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WKU.VKiiUAV MOKMNG, AUftUST 1.
Where Treason Began, and where it
now Exists.
The light is beginning to be let in upon
the Northern mind upon the subject of se
cession and its earliest and strongest advo
cates. The South has been loaded with
odium by the New England politicians and
Abolition preachers on account of the ad
vocacy of the rights of the States under the
Constitution; and the dutic -of her states
men in watching with jealous care all en
croachments on the part of the Federal
Government upon those great reserved
rights of the Staten upon which the success
of our Republican form of Government de
pends. At last the truth is began to be
realized by -nine at least of the tatter class
of Northern politicians, and their press is
giving circulation to ideas and sentiments
which will go far to educate the Northern
mind on this subject.
The Cleveland Plaindealer, in noticing a
forthcoming work from Gen. Duff Green
on this subject, says: “Duff Green, well
known as one of the best informed political
writers of this country, is conferring a
great ta:nefit upon his countrymen by pub
lishing a volume, some advanced sheets
of which we have perused. From the
specimens we have seen, we judge that
the work, when published, will excite as
tonishment in the minds of the people by
its disclosures, especially by the well authen
ticated charges preferred against those
who, while professedly in favor of preserv
ing the Union, are insidiously laboring to
destroy it. Going hack to an early period
in our national history, and fortifying his
position by incontrovertible facts and doc
umentary evidence, he broadly asserts that
the elder Adams, Alexander Hamilton,
with other representative men of the old
Federalist party, were monarchists at heart,
and that they were in league with influen
tial agents of the British Government dur
ing the administration of Jefferson, Madi
son and Monroe, to either prevent the ac
quisition of territory in the South and
West, or to dissolve the Union and estab
lish a separate and independent Govern
ment under the control of New England.
This plan, concocted as long ago as the lat
ter part of the last century, was to some
extent divulged in 1803, and culminated
in 1814 in the Hartford Convention. The
overt acts of those conspirators, consisted
of open hostility to the administration of
Mr. Madison, in the refusal of Massa
chusetts to furnish a man or a dollar of
money, for the prosecution of the war of
that period with Great Britain, in their op
position to the acquisition of Louisiana, the
opening of the Mississippi, and the conse
quent erection of new States in the West,
in their determined hostilities to the war
with Mexico and the annexation of Texas
and in their earnest, though ineffectual ef
forts to prevent tho admission of Missouri
into the Union, which resulted in the com
promise of 1820. Mr. Green, without any
strained effort, and by an appeal to facts
which cannot he denied, shows that the
party now in power is essentially the same
as that which was organized by the old
Federalists of New England, influenced by
the same principles, iutent upon the ac
complisement of the same purposes, and
alike treasonable in its proclivities. lie
shows, conclusively, that the anti-slavery
agitation was seized upon, not from any
regard for the negro race, but from an in
tense hatred of the South, and was insti
gated by England for the purpose of benc
fitting her colonies and feeding her pau
pers at the expense and ultimate destruc
tion of the industrial interests of the South.
This mere glance at the facts set forth in
what wo have seen of this remarkable book,
resalts in the conviction that the people of
the South, who were true to their covenant
obligations up to 1860, were not the first to
plan a dissolution of the Union, and that,
ns it is a duty to “render treason odious,”
the time has come for afearless exposure of
the plottings of those who, for more than 60
years, have been aiming at the result which
rebellion failed to accomplish. What open
opposition to the constituted authorities
of the National Government failed to do in
New England a half century ago, and what
the South has recently attempted, but with
out success, the enemies of the Union, and
of the Constitution by which it is held to
gether are attempting to accomplish by
usurpat ion and unconstitutional legislation.
No relief can reasonably be expected from
the now dominant party. It is pledged to
New England ideas and New England in
terests. It is for the people, and especial
ly for the people of the great West, to de
termine for themselves, whether our free
institutions shall be preserved and handed
over to a grateful posterity unimpaired, or
whether our Government shall be supplant
ed by either a monarchy or a despotism,
and a privileged oligarcy shall ride rough
shod over (the over-taxed and toiling
masses.
Shcrnuyi the Prophet.
The Boston Commercial says : “General
Sherman’s speech at Dartmouth College,
Thursday, was decidedly a happy effort,
much happier than his remarks to the
students of Yale College, in which he
made’t he following singular prophecy: “As
you go out into life you will find oppor
tunities enough to stand up for the old
flag—you may even have a chance to fight
for it. I toll you that before you pass from
the stage there will be fighting, in compari
son with which mine will seem slight, and
I have had enough.”
Sometimes a man is taken possession of
and made involuntarily to utter vaticina
tions like Balaam. We hope that Geu.
Sherman was not so possessed on the occa
sion above mentioned. The fighting which
he foreshadowed to his New Haven Col
legiate auditors cannot bc’far off. It must
be a thing of the new future and removed i
from us by less than a generation. But
we will speculate no.further upon this re
markable utterance. Certainly if the vin
dictive and utterly implacable spirit, which
characterizes' the present Congress, and
we are sorry to say, large masses, of our
people particularly in this section of the
country, prevails much longer, another
civil war of a still more direful character
than the one just closed may not be far off.
May the omen be averted ! It is seldom
that a great doer is a smooth, ready speak
cr, it is, indeed, a sore ordeal to pass
through, the one to which General
Sherman has been subjected during the past
fortnight, when thewe|thcr and other cir
cumstances are taken into account. He is
a trank, bluff soldier, called upon continual
ly to discount impromptu harangues to all
kinds ot audiences in the open air as well
j»s under roofs. We know that when Gen-
oral Sherman sits down to write, lor in
stance, a letter, deliberately, ho wields a
pen as sharp as his sword. He is no more
of an off-hand orator than the Duke or
Wellington was, or Othello the Moor.
‘•Rude am I in speech,” might be his
motto as it is the motto of most prompt,
energetic men of action. But his Dart
mouth speech has nothing rambling of
crude in it. It is witty and to the point.
He briefly sketches his own biography,
and tells how he learned thq topography
of South Carolina and the rest of the region
though which his famous march lay, al
ludes to his California experiences, and
ends with good practical advice and kindly
wishes to the young baccalaureates about
to step out into the world.
Gen. Sherman was doubtless advised of
the recent revolutionary action of the
Rump Congress, in attempting to organize
the militia of the loyal States, and hold
them subject to their order. The disunion
ists, no doubt, sounded William Tecunisecli
on the subject of the proposed organization
and the probable success of the plan.
