Newspaper Page Text
(f hromrlc& f cutincl
iIDNESBif MOENINB, iUfil’ST 13.
>o Comparison Is Feared.
In the Charleston Aeic* of a few days
since appeared the following :
•‘A row; i.iMr.KT to tht r.oji»TiTrTio!«Ai.uT.— The
K«w 1 ■ ■■ ' ■
thf An*' * * ( on* 1 1 tutionalurc in opposition to the Patriotic i
Froj: - - < ■ . ■ -•i.-n t- i-< •l.ortly held at IjaadclpM*.
Al. ' < •mi •nl I: >eto« :• cpcctahle S , itln m
I!"Viind lookihg to tti” Triftunr'U > see
what that paper really did say, this little 1
fling ri eeiveii no attention at ear bands,
nor would it I" rtow alluded to were it not
for the liiet that tie- Chronict ■ it Sentinel ot
this l ily, in itaissiie of yesterday morning,
reptilihVlK it, duly ere<lited. and under the
head of *• I’KKSO.VAI,.’' What might he
overloohei! in one paper becomes worthy
of notiee w in'll taken up by others, and it
is proposed to repel an intiendo equally
unfounded and diseourteous.
The Trihmie’n language, alluded to as
above mentioned by the A'™ -, is as fol
lows :
••Oftniisj-no.il SOtolianiiii.!.n,i A: /,-ai •.i.i*:n.Ti ....
»>«•'•' I t whli-t. w,w--A 1., 11.. 1-1. ij,1,., . ... .
1.01.. 'll,,- Pstps.tal.is n.i:. .r.tv ... t.01.l t.'ja tt>«
Southern |*r'.j*!»* La/i r at— : L, tr.-ur r Wl.'.th
Th*-* 'mal.it v*va<;oorgi& v juta
left t»A U.«i:«pv»titwt,. a •e,;o-.-
in these para rrapii• it waouldb diflleult,
we fancy, for other tlian a jaundiced eye ,'
to discern anything hey.md the merestale- .
ment of a news item. This paper cited
certain of its exchanges winch opposed the
participation of this State in tile Philadel
phia ('on vent lon, and <\ pn ■-■*••! on its own
pact views coincident with theirs. As
inatter of public information tin- was set
forth in the Trhune, and might, with I
o.|iiai propriety, liave ls-en ‘*‘'l toi.ii, with
out the I'liange ol a liable,in the Richmond
Knawree .orthe Memphis d/./e" . Had
it so appeared the .Vies would, beyond ,
doubt, have passed the matter oyer un
noticed, l.ut, coming to light in a sheet so ,
abhorn-nt ih<? South as the h ibmir, tin* .
opportunity to.stab ai rhis pap v uus too j
tempting to lie foregonr.
It iH not the tir-t time since tins < onv. n
tion matter was mooted tlml we have been j
assailed tor warning our people to bewareof
an entrance inti, thece ■, jsk.l ol polities, and
hi, long as anything like fair argument was |
brought against us w o have never com- j
plained at the many and severe blows ,
dealt us on every side, lint when, by an i
insinuation, it is sought to aliimc from us ]
that generous confidence wheiewitli we
iiave ts en long honor.-I by our p.-ople it
is time to abandon a silence that is so mis- j
construed to our damage. The I'ow.titv
/ion«/nd fears no comparison of its re -ord
with cither the Ace ~ of < 'hurl.-ston, or the
Chronicle .( .v- nliwf, of this city of A ilgus
ta. VVJien tile one was not as vet in being
and the other manipulated by that ingrate,
Morse, this paper hud a guard of soldiers |
in its press room and a Federal sentry at
its door. Military censorship and official
warn hi fix, pcraousal wrong and jieenniary
loss, the execution of illegal bond and the
imposition of despotic oaths were some,
and not all, of lie- indignities, heaped up
on it for its devotion to the Southern cause.
And since that day it will not shrink from
any further comparison. before the war
and fliiring the war and since the war it
has been upheld and trusted by its people,
and the tinai smash, two weeks be]lee, of
the Philadelphia Convention will give it a
fresh title to tlie popular confidence and
esteem.
