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OLD SERIES, VOL. L V.
Chronicle A Sentinel.
A I'CU'H'I’A, (CA:
WEDNESDAY MORNING, JILY 18, 1866.
* Enter the Eagle.
For one thing let us be thankful. Let
us contemplate and adore. Jjet us raise
up tuneful voice* and wing once more an
ancient and a long fiirgotten song. The
American Eagle has come to light. He is
in Georgia. He may be seen in the late
letter of Hon. B if. Hill, approving the
Philadelphia Convention, where he ap
pears—in the interrogative form —as brood
ing like a dove over the late hostile sec
tion of this country. His old time fierce
ness is gone. He no longer clasps the
Rocky Mountains in his claw and, drinking
out of the wild Atlantic, exposes a full
view of his noble tail to the grateful eye of
the setting sun. This time he is all mild
ness, all mercy, all conciliation, all grace,
air frna protection. His alabaster \ving is
only unfolded to save and the lightning of
liis eye is melted into the lustrious corus
cations of hope. Proud, proud bird. Let
a Georgia journalist hid thee all hail.
Thou wert, seldom, he knows, evoked in
olden time hut thou earnest in the guise of
a buzzard, hut he has faith, he has hope,
lie has charity, he will believe that now
thou comest in less questionable shape,
and will trust that thou hast a better suc
cess in saving the Constitution than thou
hadst. in preserving the Union. Rrood on,
great bird, with unabated fire. Cover each
section alike with thv labyrinthine pinion
and thus shalt thou natch a most rampigi
nous fowl from out this bad Convention
egg. Brood on, brood on.- — (Jonstitu
tionalist.
We believe that just such utterances as
the above, which we clip from our city co
temporary of the Bth inst., are doing the
South more harm than all the hireling
penny-a-liners who have been sent among
us to manufacture Southern sentiment and
magnify Southern resentments.
If the South ever recovers her constitu
tional rights under the Federal Govern
ment, it will not be effected by the publica
tion of such sentiments and the indulgence
of such feelings of ridicule and contempt
for the National emblem. Neither do we
believe that such a course is likely to lead
to harmony and good feeling even among
our own people.
The people of the South —thosfl who
perilled their lives upon the many well
contested battle-fields of the war —those
who abandoned wifo and children, and
kindred and friends, and for four long
years, in rain and storm, cold and heat,
half clothed, hare-foot and half fed —
stood in the “Imminent deadly breach,
endeavoring to win, by force of arms,
a nation's liberty—these men to whom
the young nation looked for support
and defence, and whose heroic deeds have
given ample proof of their fidelity and
courage—the men who never quailed be
fore the “Proud bird” as long as there
was a gun left unslung or a sword un
sheathed ; the men who faced death and
the Eagle on the bloody fields of Shiloh,
Sharpsburg, Coal Harbor, Chancellorsvillo,
Frederiesbnrg,- Gettysburg, Spottsylvauia,
and the Wilderness—these are not they
who would now causelessly provoke and
keep alive the (jl-feelings which wore en
gendered by the progress and results of the
war. They feel that having done till that
mortal men could do, to establish an inde
pendent Government —having staked their
all upon the issue, which was decided
against them —that they can with honor tp
themselves and justice to their section, ac
cept the situation and abide the results.
For ourselves, wo, cannot so far forget
our duty as public journalists as not to en
ter, in the name of our honored soldiery,
our solemn protest against such untimely
utterances. •
Who are Loyal Men ?
There seems to be some difference of
opinion among the Southern people as to
meaning of the term “loyal men. It is
feared by some that these words used
in the call for the Philadelphia Conven
tion, in a sense which would exclude from
representation the great body of our South
ern people; that it was intended to apply
to those only who had never resisted the
Federal authority. .
We do not believe that such was the in
tention of those who inaugurated this
movement. Neither do we believe that
the organization of the Convention would
like to see represented there only those
who could take.the irou-elad test oath. On
the contrary, we have good reason to be
lieve that the truly conservative men of
the North and West, desire that we should
send men to the Convention who would
truly represent the sentiment of the South
ern people at thin time. Loyal men arc
those who tire true in their allegiance to
the Constitution of the United States aira
the laws passed in pursuance thereof;
those who abide by and sustain the laics of
the land. Those who do not in good faith
accept the present situation with the deter
mination fully to conform to the principles
of the Constitution and obey the laws, are
excluded in the call from participation in
the proposed Convention. None other in
our judgment are excluded.
The following paragraph from our
Washington letter of the 2d inst.. shows
that we are right in our interpretation of
what is meant in the call by the term loyal.
Our correspondent is. we know, in a situa
tion at Washington, which euables him to
speak by the card in what he says of the
President’s position:
*• v report is being circulated that it is ex
pected that the Southern States will send
none but men who can take the list Oath
to the Philadelphia Convention, such is
not the ease. The South are nmhdto
send her best and most discreet nun, pro
vided they sustain the policy of him
whom Tennessee sustains ‘Our Ant. .
What Writings Require a Stamp.
Ist. Instruments of writing dated before
October l. 1862. do not require a stamp.
2d. Those dated between October 1.
1862. and August 1, 1864. may be stamped
either before or after use by the court,
register or recorder.
3d. These dated since August 1. 1864.
and not twelvemonths old. may lie stamped
before a United States Collector without
payment of the penalty of SSO.
6th. Those dated after August 1. 1864
and morcThan twelve months old, can be
stamped upon the payment of the penalty
yf SSO.
Treason—Traitors.
Our neighbor of the Constitutionalist is
sorely perplexed about the word “treason.
He devotes nearly the whole of a two
column article, in his issue of yesterday, in
a violent diatribe against one of the sec
tions in the platform of the National Union
Club at Washington, which is in these
words:
Reoohied, That treason is a crime that
should be punished, and that we are op
posed to compromising with traitors by
bartering “universal amnesty” for “uni
versal suffrage.”
For ourselves, we endorse every word of
that resolution. We believe that treason
is a crime. We have been taught that it
is a crime of the very highest magnitude.
It is so declared by the Constitution of the
United States, framed and adopted by the
purest and ablest men of this or any other
country.
