estly desire to reap the fruits which the success of their arms secured to them and the country. These fruits were the as cendency and preservation of the Union of the States, under the OWfctitution of the country, and the enforcement of the laws throughout this broad land. These results have not followed the termination of hos tilities. The war, it is true, has ceased. The Southern States have laid down their arms, have faithfully complied with the terms put upon them by the conquering power, have abandoned their Confederacy, taken the oath of allegiance, reformed their State Constitutions, adopted the Constitu tional amendment abolishing slavery, re pudiating their war debt, and have enacted wise, wholesome, and liberal laws for the benefit of the African race. The dominant party in Congress are still opposed to the restoration of the Union. They refuse to acknowledge the rights of the Southern States, as members and co equals of the States of the North under the Constitution. They declare in their speech es and through their official proceedings, That the Union is destroyed—that the elev en Southern States are not component parts of the Government, and therefore not entitled to representation in the Halls of the Federal Legislature. They violate one of the plainest, as it is the most vital princi ples of our Republican Government, that taxation must follow and be dependent upon representation. They follow up this radical and destructive policy, with a pro position forfurther amendments to the Con stitution, which put upon the people of the South terms of the most degrading and hu miliating character, and demand our ac ceptance of the same as a prerequisite to our admission into the councils of the na tion. Those terms we cannot accept. We have been conquered, but as yet we are not dis graced. They may wound our pride, in sult our feelings, destroy our prosperity, confiscate our property, and imprison our bodies, but they cannot degrade tts. This they feel and know, and hence the attempt to force us to do what they can never ac complish themselves. The true friends of the Constitution and 1 uion, at the North and West, forgetting in their anxiety to preserve the one and maintain the other, all past differences, haw agreed to unite together to make common cause against the disunionists who now control both branches of the Federal Congress. They invite the co-operation and support of national men in all sections, in organizing a great National Union Party pledged to the support of the principles laid down by President Johnson, for the restoration of the Union and the rights of the States. The true, consistent and con servative men of the Republican party, have nobly come forward and laid the prejudices and heart-burnings of the past uiHui the altar of their country, and have joined hearts and hands with the time-hon ored Democracy of the North, in a last, great, final, and, as we honestly hope, suc cessful struggle to put down the Disunion ists of and preserve the Gov ernment under the Constitution. They ask our support Shall they not have it? They solicit our co-operation. Canv. e refuse it ? They ask our counsels. Shall we deny them? They invite us to meet them in a spirit of mutual forbearance and forgetfulness of the past, and deliberate tor the success and security and happiness ol the future. Every Southern State is called upon to send delegates to Philadelphia to take counsel for the general good. Pre sident Johnson, who has stood as firm as a Wvk between us and the angry tide of fe- natical Radicalism, calls upon us to lend him the approval of our presence at least in this great gathering of the true men of the nation. The Conservative Republicans who have been ostracised by their party on account of their firm constitutional position on the question of reconstruction, call upon us to aid them in putting down the bad men who rule the hour at Washington. The old. true, and life-long Dem ocrats, endeared to the whole South by the sacred memories of the past, beckon as to come to this great National Council, with clear hands and true hearts, to aid in es tablishing a party which shall know no North, no South, no East no West, but whose watchword and motto shall be the “ Constitution and the Union nov: and for ever, bne and inseparable. ’ 1 There are some expressions used in the call issued by the Union Club, at Washing ton , which we think had tetter teen omitted. Thoje are some abstractions contained in one or two of the clauses of the published call which we do not assent to, and which a large number of even the Northern peo ple do not agree with. The object in view is a great and good one. Our people can, without the least sacrifice of feeiingor prin ciple, give cordial support to the movement, and join in the proposed organization with- out ihe surrender of a single cherished idea. We deprecate a critical or suspicious scrutiny of the language of the call. The great leading fact which this movement brings to light, is the fact that the good men of the North and West arc endeavor ing to organize a party for the overthrow of the disunionist* and a restoration of the Union. We can aid them. They invite our aid. Let us not hold back or throw suspicious glances at their movement? The South —the whole undivided South, must be represented in the Philadelphia Con vention, if they would have’that move ment succeed. THE CONVENTION. The following letter, from one of the most experienced and conservative of Southern statesmen, and one in whom the people of Georgia have heretofore most confidently relied in times of difficulty and trial, we take pleasure in presenting to our readers. Although entirely private, and intended only for the eye of the gentleman to whom it was written, we feel assured that we will be forgiven for this partial breach of confi dence in giving publicity to its contents. We wish that we could givo the name of the writer, but the confidence of private correspondence forbids it at present. It will be seen that the distinguished writer is in favor of the South’s being rep resented in the Philadelphia Convention. Since this letter was written we have re ceived the address of the Democratic mem bers of Congress endorsing the call for the Convention and urging the propriety of a full representation from the Southern States, and which we published in our is sue of yesterday. This action of the Democratic leaders fixes, it seems to us, the duty of the South ern States to be represented in the Philadel phia Convention, we hope and trust that we shall have no division amongst us on this question. The objections whieh have been urged by some of the Southern press against the co-operation of our people in this movement, have been fairly and fully mot in (hi*.thllowinp: lottor of our gifted and esteemed correspondent. We have seen no one who was willing to endorse and ac cept all that is contained in the original call for the Convention. The main object of the Convention, thp people of the South are most deeply interested in. They arc, by the dominant party in Congress, denied all participation in the Govern ment while they are subjected to all the burdens and obligations which are imposed upon the States that have a voice in the