This oracular announcement of the
“e/rent destroyer" of the probable occur
rance of another war vastly more gigantic
and bloody than the one in which he re
cently figured so conspicuously and dis
honorably, deserves the calm consideration
of all true friends of constitutional liberty.
Taken in. connection with the disclosures
recently made by Raymond in the Times ,
of the determination of the destructionists
to prepare for and then bring about a col
lision with the regularly constituted au
thorities of the United States Government,
it should warn the true people of the North
of the terrible, consequences which must
follow, if the Radicals are not overthrown
in the coming fall elections.
Bloody Tragedy in Emanuel County.
We learn through a friend from the
country, the particulars of a most shocking
and brutal murder committeed on Monday
night last, in Emanuel county on Colonel
Ripley, a citizen of that county.
It seems that just after dark, sonic per
son rode up to the gate of Colonel Ripley’s
yard, about forty yards from his dwelling,
and called for that gentleman. A negro
was sent to answer the call, but was di
rected by the party at the gate to return
to the house and inform Colonel Ripley
that a gentleman desired to see him pri
vately a few minutes. This being reported
to Colonel R., he immediately went to the
gate when the party there sprung at him,
saying you arc ’iny prisoner.”
Immediately a sharp scuffle ensued,
when several other persons, who had been
concealed from view, rushed forward upon
Colonol R., and commenced firing upon
him with rifles and pistols. The Colonel
extricated himself from the crowd, ran into
the house, and seizing a double shot-gun
advanced to the door and fired twice upon
the assailants. Immediately after firing,
he fell upon the floor, from the effects of
two balls which ho had received in the
conflict at the gate. The murderers then
retired in the darkness of the night. Col.
Ripley lingered in great agony for a few
hours, and expired about the middle of the
night.
It is thought that the murderers are a
party of robbers and horse-thieves, who
were arrested and committed to prison in
Savannah last fall, on a charge of stealing
horses from Col. 11. Sometime early last
fall, Col. Ripley, who is engaged in the
lumber business near the Ogcechee river,
in Emanuel county, had several horses and
mules stolen from him; and pursuing the
thieves, he succeeded in overtaking them
near this city, and captured several of the
gang and recovered his stock. He took
the robbers to the Savannah jail, where
they have been confined until recently,
when, by some means, they were discharged.
While in prison, it seems that these par
ties frequently expressed their determina
tion to settle with Col. Ripley, when they
should be released from confinement. The
morning before tl»c outrage was committed,
a party of several horsemen was seen se
creted in the swamp near by, and during
the day a negro man paid to go to Col.
R’s house, and ascertain who was about
the premises. This negro says that the
party appeared to be strangers, and seemed
anxious to ascertain if there were any
white persons staying in the house with
Col. Ripley.
There seems to be no doubt that the mur
der of Col. Ripley was committed by these
parties. As soon as the outrage becauie
known, a meeting of the citizens in the
neighborhood was held, und a company of
about thirty were organized to pursue and
capture, if possible, the murderers. We
sincerely hope that they may succeed. The
peace and quiet and safety of the country
requires that such acts should be punished
to the full extent of the law.
At Their Old Trade.
The Philadelphia Press (Forney’s paper)
has the following dispatch from Mobile,
dated July 17th:
• “A sloop was overhauled in the lower
bay, early this morning, by a United States
cutter, having on board 150 negroes, whom
the parties were about to carry to Cuba
and sell into slavery. These negroes had
been collected at different employment offi
ces in Louisville, Nashville and Memphis,
and brought down to New Orleans, and
thence by rail to this place. They had
been promised 830 per month to work on a
plantation, and otherwise deluded. The
captain and crew of the sloop have been
heavily ironed and placed on board the
sloop-of-war Augustine for safe keeping,
and will be forwarded to Washington.”
No doubt that these poor negroes are a
portion of those who were enticed from
Western Georgia by their dear “friends in
blue” from Massachusetts, and whose re
moval and kidnapping was made known by
"P. W. A.” in a letter from Thomastou,
Ga., to the New York News. Our readers
will remember how indignantly the New
England radical press denied the statement
of “P. W. A.,” and with what bitter and
vindictive terms they denounced the state
ment as a Rebel lie. Here, then, is proof,
in their own accepted organ, of the revival
of the trade, which, in the eighteenth and
beginning of the nineteenth century, was
carried on by their ancestors against the
earnest protest of the Southern people, and
in defiance of the expressed wishes of the
Southern members in the Convention
which framed the Federal Constitution.
Their fathers brought the negroes to this
couutry, against the wishes of our people—
sold them into slavery, and pocketed the
money. They come now and rob the people,
to whom their fathers sold the slaves, of
those slaves, and then steal the freed
slaves to sell them again into slavery in
Cuba. Oh! the righteousness of the Pu
ritan Christians!!
Twenty thousand rations, it is officially
estimated, will be issued by the breed men s
Bureau in Alabama in August.
Harper’s Monthly.
We are indebted to the Publishers, and
also to Mr. Markey, for a copy of this
magazine for the month of August.
We believe that this magazine furnishes
a fair index of Northern sentiment. We
presume that the publishers endeavor to
estimate correctly the tastes of their pat
rons. A large increase in circulation (be
ing “ now larger by twenty-five thousand
copies than at the commencement of the
year ’) attest the sagacity and judgment of
the management. lienee, we read this
magazine with interest, to catch the tone
ot this Harp of a thousand strings, and to
learn the thoughts current among jiutt men
mode perfect.
The article modestly entitjed “An In
quiry into one of the Constitutional Re
strictions of the Revenue Powers of the
United States, ’ is an interesting and able
argument, introductory to the “ques
tions which the author thinks will like
ly arise at an early day. We are delight
ed to learn that the “Signs of the times
show plainly that the Constitution is finally
to resume its supremacy, and that discus
sions of its meaning and purpose are to
have their rightful influence over our af
fairs. ”
The article entitled “The Burning of
Columbia ” is a labored effort, written by
one whom we guess, from the direction by
which he and Mr. Davis (Dodcy) ap
proached “the Church,” must have lodged
hard by, if not in, the residence belonging
to Col. Blanton Duncan. We admit, be
yond cavil, that Gen. Howard “commanded
the troops within the city,” and that
“Sherman pressed, with a hand of fire and
of iron, wherever he marched,” that rivals,
in History, Alaric the Goth. But we are
utterly unable to concur in the assertions
of the writer as to “Hampton” and
“Hampton’s Cotton.” We rather incline
to think that the article is a spasmodic
effort in that art which the late Lieut.
Gen. Scott asserted was part and parcel of
the art of war. The fact is, the writer
overtaxes our credulity—great as it is.