The Constitution of the United States
(article 3, section III) says:
“Treason against the United States shall
consist only in levying war against them,
or in adhering to their enemies by giving
them aid and comfort.” * * * “The
Congress shall have power to declare the
punishment for treason, but no attainder
of treason shall work corruption of blood,
or forfeiture, except during the life of the
person attained.”
The Act of Congress, passed April 30th,
1790, declares that the punishment of trea
son shall be death. From the date of the
passage of this law to the present time, we
have never heard any sane man deny that
treason was a crime, until we read the
heavy two column artiole of our contempo
rary.
We admit that treason is a crime of the
very deepest dye; one that all Govern
ments are bound to recognize and punish if
committed against their authority. We
deny that the peoplo of the South were
guilty of treason to the United States, in
their late attempts to establish an inde
pendent Government. We deny that a
State can, in its sovereign capacity, com
mit treason. Neither are the deeds of its
citizens, acting under and through its or
der, and in obedience to their paramount
allegiance thereto, treasonable. We took
up arms in obedience to. the call of
our State, and for four years confronted
the State’s enemies in the tented field. —
Were we guilty of treason ? Does the Con
stitutionalist believe that our participation
in the late war made us guilty of treason ?
What is meant by our contemporary in
parading before the public the name of
one of our most quiet and respectable citi
zens, in connection with his strictures upon
treason? He certainly does not mean to
insinuate that the gentleman referred to, is
open to the charge of treason on account
of his distinguished services to the State
during the late war. We doubt if the
gallant officer alluded to, is very much
pleased with the liberty thus taken with
his name in that connection. And espe
cially does it seem to us ungracious to con
nect his name in any way with the infa
mous plotter of insurrection and violence —
the man Bryant.
Our contemporary very exultingly
asks “what if the Convention proclaim, as
does the National Union Club,” that
treason is a crime that should be. punished,
and that we are opposed to compromising
with traitors, by bartering universal am
nesty for universal suffrage?” We answer
for ourselves, that we cannot see that
treason would thereby become any more
to crime than it is now. Nor would it be
less so were the action of the Convention,
tlo be silent upon this point. The cause of
the South will not in our humble judg
ment, be promoted by the expression of
such sentiments, and the exhibition of such
feelings as are too plainly manifested
throughout the whole of the article under
reviow. We regret and deplore the publi
cation at this time of all such illtempercd
strictures. They can only provoke angry
recriminations from the North and West.
We are anxious to allay all asperity of feel
ing between the two sections, and ardent
ly desire to see built up a strong Conserva
tive and National party , based upon the
principles of the Constitution, whose aims
and objects shall be to restore peace,
harmony and good will among the peo
ple of all sections of this great coun
try. We shall continue to labor for the
accomplishment of this end, and de
sire the co-operation of our esteemed con
temporary in the good work. We are not
afraid of tlie words loyal and treason.
They are good words, and convey, when
properly interpreted, no meaning prejudi
cial to the honor, the patriotism or good
faith of the Southern people.
Cotton Planter's Convention.
A writer in the Southern Recorder re
commends that a Cotton Planters Conven
tion bo held at Nashville, on the first
Wednesday in September. lie says :
The success of nearly every branch of
industry and the general prosperity of our
people depend, in a great measure, upon
the success of planters. The destruction
of that system of labor to which Southern
planters were educated and anew system
thrust upon them about which they know
nothing, and which they have yet to learn
to manage successfully, together with
many other considerations, all point to the
importance of a Cotton Planters' Conven
tion. Our lands, stock, provisions and
agricultural knowledge is'our only capi
tal. How to work it to the best advantage,
is yet to l>e developed. The fate of Ja
maica may be averted by timely steps.
The system of free labor may lx 1 made a
success. Wise counsels and concert of ac
tion would doubtless result in great goixl
to tlie cotton planting interests of the
Southern States.
Asa general thing, we regard sucli as
semblages useful only in the good cheer
they dispense. It is always pleasant for
intelligent members of the same pursuit to
meet and. interchange views. At this time
we believe a Planter's Convention would
be unusually productive of good results.
It would afford an opportunity to compare
notes, and to devise organized agencies
for changing the old farming system.
Planters must yield their cherished routine
of cultivating immense tracts of land, and
lease or sell to tenants and small farmers.
The gang system is not the thing for free
labor. We believe a convention would
j confirm this impression, and lead to united
1 efforts to secure immigration, which is the
only hope for the development and real
prosperity of the South. The large plan
ter has lost his monopoly of labor, and will
lose alllprofits from his broad acres, if he
attempts to cultivate them with the unre
liable “help” now available.!
Would not Montgomery be a better
place a convention than Nash
ville?
Since the above was written we have
seen a call for a meeting of the “Cotton
Planter’s Convention of Georgia,” to meet
in Macon, on the loth of August, issued
by J. V. Jones, Esq., of Burke, Vice-
President of the body.
Admission of Southern Representatives
and their (piuliiicalions.
Some of the Southern newspapers are
laboring to prove to the people of the
South, that none hut those who can take
the test oath are considered eligible to seats
in the National Legislature, even by the
President and his friends. The impres
sion is daily sought to be made upon the
Southern mind that President Johnson is
opposed to the admission into of
any one who cannot take, in good faith, that
most detestable oath. This is done with
the view of lessening the President's influ
ence in the South, and of keeping up and
encouraging a feeling of bitterness and re
sentment towards his Administration.
We honestly believe that there are Edit
ors in Georgia who are gratified with the
existing state of asperity and bitterness
which is exhibited by the Disunionists of
the North towards the Southern States. —
We have, on more than one occasion, given
it as our opinion that the President and
the party which supports him only require
or desire that Southern Representatives
should be true to the Government now , ir
respective of their position during the war.
He and they require that our Represen
tatives should be loyal men note. Congress
has no right to exact any degree of qualifi
cation on the part of its members, except
such as are fixed by the Constitution.