National Legislature. We are held as conquered provinces, without rights, ex cept such as are dependent upon the bare will of the Rump Congress. The President has labored faithfully to re store us to our constitutional rights andobli agtions. In this he hasbeen warmly support ed by the Democrats and Conservative Re publicans. They have not been able as yet to defeat the mad schemes of the Disunionists. This failure has arisen mainly from want of organization. This want, it is now deter mined, shall be overcome by the inaugura tion of a great National party, whose lead ing and (distinctive principle is the rights and equality of the States under the Con stitution of the United States. Shall we not join with our whole hearts in this great and good work ? But to the letter. * July 3d, 1866. My Dear Sir. -x * * * * * The language of the call is not such 'as I would have used to answer the same ob ject which I think was intended. Rut it is no time with us to stickle too much on words where the meaning and intent may be matter of doubt. The worst feature in the programme is the principle to be ac knowledged bv all the delegates to the Convention of the indissolubleness of the Union and the non-existence of any right anywhere to put an end to its perpetuity. But I take it, the meaning of this is simp ly that secession is abandoned; and the whole programme on that point is equiva lent to an acceptance of the Constitution and the Union as it was originally accept ed. The Constitution and the laws made in pursuranoe thereof, are to be the _ su preme law of the land, and for all time, just as it was originally accepted—nothing more and nothin" less. The right of se cession I take it has been abandoned. But nothing in this programme, I imagine, could be intended to cover any future arrange ment that might be made by eon sent of the parties. Most treaties that are made, are by their terms to be perpetual, and yet it has never been considered a violation of faith on either side, to change, alter or modify them bv the consent of the parties. The objection to the word loyalty in the call is by no means an insurmountable one to me. I have before given you my views very fully on this word. It is as distaste ful to me, as commonly used, as it can be to any one. But the word is with us—we cannot exterminate it, and our course to wards it should be to give it the only proper and legitimate meaning that it is'entitled to in our institutions—that is, being true to flighted faith—true in devotion to the prin ciples of the Constitution. When the rains have fallen, and the floods are threatening to sweep away not only the dam. but the mill-house too, it is worse than folly for the proprietor to stand witli folded arms grumbling and cursing the elements—the dictates of duty and common sense in such a situation, is to put forth all exertions promptly, so ; to direct the current as that it may do as little mischief or damage as possible. So I think we should now do with this word loyalty , especially a? we ourselves—l mean our own people and press—did as much to give it currency in its obnoxious and detestable sense as the people and the press of the North did. \\ hen this illegimate and improper use of the word was first introduced amongst us, 1 warred as sternly and fiercely against it then as now. I endeavored to teach our people that loyalty with us could only mean fidelity to the Constitution, and not to a dynasty, or men in power, or any bare ad ministration of the government. In its proper sense it is a word of good import with us. It signifies true and noble quali ties, and in tills sense I am not ashamed and do not feel the least reluctance in declaring myself as loyal as the lovalest. In fidelity to the principles of the Consti tution of the United States I yield to no man living or dead. But enough of all this. The conclusion of the whole matter is this : I still think that we should favor the call of the Con vention, and should send delegates to it unless some disclosures should be made showing that the real objects are not such as I am now inclined to think they are. * * * * We ought as a peoi de to meet the Conservative element at the North in common council on their invitation, if the object, be, as it seems to be, to fa vor the immediate admission to their seats of members of Congress from tbe South who stand pledged in good faith to support the Constitution of the United States, and who will give the only consti tutional test of such loyalty —their oath on entering upon the discharge of their duties to support the Constitution. * * * * lam very anxious to see how this call is responded to by the Democratic press of the North. If the Democratic party at the North 'generally favor the movement and go into it. much good may, I think, come of it. But if the Democracy do not go into it generally, I am satisfied that but little good can be made of it, and it will not matter much whether the South is repre sented in it or not —our main hope now, as it was before the war, is with the Demo cratic organization of the North. Outside of that, our friends and the t*ue friends of constitutional liberty in the North are few and .far between. * * * I write in great haste, but you will, I trust, under stand me. While I do not at all approve the exact language of the call, and think it might have been greatly modified with the same object in view,, yet I look upon this as but the covering—the shell of a germ jvitliin, which, if properly and wisely matriculated and manipulated, may be brought to vegetate and bring forth good fruit. Yours, truly, *** * * Gen. A. R. Wright. Opinions of the State Press. We believe that the most acceptable reading which we can present to our read ers at this time is the views of our Geor gia contemporaries upon the subject of the proposed “National Union Convention.” Hence we devote much of our space to-day to this purpose. The Columbus Enquirer says: There is now no doubt that the call for this Convention meets the approval of the President and a majority of his Cabinet, and that they and the party supporting them will make it the occasion for the in auguration of an active campaign against the radical organization and its plans for the continued alienation of the sections and people of the Union. The call in full is published elsewhere in this paper. There are two or three ex pressions in it that are distasteful to us, but these arc matters of no practical con sequence now.. We are standing upon the defensive against the efforts of a powerful and vindictive party to degrade and op press, us. In such a situation, it would be tolly in us to cavil about terms of expres sion or political differences in the past. The occasion calls for more earnest thought and work —for a combined effort to deieat an organization whose triumph will result not only in humiliation and oppression to UHj but the overthrow of every political principle which we hold dear. The Journal & Messenger says the pub lic will have noticed and considered the call of the conservative members of Con gress for a National Convention of the friends of the restoration policy of the President, to be held in Philadelphia the 14th August. next. • The States are all earnestly invited