To remove any possible ground for the
appearance of “discourtesy imputed to us
hy our coternponiry, wo thus present in
full his reply to the “iuueudo of the
Charlc tou Ames. Wo had not seen the
language of the Tribune which called out
the utterance of the Nev:s, but have ob
served such frequent expre: lions of delight
at the opposition of Southern journals to
the Convention, in the Tribune and other
radical sheets, that we thought it not im
proper to hold the mirror tip to the public,
to show the degree of aid and comfort
which this opposition is affording the agi
tators at the North. We do not suppose
anybody doubt the devotion of the Con
stitutionalist to the Southern cause, and
nothing was farther from us than the
thought to impugne its fidelity in that con
nection. It was simply as a straw, show
ing the effect of its opposition to the Con
vention, and the questionable source from
which such opposition elicits commenda
tion, that we published the paragraph.
Its appearance under the “personal”
head, to which he attaches significance, was
a classification of the printer which we had
not observed. However venerable with
ago, and loaded with indignities heaped
upon it for devotion to the Southern cause
—neither its past sufferings and virtues,
or the sins of the Chronicle <fc Sentinel
when “manipulatedby Morse,’’ have any
thing to do with the living issues of the
present. The wisdom and policy of its
recent course are legitimate subjects for
public criticism, in which the Chronicle <1
Sentinel proposes to accord to it all proper
professional courtesy and fairness—nothing
mope or less.
Immigration.
Wo published ;i communication from
“.J. \\ r . J.” on yesterday in reference to
the policy of immigration. We did not
deem it necessary to express our dissent
from the views of this correspondent, to
whom we cheerfully accorded the use of
our columns. We are both seeking the
same end—the general good of the country.
He thinks we should not invite immigra
tion until our productive interests are re
stored. We have urged that the most
effective means of restoration is in the in
troduction of labor. It is patent to the
most casual observation that our supply of
labor is sadly inadequate to the thorough
cultivation of the soil, as well as to the ad
vancement of the varied industrial enter
prises which are essential to solid progress.
Georgia is capable of sustaining a popula
tion of fifteen or twenty millions of people.
There is auntie room for at least half
that number, without producing any of the
evils incident to a crowded population. It
appears to us to be exceedingly impolitic
to utter a word in discouragement of the
greatest possible increase to our industrial
resources. Granting that our supply of
food is no more than adequate to our
wants, they are laborers and not paupers or
idlers that we invite to our borders. They
will enter at once upon productive pursuits
which will yield more than enough to furn
ish subsistence for those added to our popu
lation. Ifwesitin gloomy despondency,
surveying our broad acres running to waste
for want of labor, because we have not corn
in our cribs and meat in our smoke-houses
to feed additional Bauds, it will be long
before we shall rise above our present im
poverished condition. Right here is the
great error which wo fear is too prevalent
to admit of such rapid advancement as
might be desired. If those who own these
broad acres, and sigh over their reverses,
would combine, and offer a portion of their
lands to settlors on favorable terms, it
would not be many months ere thousands
of sturdy farmers might be induced to
try their fortunes in our genial clime.
It is stated that twenty-five thousand
immigrants settled in Missouri in two
months of last year. Every train of ears
boars to the Great West hundreds of stout
arms, which become at once a productive
element in those growing States. Is there
any real reason why the South may not
share in this swelling tide which is pouring
wealth and |>ower into a region less desira
ble in almost all respects than the cotton
States ? Climate, soil, mineral resources,
communication with markets, society—
all that conduces to the reward of industry,
and to make life desirable, are afforded
here to an extent nowhere surpassed in
the Great West. In fertility of soil alone,
portions of the West have some advantages.
But this is more than balanced in the
wider adaptation of our lands to varied
crops—and to two crops a year —in the
healthfulness of our climate, and in the
fact that the inconveniences of pioneer life
are here avoided. There is much to lx'
said on thi> subject ; it is one in which we
teel the deepest concern, for we believe it
is the mainspring of our future prosperity.
Immigration to Tennessee.
The Nashville Dispute!. says the citizens
ofTullahoma held a meeting on Saturday
for the purpose of inducing the Tennessee
Colonial and Immigation Company to lo
cate its first colony in the vicinity of that
place. It is proposed to subscribe to the
stock of the company ton thousand acres of
land in the vicinity of Tullahama, at it
lowest cash value, upon which to loeate a
colony of immigrants. We are glad to see
this spirit displayed by the citizens of
Tennessee, and hope it will lx* emulated by
ah’ the Southern States. In this way we
shall secure a large immigration in the
South pf.a class that will be a re&lu-quisi
tion to W productive population.