We might be induced to believe that a
large fire —a very large fire —might have
occurred ; possibly it might have consumed
the dwellings and stores on three hundred
and twenty acres in the heart of
the city of Columbia, which covered about
four hundred acres; that such a fire might
baffle the heroic efforts of citizens and ser
vants, cheered and assisted by an army
corps of twelve or fifteen thousand vete
rans, thoroughly organized and disciplined,
hut we cannot “go in” more. Wo can
not believe that “Hampton’s Cotton”
could burn and crack rough blocks of mar
ble and porphyry, and huge columns of
granite forty foot long and three or four
feet square, located in an open space one
hundred feet or more distant from all com
bustible materials, and full half a mile dis
tant from the nearest warehouse.
If the writer seeks impartial investiga
tion —if the publishers desire to furnish
truth to their patrons, let them publish the
general orders which were daily enjoined
to he read to the troops, and an honest ac
count of the limited furloughs granted and
the manner in which they were enjoyed..
Let the narrative be illustrated by a map
and a picture from the skillful hand of the
writer’s companion—and let the map and
picture of the burnt districts exhibit stand
ing, not burnt —the houses occupied as
headquarters of the respective Generals
within the city.
One other article have we had spare
time to read, “The St. Leons.” This is a
capital tale of the Beecher-Stowe order.
The scene is laid in Georgia. It purports
to be narrated by a Northern woman—the
wife of an Englishman. This was a mistake
evidently unintentional, on the part of
the writer. The narrative should have
been from an Englishwoman who had mar
ried “a Northern man.” Then there
would have been very great propriety in
the narrator’s taking a drive to “Nancoo
chic, the beautiful valley through which
runs the headwaters of the ‘ Chattanooga,'
‘ ‘and in making the ascent of the 1 Yarrah. ’
Such Geography is English, decidedly Eng
lish. Again: the Englishwoman would
very naturally affect ignorance of cook
ing, and be ambitious to rival “Mrs.
Clayton.” But who ever saw a Yan
kee woman at the South content to
rival “Mrs. Clayton.” Nothing short of
surpassing excellence would satisfy. Again:
the Laws, and Maxwells, and Hamiltons
are good old Georgia names, but the
“Odeons” and “Rosas” cannot.be located
with propriety, in this longitude ; it would
appear more natural to locate them about
the shores of Lake Ponchartrain.
In future wc hope that writer will ob
serve more strictly these small proprie
ties. The held is large , and remunerative.
The public mind of the North revels in
tales of this sort, and is more insatiable
than the daughter of the horse leech. Great
care, therefore, should be exercised, lest
inaccuracies should deprive some poor Con
federate, reduced to live by the pen, of a
livelihood.
The Philadelphia Convention.
Now that it is determined that the
Southern States will all send Delegates to
the National Union Convention at Phila
delphia, it is of the very first importance
that our people should show no division on
the question. If the Delegates from the
South shall be able to produce good im
pressions in the Convention and on the
public mind of the North, those impres
sions will be serviceable to us only in pro
portion to the number of our people whom
they are supposed rightfully to represent.
If the people of the North shall be told
that our delegates represent only the feel
ings and convictions of a portion of the
Southern people, they will at once receive
with caution any statement made in the
Convention as to the tone of the South and
our willingness in good faith to accept the
present condition of affairs. Then, we
hope that, as the “Convention” is a fixed
fact, our State Press will cease to traduce
and malign the movement, and the con
servative men of the North, to whom it
owes its origin, and at least if it cannot
commend, that it will cease to oppose.
We are glad to see that the Columbus
“Sun J' Times" which was originally op
posed to the Convention, has. in its issue
of the 28th inst.. withdrawn its opposition,
and joins in good wishes for its success.
A Good Sign. —The German popula
tion of Pennsylvania are represented as a
unit for Clvmer, the New York Germans
having urged an abandonment by their
countrymen everywhere of the fanatical
Republicans. The effects of the excise law
are felt. Whatever doubts have been
heretofore felt to the contrary, it is certain
that the campaign in Pennsylvania looks
decidedly better for the Democrats than
their opponents.
What Test will be Applied to the Mem
bers of the Philadelphia Convention ?
Wc have previously given to the readers
of the Chronicle rt- Sentinel our views
as to the probable test which will be ap
plied to the members of the proposed Con
vention iu Philadelphia. We have also
given the views of the National Intelli
gencer, and the Constitutional Union, pub
lished in Washington, and recognized as
the exponents of the President's feelings
on this question. It will be remembered
that we have contended that the origina
tors and friend sos the movement never
contemplated the exclusion of the South
ern men who are now fr iends of the Con
stitution and the Government established
upon it, and who in good faith accept the
situation, with an honest determination to
do all they can in restoring peace and har
mony between the two sections late en
gaged in sanguinary conflict. Wc have
seen nothing which induces us to modify or
change our opinion. The events of the last
ten days in Washington and in the North
and West, goes far to strengthen us in our
first views. The Press of the North and
West favorable to the Convention are al
most unanimous in the position that no test
which has no relation to the past should be
insisted upon, but that all those who are
not enemies to the Federal Government
should be admitted to seats without refer
ence to their position during the war.
The following extracts, which wc clip
from the New York Times of a late date,
express very fully the views of the Repub
lican element in the proposed Convention.
The position of the Democratic party on
this question is too well known to require
repeating here. These two elements —the
Conservative Republican and Democratic
—will be equally balanced in the Conven
tion. If there should be an attempt made
in the Convention—which we do not be
lieve—to give its proceedings and action
such shape as would compromit the honor
or rights of the South, there will be a large
majority there who will insist upon our ad
mission on fair and honorable terms.
The main point to be considered hire, is
the character of the delegation which shall
be sent from the South. Let us send our
best, most experienced, and intelligent men
—those who are now in favor of conciliation
and peace, independent of the part they
iftay have taken as participants in the late
war.
We want no rash, impracticable hotspurs
to represent us. Men who cannot control
their own prejudices, and resentments are
not the proper parties to give expression
to Southern sentiment, and Southern views.
Representative men —those whose views
are in accord with the great mass of the
people here, on the subject of pacification
and restoration, should bo selected inde
pendent of past party affiliations. If such
men are sent from the South, we have uo
fear as to their admission to seats in the
Convention. In the article from the Times
which follows, allusions are made to the
suggestions of its correspondent from this
State, who had mentioned the names of
Hon. H. \. Johnson and Hon. Alex. 11.