to send delegates; and, as none are so vitally interested as the Southern States, we think it desirable that all of them should proceed at once to make judicious selections for that purpose. How shall this be done ? It would be difficult in Georgia to secure, at this season of the year and upon such brief notice, a Convention of the people at large to make the requisite appointments, and county meetings (if a good many were held,) would probably result in cross purposes, for they would scarcely unite upon a common ticket, or even, if they did, they could riot furnish credentials or claim to represent the entire State. It is probable that in the present poverty and depression of the people, and amid the. struggle to recuperate their fortunes, few would be inclined to take such an active interest in the matter, as would be necessary in getting up meetings which justly claim to represent even the counties or congressional districts. It occurs to us that, under the circum stances, the test course would be to memo rialize the Governor to make the necessary appointments. It is an extra efficial duty for which he would require warrant; but we assume lie would discharge it (and with great judgment and discretion) if sat isfied that the people desired it at his hands. The Governor is in himself a represen tative of our entire people. He was elect ed by unanimous consent, and wc think the most entire confidence is reposed in his judgment, integrity and patriotism ; and a certificate of appointment by him, under such sanction, would be considered a satis factory voucher. Inasmuch, therefore, as there is no division of opinion among us in regard to the object of the Convention, we venture this suggestion for what it is worth. Should the press and people adopt it, a good and efficient representa tion can be secured without trouble. The time is short and it will be necessary to act promptly. The Georgia Telegraph is strongly in fa vor of the movement, and urges the pro priety of sending delegates from the South ern States. It says: . “ The Convention at Philadelphia is de signed to uphold the Constitution and maintain the cause of civil liberty through out all this country, and especially at the South, where both have been overthrown. It is . designed to hold up the arms of the, President in a war against a faction that would inaugurate a centralized despotism over these States. The Southern people have*a deep interest in this struggle. They are friends of the President, and intend to stand by him to the last. We, therefore, maintain that it is as much their Conven tion as anybody else’s, and no six men, as a committee or otherwise, have a right to exclude them by irrelevant issues or un reasonable conditions. It is a People s Convention t not the convention of Mr. Senator this or Mr. Representative that. When they meet, it will be theirs to decide who are and who are not qualified for membership. Upon their action in this particular the representation of the South ern States can determine whether they can remain or not. consistently with the rights, interests and dignity of their constituents. “In view of these considerations, we are of opinion that all the Southern States should take steps to be represented in the Philadelphia Convention. The President desires it, and our interests demand it. In our judgment it will result in a glorious re union of a divided people, and the early and complete overthrow of the enemies of the Constitution. Let us send able, discreet, and moderate men to represent us, neither ultra-ceders. nor ultra-unionists, but such men as can cordially affiliate with conservative men of the North, and work with them in harmony for the public good. We believe they will be cordially met. asked no questions at the door, and that their deliberations will result in great and permanent good to our divided and dis tracted country. “There may be some objections to this course, but they are mainly of feeling, and should give way to the promptings ot sober judgment. The}' are nut as a leather in the scale compared with such grand results as the defeat of the revolutionary spirit of the North, the salvation of the South from tie fete prepared for her by her enemies. and the revival of constitutional liberty from the tomb to which bad men have consigned it. It is of first importance that entire harmony should exist among our people on this subject, and we hope to see all preconceived prejudices sacrificed on the altar of the country. To the South, down-trodden, oppress ed, and powerless, this is a golden oppor tunity. She cannot resist it and be faith ful to the country, to her best friend, the President, or to herself. ’ ’ In commenting upon the position of the Journal cfc Messenger and Telegraph , the Savannah News A Herald says : “We cordially approve the views of our Macon cotemporaries, and trust that the action of the people of the South will be united, harmonious and prompt. If in the present attitude of affairs anything can be accomplished towards the restoration of the Union under the Constitution, the proposed convention offers the most practicable, if not the only possible means of accomplish ing that object. For the reasons stated.by the editor, we also approve the suggestion of the Messenger in regard to the manner of selecting delegates to represent Georgia in the Convention. The Athens Watchman in publishing the call for the convention, urges upon the South the propriety of its co-operation in the movement, and gives the following cogent reasons why the Southern States should be represented : It will be seen from the above that the leaders in the new movement are not mere ly willing, but anxious to receive delegates from the South in the proposed Conven tion. Will the people of Georgia send dele gates to it ? Do they wish to he repre sented ? This is a matter which they must settle for themselves. Much might be said on both sides. In opposition to sending, delegates, it may be urged that to meet with Southern delegates in Convention the Northern Conservatives would lay themselves liable to the accusa tion of sitting in council with rebels, and thus weaken their strength by arousing prejudices in the minds of the Northern masses. It. Is furthermore urged that there is no necessity of sending delegates to give moral strength to the movement; as, whether the South shall be represented or not, all men know that her people are a perfect unit in opposing the schemes of the Radicals, and stand ready to aid any party in putting them down. On the other hand, while it is conceded that Conventions merely for the purpose of securing the spoils, of victory, are un mitigated humbugs, it is contended that there is, at this time, a great public neces sity for concentrating the conservatism of the country. Such concentration is abso lutely essential to the preservation of our present form of Government; because, if the Radicals arc permitted to remain in power, the last remaining vestige of ra tional liberty will be swept away. A majority of the American people are conservative. This was true in 1860, when Mr. Lincoln was elected by a minority vote —the majority against him, in the popular vote, being about one million ! We have no question but that there is a much larger proportion of conservatives now than then. The trouble is now as it was then —this conservative element, though largely in the majority, is not or ganized, and hence an organized minority can rule. This, want of organization is owing to the fact that this conservative element is composed of the debris of all the -parties which have existed for years past —Democrats, Whigs, Know Nothings! Anti Know Nothings and Republicans.