The National Intelligencer, which is
regarded as the peculiar exponent of the
President’s.views on these questions, in its
issue of the 7th inst., has an able and well
timed article on this Subject. To the ex
clusion of much valuable matter we make
place for the following concluding portion
of that article:
The highest duty of this Congress was
and is, the completion of the restoration of
the Union by the admission of the South
ern Senators and Representatives. Until
this representation shall have been admit
ted there can be no perfect restoration of
tlie Union. The Constitution imposes up
on Congress the duty of admitting these
applicants for seats in that body. It does
not leave to them the right to" determine
whether a State shall he entitled to repre
sentation. It does not accord to them even
the priviledge to go behind the record of
election and inquire into any other quali
fications than those fixed by" tho Constitu
tion itself. These are determined by that
instrument: “Each House shall be the
judges of the election, returns, and qualifi
cations of its own members.” The qualifi
cations are accurately defined: No person
shall be a Representative who shall not
have attained the age of twenty-five years,
and been seven years a citizen of the Uni
ted States, and who shall not,.Whenelected,-
be an inhabitant of that State in which he
shall he chosen;” and, “No person shall lie
a Senator who shall not have attained the
age of thirty years, and been nine years
a citizen of the United States, and who
shall not, when elected, he an inhabi
tant of that State for which he shall be
chosen.”
These simple qualifications, proscribed
by the great charter of our liberties, are
al l with which Congress has any concern.
These provisions of the Constitution com
prises all the authority and all the privi
leges of Congress over the subject. The
eleven Southern States, now unrepresen
ted in Congress, have been reorganized as
States of the Union by the executive, judi
cial, and legislative departments of tho
Government. It lias been repeatedly as
sorted by all these departments that they
have never been out of tli.e Union ; that,
during the rebellion, theFederalauthorities
therein, and the legitimate State govern
ments thereof, were only suspended—not
destroyed. The present Congress has been
obliged to admit this fact. This was the
sole basis and the reason of tile war—-the
restoration of tho Union—the establish
ment of the Constitutional Government in
the States in rebellion.
It was, and is, not only the right, hut the
duty of Congress to examine and judge of
the election, returns, anil qualifications of
the applicants for seats in that body from
tlie Southern as well as from the Northern
States. This duty, its extent and limita
tions, are plainly and unequivocally set
forth in the Constitution itself. In the per
formance of this duty Congress has no
right to go beyond the qualifications
therein expressed. It lias nothing what
ever to do with the question of loyalty.
That is a qualification to he determined
only by the people—the constituents of tlie
Senators and members of Congress-who
present themselves for admission.
In alluding# few days ago to tlie com
ments of theTNew York Post upon the re
cent speech of Governor Morton, of In
diana, we had no intention to endorse or
adopt the heresies of Governor Morton
upon this subject. In speaking of tlie
power of Congress, we did not mean the
right of that body to inquire into the ex
tra-constitutional qualifications of appli
cants for membership. Congress lias, in
very many instances, exercised power
where it had not a shadow of right. It
had the power to eSpel Joshua R. Gidilings
for disloyalty; hut the people of liis dis
trict, in Ohio, proclaimed themselves the
rightful judges of this qualification. They
sent him back and Congress submitted to
the judgment. It had the power to expel
benjamin<l. Harris for disloyalty; hut liis
people sent him hack, and this same Con
gress admits the right of the constituency
to determine that question.
So far as Congress is concerned, the only
“qualifications" for membership into
which it has any right to inquire are those
expressly laid down in the Federal Consti
tution. It is not probable that any South
ern State would present here for member
ship either in the Senate or the House, anv
nian notoriously disloyal; hut, even if such
were the case, Congress lias no right to try
him beforehand upon his loyalty, much
less to fix an arbitrary definition of loyal
tv by which to conduct the trial. Loyalty
lheahs obedience to the lairs —nothing'more
nor less. A man may have committed an
offence against the law, but until convicted
thereof he is hot accountable for it; and,
even after conviction, a full pardon from
exeutive authority will free him from all
accountability incurred. Disloyalty was
aptlv defined, a few davs ago, by Senator
Cow'aii, in debate, on the tioor of the Sen
ate. . “When," said Mr. Cowan, “a man
alleges his loyalty to me, let me see his
reverance for tlie Constitution and the
laws. Show me tlie man who disregards
either ; show me a man who does not be
lieve in the Constitution which brought
this country to such a pitch of prosperity
for seventy-five years, and made us so
great and so happy a people ; show me a
mail who lays sacriligious hands upon
that instrument, especially when I know
that half the time he does'not understand
it, and that he naver read a commentary
npon it in his life ; show me tiiat ipan. and
I willshow you one who is not loyal.-Show
me a man who, for a temporary advantage
either for himself or his party-, Would set a
.foot upon one of his country's laws, and he
is not loyal.”
This, however, is a question for the peo
ple—not for Congress. It is not one of the
rights delegated to that body, by tlie peo
ple, in the Constitution—tlie written bond
and limitation of Congressional authority.
In reference to the admission of Southern
Senators and Representatives there can be
no legal doubt, no equivocation. When
ever a State "presents itself, not onlv in an
attitude of loyalty and harmony, "but in
AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, JULY JriT, I sin;.
the persons of representatives whose loyal
ty cannot be questioned by any existing
i constitutional or legal test,” it is entitled
to its representation in Congress. By tlie
denial of this risrht, the majority in Con
gress have prevented tlie complete restora
tion of the integrity of the Union, so great
ly desired hv tiie whore people, so indis
pensable to tlie welfare of the nation. By
.such default this majority has placed itself
before the country as a self-proclaimed
hand of disunionists. For such action
they will surely be held lo a strict account
ability by the people who have too long
suffered Congressional usurpations and
oppressions.
. The Gettysburg Dead.
Tlie following letter from the widow of a
gallant and Christian officer who fell at the
head of his regiment on the field of Gettys
burg, contains a suggestion in reference to
the purchase of a cemetery for those who
are now buried in that vicinity, which de
serves the immediate attention of the peo
ple of those States whose troops made the
hills of Gettysburg historic.
was* mrtftp
when, some time ago, the subject was agi
tated, and we shall he very glad to receive
any information from Dr. Uainack or others
which may be available in consummating
the end desired.