Emigration to Yirgixia.—The Sun
eays Gen. G. Toelimau is in Baltimore
collecting funds to enable some of his fel
low-countrymen, Polish exiles, to obtain
the necessary agricultural implements to
iitrm in Virginia, where they propose to
settle. The Sun publishes a letter to Gen.
Tochman, from a number of Poles, on the :
subject.
i
The Sick Man.
Reports, which appear to be reliable, i
indicate that Maximilian is seriously pre
paring for the abandonment of Mexico. It
is also stated that the Empress has gone ;
to France for the chief purpose of escaping
from the impending anarchy, and to repre
sent the hopeless financial condition of the
Empire. Wc do not attach much impor
tance to these rumor.-, though it is evident
that Maxi mill bed A-> in hie
career.
In the hope that the United States
would grant them material aid, and stimu
lated a].-n by the report that Napoleon
would not permanently sustain the Em
peror. the Liberals have been enabled to
put forth renewed energy, and have dis
plays! the Emperor'- troops from a num
l*r of the border States. Rut distraction
is n»w weakening these demonstrations,
which may lie regarded as of a spasmodic
r, an Iw >b W hat the friends
of Ors ••>-' against tl i right of Jua
rez to retain the of Tice ol Prc-ident- At the
time of the election the military pre-sure
of the Empire was so great that Juarez
j could not be inaugurated, and the functions ;
of the Presidency devolved, in part, on Or
tega. who, now that there is again a glim
mer of hope for the Republic, clings to
! his lea.se of power.
Thu- we hat tl peating it
self—one faction preying upon another,
and all incapable of maintaining order and
protecting the people in their lives and
property.
The offer of Santa Anna, the author, iu
part, of the disorders that prevail, to red
der aid to the Liberal cause, has been
declined, on the very proper ground that
he could not command the confidence of
the friends of the Republic, after having
ruled and ruined the Empire.
; As between these weak and worthless
l factions —powerless for good—and the just
and wise policy of Maximilian, we do not
hesitate to express our preference for the
latter, and it will be a sad day for Mexico
when he abandons the country.
There is a progressive class of political
agitators who advocate the establishment
of a protectorate by the Lnited States
over that unhappy country, to set aside
the contending factions', and guarantee a
fair choice of a Republican Chief Magis
trate. We have no faith in the voxpopuli
of such a mixed multitude as comprises
the ruling classes of Mexico. Nothing but
a strong Government is suited to the con
glomerate elements comprising the Mexi
can people, and we do not see any advant
age to accrue to the United States—assum
ing that she has the right to do it—from
assuming the guardianship of such a
feeble and captious neighbor.
The Result !:i Kentucky.
The somewhat novel and exceedingly
acrimonious contest over the election for
Clerk of the Court of Appeals in Ken
tucky litis resulted in the election of
Duval!, the Democratic candidate, by a
very handsome majority—stated by the
telegraph to reaeli something like 20,000
votes. This election—though involving
offices of little importance—acquires signif
icance from its having been, for a number
of years, the occasion tor testing the
strength of parties itt the State, prepara
tory to the more important elections which
follow.
Those who voted lor Duvall, sustain the
policy of President Johnson, as against
the Constitutional amendments and other
abominations of the Radicals. Ilobson
was sustained by the Radicals, and also hy
many who profess to support the Presi
dent. The great points of the canvass
were that the election of Duvall on one
hand would he the triumph of the sympa
thizers with the Confederacy; while the
election of Hobson, it was declared by
the other party, would be a triumph of
Radicalism of the blackest die. The cam
paign has been earnest to a degree ap
proaching scurrility. We tire gratified
that the party of the President and of the
Constitution has triumphed. The result
has cheering significance. Last year the
Democratic majority at the same election
was 3,494 ; and as very much the same is
sues were presented now as then, the re
sult is regarded as an indication of the de
cline of Radicalism in Kentucky.
The New Orleans Riots—-How to Defeat
the Revolutionary Radicals.
We published yesterday, says the N. Y.
Times, from one of the New Orleans
papers, a full account of the origin and
progress of the recent riots in that city.