— The issues which divided them into par ties having been swallowed up by one of Tar greater importance, viz: whether Free Government shall continue or be subverted by a central despotism." These formerly jarring elements can be harmon ized at tills time. They are composed of the very best materials of all the old par ties, ancl if once brought to act in concert, will form not only “a party of size,” but of immense power for good—-a party which can and will save what is left of our once noble heritage. The only feasible plan upon which the Conservative voters of all the States and Territories can bo brought to act in concert, is to send delegates to a Convention, where general interchange of opinion can take place, and such concert of action be se cured as will insure success. If we ever expect to have our rights re stored, it must be after the Radicals have been defeated. But can we contribute to their defeat ? Most certainly we can, and that, too, to a powerful extent. Show the Conservative men of other sections, by our presence at the proposed Convention, in full force, that we feel an interest in the matter, and assure them tjjat the South will be a unit in support of the Conserva tive candidate for the Presidency, and it will infuse into them new life and renewed hopes, and they will go to work with a vigor which will sweep to the four winds the Radical majority in Congress, restore the South to a participation in the benefits as well as the burdens of the Government, and elect Andrew Johnson, or some other Constitutional man President in 1868. Let this opportunity pass, and Radicalism will be fastened upon the country permanent ly! _ FROM PORTLAND. Terrible Conflagration—Half the city in Ashes—lmmense Doss anti Suffering-- 100 Tents sent to the Houseless People. P9RTLAND, July 5.—A terrible confla gration took place here yesterday, the wind blowing a perfect gale at the time. The fire originated on Commercial street, the principal wholesale. thoroughfare of the city, and swept over a space of one and a half miles in length, by a quarter of a mile wide, destroying everything in its track. Half the city was destroyed, including all the business portion except the heavi est business houses, which were on Commercial street, and on the wharves, several churches, all the newspaper offices, banks, public buildings, and many dwell ings were, destroyed. Fifty houses were blown up in endeavoring to check the pro gress of the fire. The custom house, beine fire proof, escaped. The loss is] enormous, and at present cannot be estimated. A thousand tents have been sent to the houseless people. The destruction was so complete that the people could not tell where their homes were. Further Particulars of the Great Fire -2000 buildings burned—Loss over Sio ooo, 000. Portland, July s.—Details of the great fire show it to have been terribly disastrous, all'the newspapers and insur ance offices, all the banks and hotels, eight churches, and Catholic Convent School, lawyer’s offices, including valuable libra ries, and nearly every prominent business house in the city, were burned, as well as a great number of private dwellings. . The'estimated number of houses consumed 13 two thousand, and the loss exceeds ten millions dollars. The churches not burned are appropriated to the homeless, and committees are en gaged in the endeavor to relieve the dis tress of the sufferers. The flames are still troublesome in different parts of the city. Nearly all the hose are bursted, and sever al fire engines were used up. Bitter Without Churning.—At a recent meeting of the American In stitute Fanners’ Club, Mr. Sylvester stated that he had tried the experiment of making butter by burying the cream in a linen and that in another bag to keep it clean, which he buried about eighteen inches deep, and after 24 hours took it up and found the cream as thoroughly con vert ed into butter as it is by churning.' It is just in the condition butter is when it is “come’ ’ without being adhered by the dasher. It was worked in the usual way. and made as good butter as ever was churned. General Wigfall, ex-Confederate Senator from Texas, is in London, and is about starting out to lecture on the negro, begin ning jungles of Africa and concluding with a review of his present position in America. Progress of the Country. The New York Mercantile Journal con tains the following interesting statistical review of the progress ot the L nited states in population and in a number of branches of enterprise: In the year 1700. or only one century after the'regions of territory now included within the limits of the American Union had been referred to as a howling wilder ness, the population of the English colonies liere was 262.000. In 1749-50, it had risen to 1.000,000. Twenty-five years later, or just before the outbreak of the Revolution, it was 2,389,300, and in 1790 had increased to 3,929.327. In 1860, the year of the latest regular census enumeration, it was 31,442,321. In this year, notwithstanding the civil war that has intervened, we have no fear of exaggeration in placing it at 35,- 000,000, nor in expecting to see the num ber multiplied to 40,000,000 by 1870. The growth from 1775 to 1790 was 64 per cent., and from 1790 to 1860, seven hundred per cent., which carried out at the same rate would give us between two and three hun dred millions 70 years hence—a stupendous prospect of National power, and, we trust, of civilization, union and happiness also.— The number of acres of land assessed for direct taxes under the Act of July 14th, 1798, was 163,746,688, not including Lou isiana and a large mass of lands exempted by various provisions of law, as well as all lots on which houses worth SIOO were erected. In 1809, the improved lands in the United States embraced 63,570,000. acres. In 1860, the account stood as fol lows : Improved Unimproved Cash in farms value. In the States 162,649,848 241,943,671 6,631,520,046 Terri tories, 460,872 2,-158,147 13,524,961 163,110,720 244.101,818 $0,645,045,007 thus showing that t':e quantity of land im proved in farms in 1860, was almost, equal to the total area subject to valuation in 1798. Thus, the increase was in the ratio of 1,286 per cent., or 2,074 per cent, per annum for the 62 years. The increase of areas under cultivation between 1850 and 1860, was 44 per cent. This would soon cover all the available soil of the Union with agricultural improvement, and . the mind of man has probably never conceived anything so beautiful as the appearance of the Middle aud Western States, with their innumerable gardens and limitless fields of grain, under the culture of half a century hence. The financial business machinery of the Country, as we now behold it, is of com paratively recent date. We find that only one association