Though oppressed with poverty, and
borne down by gloom bordering on despair,
we should not so far forget the sacrifices of
those who fell in tlie struggle for indepen
dence at Gettysburg and elsewhere, as to
give up their graves to oblivion.
It appears to us that? the best way to
secure the proper interment of the fallen
heroes of the war, would be for the
States to co-operate. Each State defray
ing its equitable share of the expendi
tures. If left to private contribu
tions, there is danger of delay, and
the aggregate expense would he likely to
be far greater than under the supervision
of parties appointed fir the purpose by the
Governor of each State.
As suggested by the writer of the follow
ing letter, something ought to be done at
once, and wc know of no more proper per
son to decide who shall do it, than the Gov
ernor. If by.private subscription, let the
agents he appointed, anjJ issue calls for con
tributions ; if by the State, let them be
sent forward at once to the fields of labor:
Messrs. Editors: —Having recently
come in possession of some facts relating
to our Southern dead at Gettysburg. I
desire to give publicity to them with the
endeavor to arouse our people to imme
diate action on the subject.
Near the Heights of Gettysburg is a
farm, in one or two of the fields of which
are buried 1,500 of our dead. I have the
statement from the • farmer himself, who
asserts that most of those were South Caro
linians and Georgians.
The sentiment which hallows these
places at the South, and will forever pre
serve from desecration the graves of our
sleeping heroes —is unknown in that sec
tion, adverse to Southern interests, when
the productive .value of land outweighs
consideration for Southern valor or venera
tion for Southern graves. The fanners of
that section will undoubtedly cultivate all
our sacred biiriel grounds, in the Fall, if
Ave do not, in the mean time, provide for
our dead a suitable place of sepulchre.
The particular farm to which I allude
being for sale, it occurs to me that a more
suitable spot for a cemetery cannot bo ob
tained than this field near tho Heights,
where most of our Georgians and South
Carolinians fell, and where they ate laid
side by side—a noble army of martyrs.
I suggest that the two States combine
in the purchase of a plat of ground of suita
ble dimensions to contain the .graves of
those who shall lie removed from the ad
jacent fields and country*, and that an
agent be jsent from one or from each of the
States, to complete the purchase and to
remove the dead.
[Dr. Camaek, of Atherns, is, I believe,
the first who suggested the action of our
State in this matter. He is gratefully re
membered by thousands of Georgians, for
his untiring devotion to the interest and
comfort of our army, during the war. lie
is a patriot and philanthropist, and is
equally practical and judicious. I have
no doubt that lie would act, as agent for
Georgia. J
Shall we not raise the amount needed
for this purpose at once; aud not so much
by soliciting largo donations from the
wealthy, as by the spontaneous offerings
of all the men and women and children,
who shall rejoice in preserving to our
country one of its noblest monuments of
glory. n _ n
Freight Railroads. •
We observe that there is a quiet agita
tion going on in railroad circles, to bring
about a general convention of the leading
men connected with the chief companies of
the United States, and the adjacent British
Provinces, to tak«j counsel together concern
ing the general working, management, ex
penses, modes aud cost of construction, etc.,
etc., of the various roads on this Continent
and elsewhere throughout the world. The
main interest, of course, will be directed to
American railways, but as tlie intention is
to throw as much light as possible upon
the whole subject, investigation and com
parison will undoubtedly take the widest
range, and the public may reasonably an
ticipate several great and long needed im
provements to follow close upon such a con
centration of talent and experience.
One most important question will be dis
cussed most thoroughly. It is the necessi
ty of establishing freightrailroads, i. e. roads
devoted expressly and exclusively to the
transportation of freight, through those
sections of the country where the traffic is
now at its height,
Montgomery all Right.—Tlie cit
izens of Montgomery voted, on Mon
day last, on the proposition to sub
scribe to the stock of the railroads from
that city to Decatur and to Union Springs.
The proposition rfas for a subscription of
$500,000 to the first named road, and
SIOO,OOO to the last named. The total
vote stood —104 for the suDscnpuuns, and
21 against them. This is the true spirit,
and we hope to see an awakening in Au
gusta in behalf of our railroad connections.
Geological Survey.
Professor Whitney has begun the geo
logical survey of California so well that the
Legislature has appropriated $45,000 for
its continuance.
That is the w*y they developc the re
sources of the Gold State. let attempts
to appropriate even a pittance of two or
three thousand dollars to secure a geologi
cal survey of Georgia have failed.
The Boston Post says that because
Italy is shaped like a boot is no reason the
Emperor of Austria should put his foot
in it.
JOTTINGS FROM THE CAPITAL.
Prospects of the Philadelphia Convention
—Action of the Conservative Republi
cans—Seward’s Last Letter—Wendell
Phillips on the Rampage—Cabinet Chan
ges—The Tariff, &c., &c., &c.
[Special Correspondence of the Chronicle & Sentinel.]
Washington, Saturday, July 7.
The prospects of the approaching Phila
delphia Convention are brightening every
day. From the hearty endorsement which
tlie movement has received at the hands of
moderate men of all parties in the North
ern States, it is with good reason antici
pated that the Convention will succeed in
accomplishing what the interests of the
whole country so urgently demand, name
ly, a fusion of all the political elements op
posed to the destructive policy of the Radi
cals, into one vast and well-organized Na
tional party, erected upon the simple and
liberal platform of a restored Union and an
unchanged Constitution. The
ACTION OF THE CONSERVATIVE REPUBLI
CANS
is of a most encouraging character. The
. indication;; ajesuch as to warrant the bc
’hoT'fhaUfnlly otiff-thirrl of those who-havo •
hitherto voted and acted in support of the
Republican party, will lie represented in
the Convention. Secretary Seward is ac
tively exerting all his influence and un
doubted ability as a party manager to
bring as large a wing of his party as possi
ble into sympathy and co-operation with
the movement. The Secretary took occa
sion. in replying by letter to an invitation
of the Tammany Society of New York city
to be present at its celebration of the
Fourth of July, to state his own position
with unmistakeable force. After alluding
to his differences with the Tammany socie
ty in tho past, he declares that, in view of
the noble principles it now avows, he hails
the society as a true Union League. After
urging the justice and expediency of an
immediate admission of the South to rep
resentation, and the adoption of a magnan
imous and fraternal policy towards the
Southern people, he concludes his letter as
follows:
“I want, henceforth and forever, no
North, no South, no East, no West, no
and no sections _ and no classes,
but one united and harmonious people. It
will be impossible for me to attend the
celebration personally. What I have writ
ten I trust will satisfy the Society that in
spirit, I shall always be with them when
they shall be engaged in renewing and for
tifying the n itional Union. ’ ’
Mr. Seward could scarcely have stated
in plainer tellies than these, his final and
complete separation from the so-called
Republican or Radical party.