Stephens as probable delegates for the
State at large. This correspondent sug
gests these gentlemen as representative
men of the true conservative element at
the South. We have reason to know that
the appearance of those distinguished gen
tlemen at Philadelphia will be hailed, as a
happy omen of future peace a‘nd good will
between the truly conservative men of the
North and the South.
But the question arises, How may the
South comply with the conditions implied
in the terms of the call ? The fact that the
invitation is addressed exclusively to loval
men, suggests the inquiry, How can the
South accept the test, seeing that all hut an
inconsiderable portion of its people were in
one form or another, voluntarily or invol
untarily, concerned in the war ? The diffi
culty thus experienced is not complained
of as harsh or unjust. It is recognized as
in some degree a necessity, if the delibera
tions of the Convention are to influence the
Northern mind. And, to escape from it,
the suggestion is offered that instead of
sending delegates to the Convention, the
States lately in rebellion shall content
themselves with indorsing the movement
by a series of public meetings, which shall
be at once an overture of friendly feelings
and a pledge of concurrent action.
We apprehend, however, that the adop
tion of this course by the Southern States
would in a great measure render the move
ment nugatory, and frustrate the objects of
its promoters—for the purpose is, by con
sultation, to establish the basis of joint ac
tion by the conservatives of the two sec
tions. If only Northern delegates assem
ble, the country will see hut one side of the
picture and hear but one side of the story.
We shall know no more after the meeting
than we know now, unless it be a more ex
act estimate of the relative strength of the
moderate element in the Northern States.
There will be no opportunity of exchanging
ideas, debating concessions, establishing
concert of effort, and so building up a Nation
al Union Party, equal in strength, capacity,
’and purposes to the altered circumstances
of the country. It»s failure to send dele
gates will be attributed to wrong motives;
ts Northern friends will be weakened, and
ts enemies will use the fact as evidence of
continued disloyalty. It will suffer,
moreover, by the loss of the first oppor
tunity since the war of stating its case in
its own way, vindicating itself from the
aspersions now heaped upon it, affirming
its honest acceptance of the issue of the
conflict, and proving its fitness to be in
trusted with power and privileges at pres
ent withheld. By the charter, the temper,
the tactics, the alliances of th%Southern
delegates in the Convention the South will
be judged: and its absence will be con
strued into a confession of inability to en
dure the ordeal.
Still the difficulty adverted to by our
correspondent remains, and how shall that
ho met ? It is admitted that if the Con
gressional test oath be indorsed at Phila
delphia, the roll of Southern delegates will
be pared down to an extent that will ma
terially interfere with the expression of
Southern opinion—and an expectation
tha f the test enacted by Congress will be
applied at the Convention evidently pre
vails in Georgia. There has, however,
been no formal intimation of any intention
to adopt this test, nor does there
seem to be the same necessity for it
which has existed at Washington
Certainly the Randall-Doolittle call
does not indicate such an intention. It in
vites delegates “who sustain the Adminis
tration in maintaining unbroken the Union
of the Statesand the propositions enun
ciated effectually exclude all who cling to
the heresy which was at the bottom of the
war. But there is nothing in the call
which warrants the conclusion that its au
thors either contemplate or desire the re
sult that would be inevitable if a too rigid
test were applied.
* a * * * * * *
What may be the course es the Conven
tion in the premises can be but imagined
in advance of its assembling. We think,
however, it may be safely assumed that
the same liberality and moderation, the
same catholicity ’ and constitutionalism
which pervade the address of the Washing
ton Committee, will guide the councils of
the promoters of the Convention. * * *
The point meanwhile to be attained is the
development of a wise, conservative spirit
by the Southern constituencies. It were
better that they should make no elections
than that they should send delegates taint
ed with bad records, and lacking the tem
per and discretion suited to the occasion.
But the proceeding devoutly to be wished,
is the choice of delegates qualified by their
antecedents, their character, their pru
dence, their moderation, to speak and act
with effect in matters pertaining to a re
stored Union.
Prentice says the Southern States are
tatter represented in Congress now than
some of the Northern States, for the rea
son that non-representation is tatter than
misrepresentation. This is literally and
rightly true.
THE NATIONAL CONVENTION.
Letter from Judge B. It. Curtis.
Notwithstanding its length, we cheerful
ly give place to the following letter from
Judge Curtis, of Massachusetts, in rela
tion to the proposed Philadelphia Conven
tion, and the relations of the Southern
States to the Federal Union. Judge Cur
tis has long been regarded as one of the
ablest jurists at the North, and his opin
ion delivered in the celebrated Dred Scott
case, won for him the very first rank among
the leading jurists of the country. He has
been recognized as the leading friend of the
Republican party, and has heretofore acted
with that party, though we believe he has
never taken any active part in strictly party
politics.
The views he presents in regard to the
rights and power of the Federal Govern
ment over the Southern States, arc cogent
and unanswerable. Asa strictly legal ar
gument we have never seen anything su
perior to it, in its masterly and logical
statement of the constitutional power of
the Federal Government in its relation to
the State Governments, and tjje restrictions
and limitations which forbid the absorption
of the State Governments or the holding
of a State of the Union, as a conquered
power.
We are confident that we can confer no
greater favor on our readers, than by giv
ing the letter in extenso :
Pittsfield, Mass., July 25, 1860.
lion. O. 11. Browning, Washington :
Peak Sir : I thank you for sending me
a copy of the call for the National Conven
tion, to be held in Philadelphia on the 11th
day of August next.
In the present unhappy condition of our
national alfairs, it seems to mo tit and im
portant that delegates of the people should
come together from all parts of our ooun
try, to manifest, in an authentic and con
vincing way, the adhesion of their constit
uents to the fundamental principles of
our Government, and to that policy and
course of action which necessarily result
from them. In my judgment, the proposi
tions contained in the call of the Conven
tion are consistent witli those principles
and that policy.
Tiio nature of our Government does not
permit the United States to destroy a State,
or acquire its territory by conquest.
Neither does it permit the people of a
State to destroy the State, or unlawfully
affect, in any way, any one of its relations
to the United States. One is as consistent
with our Constitution as the other ; while
that Constitution remains operative, each
is impossible.
But the Government of the United States
may, and must, in the discharge of consti
tutional duty, subdue, by arms, any num
ber of its rebellious citizens into quiet
submission to its lawful authority. And if
the officers of a State, having the actual
control of its government, have disobeyed
the requirement to swear to support the
Constitution, and have abused the powers
of the State by making war in the United
States, this presents the case of an usurp
ing and unlawful government of a State,
which the United States may rightfully
destroy by force; for undoubtedly, the
provision . of the Constitution that “the
United States shall guarantee to every
State in this\ Union a republican form govern
ment” must mean a republican form of gov
ernment in harmony with the Constitution,
and which is so organized as to be in this
Union.