for banking purposes is mentioned previously to 1775. It was known as “the Land Bank of Massachu setts,” which w T as established in 1.739-40, but soon after disallowed by Parliament. When the National Government went into operation, the Bank of North America, chartered in 1781, the Bank of New York, established in 1784 and chartered in 1791, and the Bank of Massachusetts, at Bos ton, were the only concerns of the kind ex isting among us. Their conjoint capital scarcely exceeded $2,000,000. In 1850, there were in the United States 872 hanks, with a capital of $227,000,000, and in 1860, 1562 with a capital of $421,000,- 000. On November Ist, 1.865,. there were 1601 National Banks, of which 679 were new concerns, and 922 were conver sions from. State infcitutions. The enor mous multiplication of these establishments within the last year is worthy of grave re flection, and we have but too just reason to fear, may result much as the dispropor tionate inflation of financial companies in England has so lately done. The estimated amount of National Bank notes on January Ist, 1866, was $380,000,- 000; $80,000,000 from State Banks, and $129,000,000 supposed to have been issued since October Ist, 1865, to the National Banks. Our return of precious metals for the fiscal year ending June 30th, 1865, was $100,000,000, and our Treasury receipts for the same period, $929,500,000. This financial exhibit is certainly very encourag ing, provided that no serious danger is lurking in the rapidly advancing influence of the new National Bank system. Insurance is a branch of business which has made great progress on this side of the Ocean. Although the first office in Amer ice was opened in Boston only in 1724, and there was none other until the Pliiladel phians established one in 1756,'the number of insurance companies in full successful operation in 1860, was 294 with capital and assets amounting to $82,170,219; at risk $2,605,538,319. The losses by sea and fire for 1860, were $50,595,700. In life insurance there were 47 offices, insuring 60,000 lives at $180,000,000, with annual premium of $7,000,000, Since then the business has grown with great rapidity in all parts of the Country, and we continual ly hear of new traveling and accidental in surance companies, who meet with great favor at the hands of that portion of the public whom they specially address. For internal improvements, the'United States are emphatically the wonder of the world. It is amazing to contrast the situa tion of the country in that respect, as it is now, with what it was at the beginning of the century. As late as 1784 not a single canal had been dug, and as for railroads, no person, apparently, had thought of them. In 1860—61, there were 118 canals and slack water improvements completed in a length of 54,211 miles, at a cost for 68 of them amounting to $147,393,997, the remainder not having been reported with sufficient ac curacy to admit of repetition. In 1860, our commercial railroads were equal to 30,- 793,67 lineal miles, at a construction cost of $1,151,560,829, and our city passenger railroads were equal to 402,57 miles, cost ing $14,862,840. But it is, after all, in real and personal property that the United States have made the most surprising advance. In 1789, the total for taxation was $619,977,217,92, the dwelling houses numbering 276,659. ,In 1860 it had attained $16,159,616,068. according to the Marshals returns, while the aggregate individual returns made, of course, with much more accurate and in timate knowledge, amounted to $19,089,- 156,289. The increase was two fold in the ten years between 1850 and 1860, and unquestionably would have been equally j great in the decade, now more than half gone by, had not the devastation of pro tracted warfare intervened. However, the substantial basis for future improvement revealed by the census returns, which have furnished us with the foregoing facts, leave no room for doubt that the next series of similar papors will not find us fainting in the way of National prosperity. LETTER FROM LEIINGTOIf. The Mails, Crops, &c. Lexington, Ga., July 6, 1866. Messrs. Editors: “Let me_ tell you something,” as an old friend of mine would say, and it is this; we have “ gone under” here as to mail facilities, and from hence forth if we get a letter or paper, we will have to go to the Lexington depot for it, and even then it will be stale news, as on and after Monday next I learn the Georgia road will only rnn one train a day, and that at night —excuse the bull—and _on the Athens branch a night train _ will run to connect. Not to characterize it _ too strong—allow me to say—emphatical- Iv, that it is an execrable arrangement, To add to our misery—the mail carrier who has been working the past six months upon promises without the pay—very properly swears that he will carry the mail no longer. So with the Railroad mon opoly, and the miserable Post-office man agement—we are deprived of all our former pleasant connections with the outside world. So if your subscribers “grumble and growl” they will know the reason “for why’ ’ your paper does not reach its desti nation in this section. Weather hot and dry —crops suffering— and miserable looking prospects ahead, for not only the farmer, hut every body else. Yours &c., R. Stewart’s wealth is now estimated at fifty millions. GEORGIA. Eight or nine negroes broke jail in Rome on Sunday last A fine horse was stolen from J. A. Ans ley, near Kingston, on the 2d inst. A planter in Sumter couuty writes that there will not be half a crop of corn in that county, and that the cotton will not be suf ficient to buy thed-orn that will be needed. It is very dry in the region of Macon, and without rain, the Journal says, gar den and field crops will yield up the ghost in the course of a few days. The Mayor of Columbus has called a meeting to be held next AY ednesday night, 11th inst., to consider the subject of push ing forward the Savannah, and Memphis railroad. The Early County News expresses the opinion that there will not be com enough made m that county this year, to last until March or April, at best. If corn enough is not made in that part of Georgia, we fear that there will be a great deficiency indeed. The Recorder says. that the number of convicts in the Georgia Penitentiary has in creased during the past few weeks from forty to ninety. Os these, forty-seven are negroes. Cant. Anderson, the principal keeper, is highly complimented for his gen eral good management and skill in turning the labor to good account. The Rome Courier says that the story recently published of a negro who had de tained a white woman several days in the woods, and at her request, had been skin ned alive, is a lie out of whole cloth. Either the above exact account or one essen tially the same has been located first in Gordon, next in Polk, then in Floyd, and lastly in Cobb county. The Courier says nothing of the kind has occurred in any of the counties named. The miscreant who started the story ought to be treated to the punishment allotted in the report to the negro. The Chattanooga Union says that the number of persons in Cobb county who are destitute, will reach 3,000. The Mayor sent a list of about three hun dred for the Marietta