WENDELL PHILLIPS ON TIIE CONGRESSIONAL
PROGRAMME.
In striking contrast with these patriotic
words of Dir. Seward, wc have another
Fourth of July utterance from one of the
leading Northern Radicals, unveiling with
singular caudor the views and purposes of
the majority in Congress. I allude to the
speech delivered in Massachusetts on
Wednesday last by Wendell Phillips. Af
ter admitting that his party has no fixed
policy beyond the purpose to carry the fall
elections and thus perpetuate their pre
ponderance in Congress, he added :
“ Onr leaders in Congress know that the
amendment will be rejected. Os course it
will be. The President has put his foot
down against it, and has warned the South
ern States not to endorse it. He has told
them in so many words that they will have
his support in refusing to ratify it. It is
not possible, therefore, Jjiat that amend
ment will be accepted. Congress judges
that the republican party will be victorious
at the ballot box, and that, unfettered by
the adoption of the amendment, Congress
will be able, to pass an act that will give a,
ballot to the , negro. They hope and ex
pect that after the defeat of the amend-'
ment they will return to Congress at the
fall elections stronger than they are to-day.
They do not want that amendment accept
ed. The worst possible news that Thad
Stevens could hear would he the ratifica
tion of the amendment. Ido not disgrace
the whole proceedings when I say that it
is a party "trick.”
Simultaneously with the political devel
opments now progressing, we hear a great
deal about ,
IMPENDING CABINET CHANGES.
There is no doubt that Secretary Har
lan of the Interior Department is now con
fenng with his friends in regard to tender
ing his resignation as a member of the
Cabinet. lie can no longer affect not to
understand that his withdrawal would he
a welcome event to the President; and, to
save himselffrom dismissal, it is not un
likely that he may resign when Congress
adjourns. The statement generally pub
lished in the N. Y., papers that lion. 0.
H. Browning is to be his successor is in
correct. Mr. Browning stands high in
the estimation of the President; but if he
sliould enter the Cabinet at all, it would
probably be as Attorney General, in place
of Mr. Speed, iiitead of as Secretary of the
Interior.
THE NEW TARIFF BILL
continues to occupy the attention of the
House. Its consideration has given rise to
the first serious difference that has thus far
arisen between the Radica Is of New England
and those of the west. The western members
arc very generally opposed to improving
the usefulness of the existing tariff or risk
ing a reduction of its revenue producing
power. Theyiay that it has poured into the
Treasury for the year ending June 30,1866,
one hundred and seventy millions of reven
ue, in gold; and they argue that we should
“let well enough alone. ’’The Easterifmcm
bers, on the other hand, are clamorous for a
prohibitory tariff that shall cut off impor
tation to such an extent as to reduce the
revenue from imports from fifty to seventy
millions per annum. The result is that
there is violent and prolonged wranglings
over the new bill and frequent ebullitions
of that bitterness of feeling which has been
slowly but steadily growing up, of late
years, between New Englandand the great
West,
Amongst the amendments to _ the bill
which the Western representatives suc
ceeded in carrying through in the House
torday was a reduction of the duties on tea
and on coffee to just one-half the rates fixed
by the tariff now in force. If the Senate
should concur, this will give us cheap tea
and coffee. Bltternut.
The Convention.—The Louisville
Journal cordially seconds the proposition
for a National Union Convention. Refer
ring to extreme partisans on both sides
the Journal says : .
It is our opinion that these men are di
vided now by no very essential differences,
though some of them may consider them
selves Republicans, and others 1 •emoorats;
and though they may have voted, some
for Lincoln and Johnson, at the last elec
tion, and some for McClellan and Pendle
te .\ These men comprise, as we think, a
u ije majority of the voters of the Nor
-1 in States. They are patriotic, honest,
and just men, and mean to do as nearly
right as they know how. It is utterly
puerile and disgusting to stigmatize these
men either as secessionists or radicals.
They are neither.' They are U nion men.
They are loyalists. They are constiution
alists. They are honest and true, and
wish to act as patriots should. There
maybe minor shades of difference between
them, but we believe they are ready to
vield mere technicalities, mere names, for
harmony and a substantial and permanent
accommodation of our troubles.
| . FROM NASHVILLE.
Meeting of tlie Legislature.—No Quorum
in tlie House—The Fourth—Crops,
etc.
[Special CorrcspDnder.ee Chronicle Sc Sentinel.]
Nashville, July 6. J
The Legislature met to-day, in response
to the call of the Governor. LntheSenate a
quorum' was present, twenty-one mem
bers being present, the absentees number
ing only two —Messrs. Wise and Hall. Af
ter notifying the Governor of their readi
ness to proceed to business, that function
ary sent in liis message, which was a
reiteration of his favorite reflections on
those who stood by the Confederacy, and
expressions of gratification that the United
States had dealt so leniently as only to re
quire the acceptance of the amendments to
the Constitution which they had been con
vened to endorse. One thousand copies
of the message wpre ordered printed in
English, and two thousand in German.
A resolution that as about-onc-third of
the State is not represented, it is deemed
unwise and impolitic for this body, to en
tertain or adopt the constitutional amend
ment, and UmtJdm.&map! adjourn sine die ,
was laid on the table, by a vote.of 13 to 6.
In the House there was no quorum—
only 51 persons answering to their names.
Dir. Dunnaway tendered his resignation
to the Governor as a member ol'the House,
which the Governor refused to accept,
declaring his evident object to ho to reduce
the House below a quorum.
The House adjourned until to-morrow
ato'clock.