But neither the power and duty of the
Government of the United States to subdue
by arms rebellious people in the territorial
bants of one or more States, nor its power
aid duty to destroy an usurping govern
ment die facto, can possibly authorize the
United States to destroy one of these States
of the Union, or what must amount to the
same thing, to acquire that absolute right
over its people and its territory which re
sults from conquest in foreign war. There
are only two alternatives : One is, that in
subduing rebelliou the United States act
rightfully within the limits of powers con
ferred by the Constitution; the other is,
that they make war on a part of their own
people because it is the will of those who
control the Government for the time being
to do so, and for such objects as they may
choose to attain. The last of these alterna
tives has not been asserted by either de
partment of the Government of the United
States at any time, and I doubt if any con
siderable number of persons can bo found
to sanction it.
But if the first alternative be adopted, it
follows that the Constitution which author
ized the war prescribed the objects which
alone can rightfully bo accomplished by
it; and those objects are, not the destruc
tion of one or more States, but their pres
ervation ; not the destruction of govern
ment in a State, but the restoration of its
government to a republican form in har
mony with the Constitution; not the ac
quisition of the territory of a State, and of
that absolute control over the persons and
property of its people which a foreign con
queror would possess, but their submission
to the Constitution and laws of the United
States. But it seems to me a great and
fundamental error to confound the case of
the conquest of a foreign territory and peo
ple with the case of submission to a lawful
and established constitutional Government,
enforced through the powers conferred on
that Government for that specific purpose.
It is quite true that such a civil contest
may have, and in our country has had,
the proportions of an actual war ; and that
humanity and public law unite in dicta
ting the application of rules designed to
mitigate its evils and regulate the condi
tions upon which it should be carried
on.
But these rules of public law which con
cern the rights and power of a conqueror
of foreign territory, reduced by conquest
to entire submission, have no relation to
the active prosecution of war. Their op
erations; begin when war has ended in
submission ; they are the laws of a state of
peace, and not of a state of war.
To suppose that the Government of the
United States can, in a state of peace,
rightfully hold and exercise absolute and
unlimited power over a part of its territory
and people just so long as it may choose to
do so, appears to me to be unwarranted by
any rules of public law, abhorrent to right
reason, and inconsistent with the nature of
our Government.
When war has ceased, when the authori
ty of the Constitution and laws of the Uni
ted States has been restored and establish
ed, the United States arc in possession, not
under anew title, as conquerors, but under
their old title, as the lawful Government
of the country ; and that title has been
vindicated, not by the destruction of one or
more States, but by their preservation ;
and this preservation can be worked out
practically only by the restoration of re
publican "governments organized in har
mony with the Constitution.
The title of a conqueror is necessarily in
consistent with a republican government,
which can be formed only by the people
themselves, to express and execute their
will.
And if the preservation of the States
within the Union was one of the objects of
the war, and they can be preserved only
by having republican governments organ
ized in harmony with the Constitution,
and such governments can be organized
only by the people of those States, then
manifestly it is not only the right, but the
constitutional duty of the people of those
States, to organize such governments; and
the Government of the United States can
have no rightful authority to prohibit their
organization. But this right and duty of
the people of the several States can only
begin when war has ceased, and the au
thority of the Constitution and laws of the
b nited States have been restored and es
tablished ; and, from the nature of the case,
the Government of the United States must
determine when that time has come.
It is a question of great interest, certain
ly, but not, I think, of great difficulty, how
a.nd by whom the Government of the United
States should determine when that time
has come.
The question whether de facto govern
ments and hostile populations have been
completely subdued by arms, and the law
ful authority of the United States restored
and established, is a military and execu
tive question. It does not require legisla
tive action to ascertain the necessary facts;
and, from the nature of the euse, legisla
tive action cannot change or materially af
fect them. As commandor-in-ohief of the
a m v and navy, and as the chief executive
officer, whose constitutional duty it is to
see that the laws are faithfully executed, it
is the offieialduty of the President to know
whether a rebellion has been suppressed,
and whether the authority of the Consti
tution and laws of the United States has
been completely restored and firmly estab
lished.
The mere organization of a republican
government, in harmony with the Union,
by the people of one of the existing States
of the United States, requires no enabling
act oi Congress, and I can find no author
ity t- le Constitution for any interference
by Congress to prohibit or regulate the or
ganization of such a government bv the
people of an existing state of the Union,
t >n the other hand, it is clearly necessary
taat tiie President should act, so far, sit
least, as to remove out of the way military
restrictions on the power of the people to
assemble and do those acts which are ne
cessary to reorganize their government,
ilns, I think, he was bound to do as soon
as he became satisfied that the right time
had come.
After much reflection, and with no such
partiality for Executive power as would
be likely to lead me astray, I have formed
the opinion that the Southern States are
now as rightfully, and should be as effec
tually, in the Union as they were before*
the madness of their people attempted to
carry them out of it; and in this opinion I
behove a majority of the people of the
Northern States agree.
1 lie work the people are waiting to have
'JMi 1 . 8 Convention may greatly help.
If 11 "ill elevate itself above sectional pas
sions, ignore all party schemes, despise the
sordid and party scramble for offices, and
fairly represent the national instinct that
the time now is when complete Union of
all the States is a fact which it is a crime
not to accomplish, its action cannot fail to
be beneficial to our country.
The passions generated in a great and
divided . people by long and bloody civil
war are deep and formidable. They are
not confined to one section ; the victors as
well as the vanquished are swayed by
them. They connect themselves with the
purest and tendercst sensibilities of our
nature ; with our love of country ; with
our love of those who have laid down their
lives in the contest; with the sufferings
which war, in multiplied forms, always
brings to the homes of men, and still more
to the homes of women, and which civil
war, most of all, brings to the homes of all;
and these passions are the sharp and ready
tools of party spirit, of self interest, of per
versity, and, most of all, of that fierce in
fatuation which finds its best satisfaction
in hatred, and its only enjoyment in re
venge.
No statesman who is acquainted with the
nature of man and the necessities of civil
government can contemplate such pas
sions without the deepest concern, or fail
to do what lie fitly may to allay them.
Hard enough the work will provo to be,
at the best. But a scrupulous regard for
the rights of all and a magnanimous clem
ency are twice blessed ; they both elevate
and soften the powerful, and they reach
and subdue what laws and bayonets can
not control.