district, but since it has become generally known that rations w r i!l be distributed, the wildest excitement prevails, and the officer having charge of the issue is visited from five o’clock in the morning until dark, and principally by women. In four days he had recorded the names of over five hundred women and children. The Savannah Herald is indebted to Col. A. 11. Wilson, Collector of Internal Revenue for the first District, for the fol lowing summary of collection derived from the export duty on cotton and from licences, the income tax returns not having been made : Receipts for April $44,731 04 “ “ May 43,922 53 “ “June 51,164 71 Total $139,818 28 The Madison News says that the colored people of Morgan county gave a barbaeue on the 4th of July to which .they invited the white people. They also invited sev eral white citizens to address them, and Dr. Dannelly and Rev. Mr. Butler com plied with the invitation, giving them kind suggestions' and wholesome council. Several colored men also spoke, and every thing passed off pleasantly and profitably for all. The colored people are highly complimented for the well-filled tables, one for the whites, and the other for their own color. The whites in return propose to give them a rousing barbaeue on the 4th Saturday in July. The Atlantic Telegraph. The London Times of June 10th lias the following: “ As the time draws near for the depar ture of the Great Eastern the utmost ac tivity is observable on board in order that | the great ship may be ready to leave her i moorings in the Medway, at the latest, on \ Saturday, the 30th June. With this view 1 relays of workmen are employed, almost : without intermission, both day and night. | Up to Saturday evening at tire hour for the 1 hands discontinuing work there only ro i mained a length of cable of a little over 400 miles to be received on board, and by extra exertions the remaining length will be ship ped by the end of the present week. The whole of the 1,600 knots of new cable has been completed, and in the course of the present week the two Government vessels, the Amethyst and Iris, lent by the Admi ralty, and employed from the commence ment in transporting the cable from the works to the Great Eastern, will receive on board their last freights for conveyance round to the Medway 1 “The weight of the new cable is about 38 cwt. per mile, which is almost double the weight of the original Atlantic cable. The total quantity ofcableto.be taken out will exceed 2,700 miles. The steamer Medway, 1,900 tons, belonging to the company, will accompany the Great Eastern, and will convey about 400 miles of the cable board. The tanks for the stowage of this quantity of cable have been fitted on board that vessel, and by the time the great Eastern is ready to take her departure everything will be in readiness on board the Medway, The paddle wheel steamer Terrible will again accompany the Great Eastern ; but it would seem that the Admiralty have intimated that a second vessel of war cannot be spared this year. The screw steamer Albany, a vessel of fifteen hun dred tons, will accompany the expedition to render assistance and to carry stores and supplies, besides which the screw steamer Wm. Corry is also being fit ted to proceed to sea with other vessels. After completing her coaling the great ship will proceed direct to Yalentia and com mence the work of laying the cable about the 7th or Bth of July. No doubt what ever is entertained by Captain Anderson of his being able to place the Great Eastern aft near as possible over the spot at which the lost end of the cable lies, notwithstand ing that the buoys which were left to mark the locality are swept away. Supposing the exact spot to be reached, the work of grappling for, when found, hauling in the lost cable will be commenced, to accomplish which new machinery of enormous strength has been constructed and fitted on board. Twenty miles’ length of wire grappling ropes have been manufactured at the com pany’s works, and some idea of the enor mous strength of this rope may be formed when it is stated that it is nearly eight inches in circumference, and is manufactured of the toughest possible steel wire. Distress in Italy. Florenec Correspondence of The London Times, June 15. The great inconvenience caused by the forced paper currency, and by the want of a sufficient supply of small notes, contin ues, in spite of the devices to which re course is had for its alleviation. Some municipalities have sought a remedy in the issue of small local notes. The Parma sav ings bank has done the same, and in Tus cany certain manufacturers and commercial establishments have issued paper of their own, down to one franc notes. Ginori, the great porcelain manufacturer near Florence, has done this. The shop-keepers take them from the workmen, and receive bank notes of lOOf. in exchange. To-day th’e walls of Florence bear placards announcing tiie establishment of a People’s Bank, also for the issue of small notes to facilitate trade, which has suffered grievously for want of a proper cii-culating medium. The public has bought as little as it could, and sellers have consequently been losers. An exorbitant per centage has often been paid to exchange large notes for small ones. The door has been opened to fraudulent jobbery by the manner in which the pas sage fropi a specie to a paper currency has been effected, and the public has been the victim, while money-changers, the less scru pulous portion of the bankers, and other* speculators have reaped the profits. The premium on gold, two days ago, 20 per cent., has fallen considerably inconsequence of certain purchasers having withdrawn from. the market. The purchase of cocoons requires gold, the country growers refusing other payment, hut it is now over. At Ge noa, on Wednesday, the money changers shut their shops, for feqr, it is said, of at tacks upqm them ; but they have since re opened them. The Milan Mint is coining 8,000,000 francs in copper, 2,000,000 in irane pieces, aud 1,000,000 in half-franc pieces. SOUTH CAROLINI^Nd"THE PHILADEL PHIA CONVENTION. Governor Orr, of South Carolina, one of the Vice-Presidents of the Washington Union Club, lias issued the following patri otic and manly address to the people of his State, urging them to take steps to secure a proper representation in the Philadel phia Convention. Wo believe that all the papers in that State have taken ground in favor of the South being represented in that body. We hail with delight this man ifestation of popular unanimity in our sis ter State, and believe that our glorious old commonwealth will not he a laggard in this good work. To the Citizens of South Carolina : Fellow-Citizens : As Vice-President of the National Union Club, for the State ofSouth Carolina, I earnestly invite your attention to the call for a National Conven tion, issued by the Executive Committee of that body, and recommended by many of the most eminent and patriotic members of both branches of the present Congress. The importance of this meeting, and the beneficial consequences to result from it, can scarcely be exaggerated. Separated as we have been for the last five years from all communication with the people of the North and West, knowing but