Tlie city papers regard the prospect of
securing a quorum rather slim.
The Ith was celebrated by several pic
nics—the chief one being what we term a
loyal assembly, at which Gen, Fisk read
the Declaration oflndependence and Horace
Dlaynard delivered an address. At night
there was a display of fireworks at the
Capitol, and more speeches. The negroes
had a celebration at Fort Gillen, which re
sulted in some trouble with the cavalry
regiment stationed there. The Catholics
also had a festival and an oration by Rev.
Dir. Ryan, author of a poem entitled “The
Conquered Banner.'
The weather which was remarkably cool
a week ago, has again assumed a summer
temperature, thermometer standing to-day
at 94° in the shade. Crops look promising
in this section, and with a continuation of
good weather, there will be more than an
average corn crop. The oat crop is un
usually fine, and is nearly harvested. The
wheat crop has been light. Potatoes and
vegetables of every kind arc very abun
dant, Trade dull. t Item.
FROM CHARLESTON.
An Interesting Habeas Corpus Case—At
tachment of Gen. Sickles l'or Contempt
—Another Riot—Death of Mr. Kliett.
| Special Correspondence Chronicle & Sentinel. |
. Charleston, July 8.
Quicca novel and interesting case has
jgst been before the Court here, A w*rit
of Habeas Corpus had been served in be
half of Stowers, Stevens and others, under
sentence of death for the murder of United
States soldiers in Elbert county, in Geor
gia. Gen. Sickles refused to deliver the
prisoners, who are confined at Castle Pinck
ney, under respite from the President. —
Judge Bryan then ordered an attachment
for contempt to be served on General
Sickles, and here the matter rests.
On Saturday night quite a serious row
occurred at the Market, between the police
and some of the colored soldiers, who have
been the occasion of a number of disturb
ances during the,year. It appears that a
detachment of police were on duty at the
Market,_ when a corporal of the negro regi
ment, with several negro soldiers, interfered
with a policeman in the discharge of his
duty. Sergeant Riley, of the police, pro
ceeded to the scene of the disturbance, and
found the negro brandishing his pistol, and
swearing that “no d —d rebel police should
arrest him,” or words to that effect.
Sergeant Riley, desiring to avoid trouble,
spoke to the colored Corporal, and the ne
gro soldiers went up the street. In about
an hour they returned, reinforced and
armed, with the evident purpose of having
a row. Sergeant Riley went to a white U.
S. officer, who was among the citizens in
the market, and, related what had occurred,
and stated that the colored soldiers had
evidently come back for a fight. While
talking with the officer the blacks fired a
volley into the policemen, wounding one of'
them. The police then dashed upon the
negro soldiers, who ran for the Freedmen’s
Bureau, firing as they went. Here they
entered and were protected from arrest.—
During the disturbance shots were fired
lower down Meeting street, and the next,
morning a negro was found shot through
the thigh, in the vicinity of the ice house.
This painful affair occurred while the
market was crowded with people, and it
seems almost marvelous that no more per
sons were hurt.
I observe that (be press all over the
country are noticing the murder of 11. B.
Rliett, Esq., by a negro, "near this city.—
The gentleman murdered was B. ft. Illicit.
Esq., of the firm of Rliett & Robson, a
prominent merchant. The murder was a
most cold-blooded and diabolical one.
These collisions between the whites aud
blacks here aro very deplorable, and result
almost entirely from the policy of keeping
colored troops on duty here. The charac
ter o£ their service tends to make them ar
rogant and insulting, and their influence
upon the freedmen generally is to make
them dissatisfied and quarrelsome. Keep
ing such troops to lord it over a conquered
people is unworthy a government profess
ing to stand in the front rank of Christian
civilization. Moclthe.
The Austrian Government has refused
permission to Col. Foley, C. 8., the milita
ry attache to the British embassy at Vien
na. to accompany the imperial army in the
field. Gen. George Cadogan, C. 8., is to
act as military commissioner in Italy. The
Prussian Government has given permis
sion to Col. Walker, C. 8., military atta
che to the British embassy at Berlin, to
accompany the Prussian army in the field,
and has also given him, we understand, a
special position with temporal rank. — Ar
my and Navy Gazette.
The Governor of Florida is inaugurating
a school system for the freedmeji of that
State
The President, on the recommendation
of Hon. Joshua Hill, pardoned the follow
ing Georgians the other day : James M.
Brown, Simeon M. Brown, L, J. Burney,
Ellison H. Cohen, Nathaniel G. Foster,
I. S. Fannin. William S. Stokes, James
A. Wade, James S. Bead. James N.
Marsh, and Nancy Kolb, of Morgan coun
ty ; Nathan Whitfield, of Jasper county ;
Elias Jones, of Twiggs county, ami A.
Pharr, of Newton county."
The name of the Bainbridge "Chart
and Compass ” has been changed to the
"Argus. The last number gives a list
of debts amounting to upwards of $20,000
due from the merchants of Bainbridge to
Northern houses previous do the war,
which have been settled in full by paying
from twenty-five to fifty per cent. Inis
is handsome.
Mr. James Shea, a rich old batchelor,
of St. Louis, died recently, leaving the be
quest of one hundred thousand dollars to
the Hospital of the Sisters. of Charity in
that city, in which institution, when poor
and friendless, he had received medical
care and nursing.
NEW SERIES, VOL. XXV. NO. 3i>.
FOREIGN.
The Strategic Advantages Obtained
by Prussia—Benedek’s Plan of Opera
tions.
From the Paris Monit.eur du Soir, .Tune 21.
The Hanoverian corps de armce collec
ted at Gottingen is endeavoring to make
its way through the Prussian forces which
surround it toward Bavaria by traversing
Electoral Hesse. It was thought at first
that this body would proceed toward Ful
da, in Hesse, which is quite close to the
Bavarian frontier. It appears, however,
that a passage by Eisenach, m Saxe-Wei
mer, is preferred. By doing so, however,
the Hanoverians arc increasing their dis
tance from Frankfort, where the Eighth
Corps of the Federal army, commanded by
Prince Alexander, of Hesse, appears to bo
complete, and numbers some 50,000 men.