I believe there is now a general convic
tion among the people that this great and
difficult work is practicable. That it will
long remain so, if the present state of
things continues, I have not the hardihood
to trust. I look to this Convention with
hope that it will do much to help on
ward this instinctive desire of tho people
of the United States for union and har
mony and peace. That it will assort,
strongly and clearly, those principles
which are the foundations of our Govern
ment ; that it-will exhibit the connection
between their violation and the present
distracted condition of our country; that
it will rebuke the violence of party spirit,
and especially of that spirit oi' hatred
which is as inconsistent with the true love
of our country as it is with true love of our
brethren ; and that it will do much to con
vince the people of tho United States that
they must act soon, in the wisest way, or
suffer evils which t hey and their posterity
will long deplore.
With great respect,
I am your obedient servant,
B. R. Curtis.
A Southern Relief Fair at St. Louis.
The Southern people can never forget
the kindly offices and touching charities of
those most noble ladies of Baltimore.
Their gentle sisters of St. Louis, with a
benevolence truly Christian, have organ
ized an Association for the purpose of ex
tending relief to the widows and orphans
of the South—homeless and houseless, in
an impoverished land, and without friend
ly sympathy from abroad.
At the head of this Association is Mrs.
Rebecca W. Sire, of St. Louis. This lady
is well known by all Confederate prisoners
of war who were confined at Alton, Illinois,
for she was their ministering angel—
cheered them in their confinement, pro
vided delicacies for the sick, and clothed
the needy. Her kind words and ceaseless
charity are embalmed in the heart of many
poor soldiers.
We have received from these Sisters of
Charity the following;
CIRCULAR OF “MISSOURI SOUTHERN RELIEF
ASSOCIATION.”
Repeated and urgent appeals for aid to
tho South, in. this her hour of great need
and suffering, coming to our citizens from
those sections of our country so devastated
by the late war, have induced the ladies of
St. Louis to form an association for some
organized plan of relief in reply to those
piteous appeals.
Not only the present destitution and
suffering in the Southern States is to be
considered—for this the coming crops will
measurably relieve—but the appalling
number of destitute widows and homeless,
friendless orphans stand out in bold relief,
the saddest feature in the picture of want
and misery we are called on to contemplate,
and whicli this effort is intended to relieve
to vvliat extent we may. Especially for
these great objects of charity, left by tho
casualties of the late strife, the ladies of
Missouri intend to hold a Grand Bazaar in
St. Louis during the last week of Septem
ber, relying for the success of their effort
on the characteristic liberality of our city
and State, and confidently hoping for con
tributions from all parts of the country in
aid of the holy cause they plead. .
Great encouragement lias been given by
tliegentlemcn of Missouri to the enter
prise, committees of whom will act in con
cert with tho ladies, giving their personal
attention to business requiring special ex
ertion.
It is earnestly desired that every county
in our State should be represented in this
benevolent undertaking, and for this end
editors throughout the State are requested
to notice it in their columns and to urge
upon the ladies to co-operate with those in
St. Louis, and to forward to the officers of
the Association here the names of ladies
who may be selected as managers in the
different localities. A circular will be sen
to such ladies, and it is confidently hoped
that, by concert of actjon, a sum may bo
realized worthy of our State.
Contributions are solicited from mer
chants, manufacturers and all inclined to
aid in this work of benevolence through
out the length and breadth of the land,
and certainly Missouri has claims on all
the importing and manufacturing cities
and towns in the country sufficient to insure
a literal response to this appeal of her peo
ple.
A grand Tournament will bo held in
connection with the fair, followed by a
“Tournament Ball’’ at the Southern'Tlotel.
Duo notice will be given of the exact day
on which the Tournament will take place.
Invitations will be issued to Knights from
all the States who may feel disposed to
enter the lists in the cause of the widow
and orphan. This pageant will take placo
at “The St. Louis Agricultural Pah-
Grounds,” the handsomest in the United
States, and best adapted for the accommo
dation of both actors and spectators.
A committee of gentlemen will preside
over this entertainment, who will spare no
pains in the arrangements, whose names,
when published, will beafl*sufficient guar
antee of its being the most attractive affair
of the kind ever given in the United
States. , , ~
The ladies earnestly hope lor represen
tatives from all the States on the occasion,
combining asii does attractions unusual in
our country with the most exalted of chari
ties “aid to the widow and fatherless.”
PRESIDENT. ASSISTANT TREASURER.
Mr* Rebecca W. Sire. Mrs. Klizabeh Avis.
' VICE-IMiES! DENTS. MANAGERS.
Miss Mary Rcyburn, Madame Pelagic* Berthold,
Mre ('has. P. Chouteau, “ Theresa Basaoran,
‘ Robert Bull, “ De Muri,
•* Jesse Arwot. Mrs. Oil. O’Fallon,
“ Lu-vard Bredell, “ Ann L. Hunt,
“ M. E. Kennedy, “ Frederick San grain,
»• Levin Baker, “ Jienry Von Phu),
*• P. A. Berthold, “ M. A. I’rimm,
“ Jos. htettinius, ** Messclia Gratiot,
“ J. S. McCone, i4 John 11. Gay,
k ‘ L. Deaver, “ John Perry,
“ Ben. Souiard, “ Carr,
RU. oudixg seubetary. “ Richard Graham,
Mrs. Montrose I'alien, " William Glasgow, Sr.,
UORIir*bPONP G BUCKETABI33B. *• Geor*tt* Kt Uliei l' S
Mrs. D. K. Barclay, “ Jumps Kennerly,
" - Edward W.d.di.s!
“ " Jamea 11. Lima,
tkeaburec. “ Nathaniel Patter on.
Mrs. Wm. McPherson,
The Marine Hospital, in Cincinnati,
which cost the Government $200,000, and
was erected some ten or twelveyears since,
was sold, at public sale for $70,500.
The fire that has lxien raging on Long
Island, New York, will destroy timber, it
is said, to the amount of $500,000.
RECONSTRUCTION.
The So-Called Admission or Tennessee—
Message of the President on Approving
the Resolution by Congress.
Washington, July 25.