little of their opin ons, except as expressed through the un just and oppressive action of the bitter par tisan majority which at present controls the National Legislature, this is the first opportunity which has been offered us to take free and equal counsel with those who feel impelled by a sense of high patriotism to oppose the unjust schemes of the radi cals in their systematic efforts to oppress and humiliate the people of these States, and defeat, if possible, the reconstruction of the Union indefinitely. The address states clearly the principles upon which we are expected to act in com mon, and it seems to me that there is not one to which this State cannot subscribe in honor and in sincerity. We simply re cognize those results which the events of the late war have placed beyond the bounds of any future political discussion; results in which we have unanimously and sincerely acquiesced, and in conformity to which we have already modified our Con stitution, our Legislature,. and our po litical sentiments. We are invited to join in acknowledgement of the wisdom of that policy by which Andrew Johnson, Presi dent of the United States, has, in the midst of difficulties unparalleled in the history of any administration, maintained the integrity ot the Constitution, identified the exercise of Executive power with the rules of strict justice and the spirit of mer cy, and proved liis legitimate right to suc ceed the great founders of the Republic as chief Magistrate of a country which can be made and preserved as one nation only by the equal administration of just and equal laws. The purpose of the Convention will be to organize, upon the principles set forth in the Committee’s address, all conserva tive men of all sections and of all former parties, and, if possible, drive from power that radical party who are daily trampling under foot the Constitution, and fast con verting a constitutional republic into a consolidated despotism. The great mass of the people North and West have no higher interest in party than through it to secure the wise., en lightened and just government of the country, and when organization is effected, and the President’s enlightened policy of reconstruction is presented for their ap proval or condemnation, there can be little doubt that he will be triumphantly sustain ed, and our rights as equals in a restored Union fully conceded. « The compact organization of the conser vative men is a necessity to' meet success fully the well-organized bands of the radi cals, and every man who disapproves of the tyranical and unwise policy of the lat ter should join in this national, patriotic league to defeat them. We are without representation in both Houses of Congress; neither our opinions nor condition can be officially known to the country —unjust and discriminating taxes are imposed on us—a people sadly impoverished by the calamities of the last five years—and we are allowed no voice of protest even in the counsels of the Nations. Our loyalty to the Government of the United States is impugned in the face of our oaths of allegiance, taken solemnly and in good faith, and the poor privilege of an official denial is withheld. We are threatened with disfranchisement, and be ing remanded to a territorial condition, and we are to be denied all the rights and privileges dear to an American, and con secrated by the blood of the heroes 0f1776. until we subscribe to terms too degrading and humiliating to be entertained by a freeman for a single moment. We, then, have the deepest interest in the meeting of the Convention —in organ izing all conservative men to aid in carrying out the wise and generous policy of recon struction inaugurated by President Johr son, and I therefore reiterate the earne.* hope that you will take immediate steps to secure representation for this State in the Philadelphia Convention in August, by the wisest and ablest men in the State. As the time is short, and the means of intercommunication between the different sections of the State imperfect, I beg leave respectfully to suggest that public meetings of the citizens of each judicial district be held on the fourth Monday in July inst, (23d,) at the Cqurt House, that delegates be appointed at these meetings to a Conven tion of the State to meet at Columbia on Wednesday, the first day of August, and that the State Convention appoint the del egates to Philadelphia. Each judicial dis trict sending as many delegates to Colum bia as may be convenient or agreeable; and that Convention determining the vote of each district, which will perhaps be a vote equal to the representation of each district in the House of Representatives. The delegates from the several judicial districts, making up the Congressional Dis tricts, will most likely be charged with the selection of two delegates for the and the whole Convention select the four delegates at large, to represent the State at large. The selection of the delegates for the State at large, would seem to re quire a State Convention, and if it assem bles, it would be desirable, as already in dicated, that it should likewise select the district delegates. The suggestions as to the mode of select ing a Convention —the time, place of meet ing, and the basis of its organization, are made in the hope of certainly securing action in every district, and there is not settle otherwise by discussion or cSSwtation the details which I have ven tured to make. James L. Orr, Vice President of the Union Club, for South Carolina. Anderson, S. C., July 4th, 1866. An Anecdote of Daniel Webster. The following anecdote is good enough for a second reading, if any one lias chanced - to meet with it before: “When Daniel Webster was delivering his memorable speech at the dedication of Bunker Hill Monument, the crowd pressed forward to such an extent that some were fainting and some crushed. Officers strove in vain to make the crowd stand back. They said it could not be done. Someone asked Mr. Webster to make an appeal to them. The great orator came forward, stretched forth his hand and said, in deep stentorian tones: ‘Gentlemen, stand hack. ‘lt cannot he done, ’ they shouted. ‘Gen tlemen, stand hack.’ said he without a change of voice. ‘lt is impossible. Mr. Webter, impossible.’ ‘lmpossiblere peated Mr. Webster, ‘impossible ? j Coin ing is impossible on Bunker JIM. Anil the vast crowd swayed and rolled bade like a mighty the ocean. Fifteen thousand hardy Norwegians are on their way to this country, and will set tle in the West. [Special Correspondence of ti e Chronicle & Sentinel.] LETTER FROM WASHINGTON. John W. Forney caught in Ms own Trap- General Judson Kilpatrick—Rumored Death of Jim Dane, &e. Washington, D. C., June 2. Who has not heard of John W. Forney, editor of the Philadelphia Press , and Washington Chronicle —Secretary to the United States Senate, and candidate for the United States Senate from Pennsyl vania, to fill the seat now so ably occupied by Hon. Edgar Cowan, Conservative Re publican? The President’s significant clas sification of him as a “dead duck ” will excite the risables of a nation for at least a generation. Gfadually facts are leaking out, which, taken in connection with his recent revolutionary and heartless denun ciation of Andrew Johnson, add a shade to the already damning blackness of the char- acter of the oily political knave, the Na tional Republican of this date contains the following letter written by the redoubtable Forney, to “my dear President,” begging that Hon. Mr. Stebbins, a New York Democrat, might be appointed Collector of the port of New York. [lt maybe that the letter has already reached the" readers of the Chronicle & Sentinel, as it was sent to Cincinnati by telegraph’ last night, but it will bear repetition: ] New York, January 2, 1860. My Dear Mr. President: I have been in this city for two days, and now write under an impulse which 1 cannot restrain, because I feel it to be for your own good and that of the couutry. 