But the Prussians coming from Wetzlar
and spread over Hesse, intercept all coin
niuiiieation in that direction. Thuringia,
toward which the Hanoverians are direct
ing their march, is guarded by the right
wing of the army, under Prince Frederick
Charles, of Prussia. An encounter seems,
therefore, to lie inevitable. To the South
of the Dlain the Bavarians, vesting with
their left on the corps under Prlhce Alex
ander, of Hesse, have established their
headquarters near Bairouth, guarding the
line of the River Dlain, but hitherto show
ing no disposition to assume the offensive.
Upon their right they connect themselves
with the military system of the Austrians
in Bohemia. The Saxon army, which has
completely evacuated the kingdom, and
has effected in the presence of King John
its passage into Bohemia, has advanced to
Toplitz—having thus joined the Austrians,
and being also placed in communication
with the Bavarians. The strategical line
which generally separates the two belli
gerent parties is thus to be found upon the
Main, the mountains of Bohemia, and
those which divide Moravia from Silesia,
It will be noted that it is a regular line of
operations, but excessively extended, and
the efforts of both parties are directed to
piercing it. The Prussians have shown,
from the commencement of hostilities, an
energy and a promptitude of movement
very remarkable in pushing their military
positions up this line, which includes coun
tries which in the first instance were op
posed to their proceedings. They have
succeeded, by the skillful concentration ol’
forces, upon three principal points. To the
west the army ot Westphalia, giving its
hand to that of Gen. Dlanteuffel coming
from Schleswig-Holstein, has absorbed mili
tarily Hanover and Hesse. Thuringia and
Saxony have been surrounded by the army
of Prince Frederick Charles of Prussia,
divided into four corps, of which the re
spective headquarters are at Frankfort, Hal
le, Torgau and Gorlitz. It is to the rapidity
of the concentric movements of this army
that it is due to the immediate and very
important occupation of the Kingdom of
Saxony up to the mountains of Bohemia.
Finally, Silesia is guarded by the three
corps of the army of the Prince Royal, con
necting w’ith the army of the Elbe and of
Saxony, which is commanded by Prince
Frederick Charles at Gorlitz. Each Prus
sian corps d'armee contains the prescribed
number of 36,000 men.
The army of Saxony, therefore, compri
ses 144,000 combatants, and that of Silesia
108,000. The Austrians remaining on the
defensive in the very strong positions which
they command —the passes of Bohemia —
there is nothing at present to lead to a be
lief that the army of Prince Frederick
Charles has received any orders to push
forward to attack them. The Prussians,
possessed of the territories which they have
occupied, can well afford to wait. The real
importance of the offensive movement of
the Austrians in Upper Silesia is yet un
certain f possibly they have only desired to
feel their way. In fact, the plan attributed
to Gen. Bcnedek of traversing obliquely the
whole of' Silesia, and advancing upon Ber
lin, thus taking in reverse the Prussian ar
mies, would be very difficult of execution
in consequence of tho length of the line to
be gone .over and the obstacles which occur
upon it. Wc all know that Silesia is cov
ered with a well-arranged system of formid
able fortresses. Whatever may he the
case, in anticipation of the movement of
the Austrians, the armies of the Prince
Royal and Prince Frederick Charles appear
to be drawing closer together, so as to pre
vent an imposing collection of forces, which,
always retaining the advantages as to dis
tance, may be rapidly directed upon any
point of the Silesiau frontier which may be
menaced. It is, therefore, as we stated
yesterday, in Silesia that the first great
bat(le may be expected, while the two par
ties remain for the present in their respect
ive positions toward Saxony. In Italy,
Gen. Cialdini has removed his headquar
ters from Bologna to Ferrara, where lie is
placed upon the very frontier of Venetia.
The Manifcstoof tile Austrian Kin per or--
Necessity at Hemodeling the Map of
Germany.
From the London Tnne«.
The manifesto of the Emperor of Aus
tria is a dignified expression of the feelings
which now prevail at Vienna. There will be
few to allege that the Emperor has pro
yoked this war. From the beginning of
the disputes with reference to the Elbe
Duchies he took the side of comparative
legality, and sought to make his ambitious
rival respect the decisions of the German
Diet. The conduct of Prussia, whether or
not it be rewarded witli success, is clearly
a violation of the laws by which the sever
al States were bound, and the secession
from the Bund is technically illegal. The
Emperor of Austria is justified in saying
that Prussia has violently severed the tie
which unites the German races, and in
complaining that she employs military
force against the Sovereigns who have dis
charged their Federal duties. But com
plaints and recriminations arc of little
avail. Prussia has carried matters with a
high hand; the morality of her Govern
ment may be condemned, its intrigues and
pretences may excite indignation in Ger
many as well as abroad. But it must not
be forgotten that the Prussian Government
has allied itself with a great principle, and
the political interests of Germany may ulti
mately be advanced by taking the same side.
Count Bismarck a,spires to besoiycthing be
tween Frederick the Great and Count Ca
vour, and to unite the States of Northern
Germany, at least, under one head. If he
succeeds in this, the country at large will
have the benefit of his work long after his
dissensions with the Prussian Parliament
are forgotten. He has certainly not ap
proached the work of patriotism in a very
amiable and liberal spirit. Ib; has made
himself everywhere an object of suspicion,
if not of hatred, and his Government was
but a few weeks ago so unpopular even in
his own country as greatly to interfere with
the mustering and organization of the ar
my. But whether Bismarck or another do
it. there is certainly a great work to lx- done
in Germany by a strong h#nd and a clear
head, urging the people in the direction of
unity, Unity is the first and most indis
pensable achievement of any European na
tion which desires to attain political great
ness. England, France, and Spain have
had it for centuries; Italy lias just won it;
Germany is wasting and becoming enfee
bled for the want of it. The people, di
vided as they arc among thirty-four Princes,
each with his separate interests and his ap
petites for petty aomination, cannot possibly
win it for themselves. The work must be done
by a great Power, well armed, and gnted
with unconquerable resolution. W hether j
Prussia will be able to achieve the task
must be decided by the events of the next
few months. But one thing at least has
been demonstrated by the campaign of last
week. The strength of the minor States
is even less than might have been expect
ed when opposed to a great Power.