The President yesterday sent thc'follow
ing message to the House of Representa
tives;
To the House of Representatives :
The following “joint resolution restoring
Tennessee to her relations to the Union”
was last evening presented for my approv
al :
Whereas, in the year I SGI, the Govern
ment of the State of Tennessee was seized
upon and taken possession of by persons
in hostility to the United States,* and the
inhabitants of said State, in pursuance of
an act of Congress, were declared to be in
a state of insurrection against the United
States; and whereas said State Governs
meat can only be restored to its former
political relations in the Union by the con
sent. of the law-making power of the United
States; and whereas the people of said State
did, on the 22d of February, 1865, by a
large popular vote, adopt and ratify a con
stitution of government, whereby slavery
was abolished, and the ordinances and
laws of secession, and debts contracted un
der the same, were declared null and void ;
and whereas a State Government lias boon
organized under said Constitution, which
lias ratified the amendment to the Consti
tution of the United States abolishing
slavery, also the amendment proposed by
the Thirty-ninth Congress; and lias done
other acts proclaiming and denoting loy
alty : Therefore, be it
Resolved bg the Senate and House of
Representatives of the United States, of
America in Congress assembled, That the
State oi Tennessee is hereby restored toiler
Firmer proper practical relations to the
Union, and is again entitled to be repre
sented by Senators and Representatives
in Congress.
The preamble simply consists of state
ments, some of which arc assumed, while
the resolution is merely a declaration of
opinion. It comprises no legislation, nor ]
does it confer any power which is binding
upon the respective Houses, the Executive,
or the States. It does not admit to their
seats in Congress the Senators and Repre
sentatives. from the State of Tennessee ;
for, notwithstanding the passage of the
resolution, each House, in the exercise of
the constitutional right to judge for itself
of the elections, returns, and qualifications
of its members, may, at its discretion, ad
mit them, or continue to exclude them.
If a joint resolution of this character were
necessary and binding as a condition pre
cedent to the admission of members of
Congress, it would happen, in the event of
a veto by the Executive, and Senators
and Representatives could only be admitted
to the balls of legislation by a two-thirds
vote of each of the two Houses.
Among other reasons recited in the 1 ire
amble for the declarations contained in
the resolution is the ratification, by the
State government of Tennessee, of “the
amendment to the Constitution of the
United States abolishing slavery, and also
the amendment proposed by the Thirty
ninth Congress.” If as is also declared in
the preamble, “said State government can
only be restored to its former political rela
tions in the Union by the consent of the
law-making power of the United States,”
it would really seem to follow that the
joint resolution which at this late day has
received tho sanction of Congress should
have been passed, approved, and placed on
the statute books before any amendment
to the Constitution was submitted to the
Legislature of Tennessee for ratification.
Otherwise, the inference is plainly deduci
ble, that while, in the opinion of Congress,
the people of a State may be too strongly
disloyal to be entitled to representation,
they may, nevertheless, during the suspen
sion of their “former proper practical rela
tions to the Union,” have an equally po
tent voice with other and loyal States
in propositions to amend the Constitution,
upon which so essentially depend the sta
bility, prosperity, and very existence of the
nation.
A brief reference to my annual message
of the 4th of December last will show the
steps taken by the Executive for the resto
ration to their constitutional relations to
the Union of the States that had been
affected by the rebellion. Upon the ces
sation of active hostilities Provisional
Governors were appointed, Conventions
called, and Governors elected by the peo
ple, Legislatures assembled, and Senators
and Representatives chosen to the Con
gress of the United States. At the same
time the Courts of the United States were
re-opened, the blockade removed, the cus
tom-houses re-established, and postal re
lations resumed.
The amendment to the Constitution
abolishing slavery forever within the limits
of the country was also submittted to the
States, and they were thus invited to, and
did participate in, its ratificaUon—thus
exercising the highest functions "rtaining
to a State. In addition, nearly all of these
States, through their conventions and
Legislatures, had adopted and ratified con
stitutions “of government, whereby sla
very was abolished, and all ordinances and
laws of secession and debts contracted un
der the same were declared void.”
So far, the political existence of the
States and their relations to the Federal
Government had been fully and complete
ly, recognized arid acknowledged by the
Executive Department of the Government,
and the completion of the work of restora
tion, which had progressed so favorably,
was submitted to Congress, upon which
devolved all questions pertaining to the
admission to their seats of the Senators
and Representatives chosen from the
States whose people had been engaged in
the rebellion.
All these steps had been taken, when,
on the 4th of December, 1865, the Thirty
ninth Congress assembled. Nearly eight
months have elapsed since that time ; and
no other plan of restoration having been
proposed by Congress for the measures in
stituted by the Executive, it is now declar
ed in the joint resolution submitted for my
approval, “that the State of Tennessee is
hereby restored to her former proper prac
tical relations to the Union, and is again
entitled to be represented by Senators and
Representatives in Congress.” Thus, af
ter the lapse of nearly eight months, Con
gress proposes to pave the way to the ad
mission and to the representation of one of
the eleven States whose people arrayed
themselves in rebellion against the consti
tuted authority of the Federal Government.
Earnestly desiring to remove every cause
of further delay, whether real or imagina
ry, on the part of Congress, to the admis
sion to seats of loyal Senators and Repre
sentatives from the State of Tennessee, I
have, notwithstanding the anomalous char
acter of the proceedings, affixed my signa
ture to the resolution. My approval, how
ever, is not to be construed as an acknowl
edgment of the right of Congress to pass
laws preliminaty to the admission of duly
qualificd representatives from any of the
States. Neither is it to be considered as
committing me to all the statements made
in the preamble—some of which are, in my
opinion, without foundation in fact, espe
cially the assertion that the State of Ten
uessee has ratified the amendment to the
Constitution of the United States, pro
posed by the Thirty-ninth Congress. No
official notice of such ratification has been
received by the Executive, or filed in the De
partment of State; on the contrary un
official information from most reliable
sources, induces the belief that the
merit has not yet been constitutionally sanc
tioned by the Legislature of Tennessee.
The right of each House, under the Con
stitution, to judge of the elections, returns,
and qualifications of its own members, is
undoubted, and my approval and disap
proval of the resolution could not, in tnc
slightest degree, increase or diminish the
authority in this respect conferred upon
the two branches of Congress.
In conclusion, I cannot too earnestly re
peat my recommendation for the admis
sion of Tennessee, and all other .States, to
a fair and equal participation in national
legislation, when they present themselves
in the persons ofloyal Senators and Rep
resentatives, who can comply with all the
requirements of the Constitution and the
laws. By this means, harmony and re
conciliation will be effected, the practical
relations of all the States to the Federal
Government re-established, and the work
of restoration inaugurated upon the ter-
urination of the war, successfully com
pleted. Andrew Johnson
Washington, 1), C., July 24, 1806.
address
iH y ior .V l . ce ' Usq-before the Pupils
IHft 1,0,1 Point Academy, July loth,
Respected Audience , Teacher and i'upi ls:
I am aware that much has been said
and written on the commercial, agricultu
ral, and industrial resources of the South,
and yet we have been exceedingly slow to
apply these wholesome tenets and prac
tical lessons of wisdom.