1 take it lor granted you are resolved not to be unmindful of your own fame, and that you will not allow your friends, who heartily sustain your policy, to feel that they arc without your aid and encouragement.— Whether you are a candidate for President or not, and if you are not, I shall be great ly surprised with the wonderful favor that has crowned vojjr restoration policy, you should not allow the great office go to in different men, or those clearly in the inter- ests of your foes. I need not repeat to you that lam now, as ever, for twenty years shown in my writings, and since your great act of patriotism in 1860 especially, your open and avowed friend. Where lam to day my two newspapers both daily show to the world. Hence, in what I now say, I speak no idle words, hut mean all I say. The Collector’s Office at New York city is a post that you should dispose of outside of all the politicians; not, i mean, to defy them, but to select your own man, who should be free only to help you and serve the Government—one they could neither attack nor use. Such a man is * * * of this city,. He was elected to Congress in * * * as a Democrat, but, like you , refused to follow the jfarty into treason. He served a short time with great distinction, and resigned on account of ill health. He was a member of the Committee of Ways and Means, and won great applause. He is. a very able man, educated to finance, intensely national, honest, and independent, and could furnish millions of security. He has an organizing mind, would. make you a party or fight your battles single-handed. lie is an An drew Johnson Democrat, in short. I write in the knowledge that he would accept, and that liis appointment would be hailed with joy by the whole community. Yours, truly, j. W. Forney. To the President, ate., Ac. This letter found the light in re sponse to an audacious challenge of its author denying that he had ever written it, and defying its produc tion. Perhaps the consciousness of liis baseness lead him to suppose that the President’s friends would not produce, the lettter, and possibly they may have com mitted an error in doing so; but the fact that he is the candidate of himself and Thad Stevens for the exalted position of United States Senator induced this cxpQso of liis tergiversations. But this is not the only letter that For ney has written. If he will only Relieve .the President’s hands of their obligations to regard the injunctions on letters marked “private and confidential” there will come astounding revelations —in other words, it is safe to say that Forney is unequivocally committed to the support of the President’s policy, to the revival of the Democratic party, the immediate admission of South ern members to seats in Congress, and to an unrelenting warfare on the abolition Whigs in and out of the United States Senate. There is now no question that there will be a vacancy in one of the South America Mis sions at an early date—l mean the one now disgraced by that incomparable military cox comb and shameless rente, the late Major- General Judson Kilpatrick. His course as the dignified Court of Chili was brought to the attention of the American public by Miles O’Reilly, in his New York Citizen , and subsequent investigation shows that the inimitable Miles has “drawn it mild ” indeed. It is a fact, then, that Judson Kil patrick had a notorious lewd woman with him in New Jersey, when he was stumping that State last fall, and demanding the blood of the Southern people • it is a fact t.W he ' id tlii -man with him at his hotel in New York it .•* fact that he usik ’■ .'.iqi '• South America, and r in a 111:111- ner’hcjiK- it 1 fact that he introduc'd I, ■.'■> i.: ■fthchigh ie permit ted an issue of veracity to arise between himself and one of the chief rulers of the Chilian Government, in which lie was fla- Srantly in the wrong, and thus disgraced is nationality; it is a fact that only a few weeks had elapsed after he had entered up on the discharge of the duties of his posi tion, before Hon. Thos. Nelson, of Indiana, his predecessor, when invited to social par ties, was usually particularly requested “not to bring that man. ’’ It may be safe to add that the name of Judson Kilpat rick will soon pass from the public mind, except in connection with the multitudi nous articles of jewelry to which himself and men helped themselves during the last campaign of the war. Very likely the diamonds of some Southern lady are now flaunted by his partner in shame. There are other Judson Kilpatricks in the glo rious army of Puritan radicalism. _ The news of the death of Gen. Jim Lane, of Kansas has just reached here, and is more sincerely deplored by the friends of the South and of the President than one could well have imagined, who remember ing his revolutionary course in Kansaseight years since, and his blood and thunder record during the war. He was commit ted to the President’s policy, and unques tionably possessed the bull-dog pluck to have “fought it out on that line. ’ _ Thus the President looses another friend in the Senate. Another serious blow to law and order consists in the recent with paralysis of Judge Grier, of the United States Supreme Court. It is sincerely to be hoped that he will survive to vindicate the purity of the ermine of the country. A report is being circulated that it is expected that the Southern states will send none but men who can take the Test Oath to the Philadelphia Convention. Such is not the case. The South are in vited to send her best and most discreet men, provided they sustain the policy of him whom Tennessee sustains- Our Andy.” Richard. Hugging the wrong Man. —An amus ing incident occurred at the depot in Man chester, N. H., on Monday, which has been related to us by an eye-witness. A train had just arrived with a detachment of New Hampshire soldiers. A blooming maiden who was present sos the purpose of welcoming her long absent soldier lovier, caught sight of him, and, with outstretched arms, started to embrace him. Just at that moment the crowd had become so great that the soldiers were pressed aside, and the lady, missing her calculations — caught another bronzed hero in her arms, at the same time giving him a rousing “smack.” The soldier, who had never re treated on the battle-field, started back with fright, exclaiming, as he did so, “Who in the d—l are you?” The large crowd in attendance, while they sympath ized with the lady in her mistake, could not repress a hearty laugh at her expense. Vermont Record.