In every little Kingdom and Principality
and Electorate of Germany conscription
and drilling have been going on for the last
fifty years. The youth of each territory
have been conseribe'd. and when their time
came they have been dragged to the colors,
there to be treated often with brutality
which the soldiers of hardly any othercoun
try would bear. When the rudimentary
process was at an end, the little armies
wen 1 exercised and reviewed, and manoeu
vred in sham fight uutil they might be
pronounced perfect by any military specta
tor. Yet two kingdoms have succilmbed
without a blow. Even the Saxons, 25,000
strong, and boasting themselves to bo
among the best disciplined troops of Ger
many, have not'been able to hold a single
position in their own country, but have
nastily quitted it to act as a contingent to
the Austrian army. What is the use of
political organization which thus fail at the
first moment of trial f What is the use of
armies whose first strategical movement is
to evacuate the territory they were raised
to defend, and the inhabitants of which
have been taxed both in blood and money
to maintain them ? Such a system cannot
last. Whatever be the events of this war,
useless political divisions of Germany must
disappear, and give place to a great na
tional authority which may enforce moderh
tion on its neighbors ami obtain the respect
of the, world.
Marslial Benedek’s Artercss.
The following order of the day lias been
published:
Headquartrrs, Olmutz, June K>.
Sof.DtERS: We are on the eve of grave
and sanguinary events. As in 1859, you
are collected in great numbers around our
flag. Soldiers! we have now to repair in
the eyes of the world the faults of- that
period; we have to punish an arrogant
and faithless enemy. I have tlie full and
entire conviction that you are aware of and
are worthy of this mission. Have also
confidence in me, and be assured that on
my part 1 will exert my best efforts to
bring this campaign to a speedy and glori
ous termination. We are now faced by
inimical forces, composed partly of troops
of the line and partly of Landwehr. The
farst. comprise young men not accustomed
Vto privations and fatigues, and who have
never yet made an important campaign:
the latter is composed of doubtful and
dissatisfied elements, which, rather than
fight against us, would prefer the downfall
of'their Government. Inconsequence of
a long course of years of peace, the enemy
docs not possess a single general who has
had an opportunity of learning his duties
on a field of battle. Veterans of the Dlin
cio and Palestro, I. hope that with tried
leaders you will not allow the slightest ad
vantage to such an adversary. On the
day ot battle the infantry will adopt its
lightest campaign accoutrement, and will
leave behind their knapsacks and camping
material, in order that they may be able to
throw themselves .with rapidity and prompt
itude upon the heavily laden enemy. Each
soldier will receive his flask filled with wine
and water, and a ration of bread anil meat,
easily to be carried. The officers will dis
continue the use of their wide scarfs, and
all the useless insignia of their ranks, which
hut renders them too distinguishable in
action. Every man, without distinction of
name or position, shall be promoted when
ever he shall distinguish himself on the
field of battle. The bands will place them
selves in rear of the front of the respective
positions, and will play heroic pieces for
the warlike dance. The enemy has for
some time vaunted the excellence of their
fire-arms, but, soldiers, I do not think that
will be of' much avail to them. Wc will
give them no time, but we will attack them
with the bayonet and with crossed muskets.
When, with God’s help, we shall have
beaten and compelled to retreat our ene
mies, we will pursue them without inter
mission, and you shall then find repose
upon the enemy’s soil and those compen
sations which a glorious and vieftiriou* ar
my has the right to demand.
Benedek.
Now and Then.-— Professor Silliman in
his diary speaks of a visit he made to Sar
atoga in 1797. It was rather in contrast
with the Saratoga of our times. Tic says:
“We mounted our horses one day and rode
seven or eight miles through the j fine for
est, with its delightful fragrance, and ar
rived at a place where they said there were
some mineral springs. There was not even
a village, but only two or three log houses
standing among the pine trees. The peo
ple were civil, and provided hay for our
horses, and for ourselves bacon and eggs.
They pilot#! us into a morass where nature
was unsubdued, and stepping cautiously
from "bog to bog, wc soon arrived at a spring
which they called the Congress Spring,
which tasted as it does now.”
Kossuth’s Advice.—The following is
the declaration addressed by Hossuth to the
Hungarians:
Turin, .June 6, 1866. —A great number
of my fellow countrymen, from different
parts of Italy, having asked me what they
ought to do under the present cireum
sta nces, and it being impossible for me to
reply personally to all, I declare, by these
presents, that in my opinion all those of
my fellow-countrymen employed in military
service, or any otherduty, would do well to
remain where they are and await patiently
the course of events. Those, on the con
trary, who have no occupation, who are fit
for military service and have a wish to en
ter it, will do well to enlist in the Hum.
garian legion. They may, Ixsides, be all
convinced that if affairs become developed
so as to offer a field of action to the pa
triotic zeal, due notice shall be given them.
L. Kossuth.
Statistical.
'Hie entire circulation of the London
Saturday Jtcvieic, the leading British
weekly for general reading matter, docs
not exceed 12,000; that of the Athenaeum,
devoted exclusively to literature, art and
science, is less than 20,000; and that of
the Reader, which treats the same topics
more popularly, is only 2,000,. The circu
lation of these juornals is but a small item
of their support. They give thejr best —
their first and last—pages to advertisers,
for the very good reason tin : w Jiout their
aid they would die. The Round Ttibk is
about to adopt the former alternative, ir»
prefernce it is presumed, to submitting to
the latter.
The receipts of wheat at St. Louis since
January Ist exceed those '*l*lßos for the
corresponding period nearly 400.000 bu sh
els. For the first six month -of 1865, .the
supplies of corn in St. Louis were less than
two million bushels ; for the same time
this year they reach over four millions.
The wool crop of Texas, according to
the estimate of Messrs. (’lower & Cos,, of
Millicah. for 1865, was about three millions
(3,000,000) pounds, and the clip of the
present fiscal year should reach even more.
The new Boston directory contains 65.-
184 names, an increase of 4,093 over last
year.
The appearance -of cholera at several
new points throughout Europe, widely
separated, shows that the contagion is st'il
active.