What a deplorable fact, that men will
dose their eyes to reason and sound phil
osophy, nor open them, until they have
experienced the most- disastrous result ?
That we have been blind to our best inter
est, and to facts as patent as every day’s
existence, the mistaken policy of the past,
so painfully realized by the Southern peo
ple, will clearly, visibly, and forcibly at
test.
ith over three thousand miles of coast,
interspersed with numerous and excellent
harbors —with manufacturing facilities in
ferior to none in the world —with inex
haustible mines, abounding in almost every
variety t of ore—coal-pits in abundance—
with water-power of every capacity, rivers
and streams traversing every section of the
country—with illimitable forests of timber,
waving in unbroken silence, and mountain
ranges intersecting almost every State —yet
we have regarded these superior and natu
ral advantages with the greatest and most
astonishing indifference. Caring only for
“King Cotton,” and branding mechanism
with plebian birth, our wily neighbors si
lently appropriated the mechanical and
commercial agencies, and, through these
great media, now hold the “helm of State.”
Young gentlemen and young ladies, with
you it remains to restore this sunny South
land, yea, to elevate it above its former
beauty and power. You are the hope of
our fallen country. Will you, then, ullow
a soldier, who lias given bis own “red righ t.
arm” in her defence, to plead in behalf of
his country’s future? Obi children, win
back our withered laurels, and immortal
ize the graves of our brave and noble Con
federate dead by the position whicli your
names shall take in the country's roll of
honor. Study to be wise; neglect not one
tenet or admonition from your teacher
which savors of wisdom —remembering
that you are to rebuild this Temple of Lib
erty, and to lay again its corner-stone upon
the surer basis of Experience. Are you
little ABC scholars? Let the tender roots
of elementary knowledge bo deeply fixed
in your infant minds; then shall the tree
ever be green and flourishing. Have you
advanced to the study of Geography? Note
well the geographical position, out-lines
and description of your country, nor let it
be said that you have only studied* for an
examination, or to make a display for once
in your lives; but that you have studied
to maintain an honorable position among
your countrymen.
Are you warbling the sweet music of
your mother’s tongue ; Then little gram
marians, do not murder it with scientific
touches of home manufacture, but study it
well—study, that you may understand it
perfectly. Have you advanced beyond the
old field school programme, and entered
the sylvan shades of Virgil and the heroic
scenes of Honor, there to witness the mys
terious rites of ancient Greece and Home?
Let not a single taste’at the Pyerian Spring
intoxicate the brain and inflate your vanity,
hut drink largely that your young names
be inscribed among the savans of the
world.
But beware ! While you improve and
perfect the intellectual, do not discard the
practical branches.
Young ladies, teach your minds to think
while your lily fingers make ready work
with the tub, the spinning wheel, or cooking
stove; and young men, lay a copy of Livy,
Tacitus, or Euclid beside your plough han
dles, nor be ashamed to unite labor with
study; for the Great Jehovah has com
manded, “In the sweat of thy brow shalt
thou cat thy bread.” Oh! do not let our
country degenerate, because her children
arc compelled to take the place of her
slayes; but elevate labor to that position
which the Creator designed it should oc
cupyand adorn it with mechanical skill
and intellectual beauty. Thus elevated,
we shall give to business, all it has of per
manency by giving to it, all it lias of hon
esty —and by integrity in business, integ
rity in affairs of State, integrity in senti
ment, in understanding, and in reason, we
shall eradicate selfish ambition out of poli
tics and keep the States alive by an honest
patriotism. Then may we hope to teach
to the world that other grand phenomenon
in the history of the rise and progress of
nations; a phenomenon, in all of its lati
tude, not yet fully comprehended by the
nations of the old world, nor even by our
selves; and which for all future time
will be the study and admiration of the
historian and the philosopher ; I mean
not the founding of a separate Republic on
these shores so recently drenched with
blood and carnage, hut our astonishing
growth and development, our magic like
spring from small beginnings—rising as it
were by one elastic bound, into all the at
tributes of a gigantic power—a Republican
Empire—able to maintain her sovereignty
and independence both by land and sea,
against a hostile world, and by her exam
ple shaking to their very foundations
the thrones of all Europe. * * *
Children, you have this day inscribed
Excelsior on your banner—keep your motto
steady in view, and you will reap all that
you desire.
The intelectual bouquet which you, sir,
have this day presented to the public, but
bespeaks the taste and skill of the gardner
—may you and your early charge realize
in the future what you, sir, have sown in
the past.
A Prophecy Fulfilled.
In a speech delivered by Daniel Webster,
at Fanueil Hall, on the 7th of March,
1850, we find the following remarkable
prophecy :
“If the infernal fanatics and abolitionists
ever get power in their hands, they will
override the Constitution, set the Supreme
Court at defiance, make laws to suit them
selves, lay violent hands on those who differ
with them in their opinions, or dare ques
tion their infallability and finally bankrupt
the country, and deluge it in blood.
How wonderfully has this prophecy been
verified in the last three years. Not the
slightest portion of it remains unfulfilled.
The Jacobins have gone even beyond all
that Mr. Webster feared. Not only have
they overridden the Constitution, but they
have changed it in some of its most im
portant. features, and they are still labor
ing to deface and destroy it ; they have
not only set the Supreme Court at de
fiance, but they have disregarded all the
requirements of law and decency and es
tablished a central Junto, from whose
edicts there was no appeal; they have
made laws which suit themselves and no
one else, and which are a disgrace to our
statute hooks : and they have not only laid
violent hands upon those who have dared
to differ with them, but they have sub
jected them to long and dreary imprison
ment, and would now, if they had the pow
er, erect a gallows in every neighborhood
in the Southern States and keep them
constantly employed in the execution of
men condemned by drum-head court-mar
tial for imaginary crimes. And, in addi
tion to all this, they have bankrupted the
nation and deluged it in blood. No, party,
in any enlightened land, lias ever written
such a record of tolly, imbecility and crime.
Its measures have been, and are now, all
of the most desperate character, having no
reference to the public good, but. looking
alone to the perpetuation of their power.
The receipts from customs for the week
ending the 14th instant, at the ports of
Boston, Philadelphia and Baltimore, were
as follows : Boston, $297,800,25; Phil
adelphia, $89,500,23 ; Baltimore, $60,-
147,77. Up to Saturday at 3 P. M., no
returns had been received from the port of
New York.
There is a scheme on foot in St. Louis to
recruit men for the Liberal army in Mexi-