The evidence of eye witnesses, ol reporters
for the press, and of the negroes them
selves, is Overwhelmingly to the effect that
the negroes began the disturbance by
abusing the police as rebels. Then, when
the police attempted to make arrests, the
negroes forcibly resisted them. The princi
pal lighting was between the police and
negroes, and every effort was made by tlie
police authorities to prevent the white
spectators from interfering against the
blacks. Os course such efforts were in
vain, especially when the members of the
illegal Convention openly took part with
the negroes. It is in evidence that the
blacks were armed and ready for a riot.
Dr. Dostic, one of the members of the
Convention, who was killeij in the melee,
repeatedly declared that “ there was not a
negro in New Orleans who was not or
ganized and prepared.” General Sheri
dan, in his official report to General Grant,
says that “the leaders of the Convention
were political agitators and revolutionary
men, and the action of the Convention was
liable to produce breaches ol tlie public
peace;” and he adds that he had made
up his mind to arrest these leaders us soon
as they committed an overt act. These
facts prove conclusively that the Radicals
are responsible for the whole affray.
St. Louis.
From Bradstrect’s St. Louis Trade
Circular, we extract the follow tug
tablo of distances of various points in the
West from St, Louis, which is twenty
miles below the mouth of the Missouri, and
•’OO above the confluence of the Ohio:
Miles.
Bv river from St? Louis to Keokuk is 200
‘ •• “ Burlington 260
.4 “ Rock Island 350
*4 •• Dubuque 480
*• “ St. Paul 800
•• Cairo 2(H)
“ “ Memphis 440
“ “ Vicksburg 840
“ “ N. Orleans 1,200
“ Louisville 600
“ •' Cincinnati 750
“ Pittsburgh 1,200
“ li Leaven’rth 500
4. “ Omaha 800
“ “ Sioux City 1.000
‘4 “ F’tßenton 3,000
Rv rail from St. Louis to Indianapolis
“ Chicago 280
“ “ Cincinnati 340
“ “ Cleveland 470
• • “ Pittsburgh 650
• • “ Buffalo 650
New York 1,000
" Lawrence 320
“ •• Denver 880
“ “ Salt Lake 1.300
•• Yirg'aCy 1,900
“ •• S Francis'o2,3oo
St. Louis very nearly bisects the direct
distance of 1.400 miles between Superior
City and the Balaize. It is the geograph
ical centre of a valley which embraces
1,200,000 square miles. In its course ot
3,200 miles, the Mississippi borders upon
Missouri, 470 miles. Os the 3,000 miles
of the Missouri. 500 lie within the limits
of Missouri. St. Louis is mistress of more
than 16,500 miles of river navigation.
Weight ok Cotton Bales. —The fol
lowing statement, which may be relied
uphn. will materially assist our readers to
a proper understanding of the telegraphic
reports concerning the exact quantity of
cotton embraced in the different bale enu
merations. All to whom the subject is ot
importance should either commit if to
memory or cut it out and carefully pre
! ’■erve it for future reference. Average
weight of a hale of cotton of different oouu
tra- American, 475 lbs.; East Indian,
ov lbs.; Egyptian, 314 lbs.: Brazilian,
I lb*. W est ludian. 165 lbs.
| Stamfs.—lluj Commis-ioncrof Internal
Revenue has bad occasion to call attention
to tilt? tact that the ins* Jaw makes the
word m3.’'ey to include checks, draft a, and
other instruments of writing given for the
payment of money, and therefore the re
ceipts lor checks, drafts. &c.. are to be
given for money.
Colonization.
The Macon Journal and Messenger pub
lish < - the following letter from the Finan
cial S.-eretaiy of the Colonization Society.
Wc commend i; to the notice of all freed
nien who are anxious to return to the land
i of tl. ir fathers.
Many of the colored people are inspired
with a laudable ambition to rise in the
social scale above the general degradation
lof their race. It is very evident that.no
matter hyw many civil rights bills and
1 declarations of equality cumber our statute
books, the white race is bound to be the
governing class. It is so in New England,
where most of the pestilent champions oi
equality originate, an l it has been so from
the time Noah entered tlie ark. wherever
the white and black races come in contact.
It not strange, therefore, that the colored
people, who wish to have a fair and open
field in ihc race of advancement, should
seek the land of the black man, where all
the avenues of advancement are open, and
wiyre there can he no jostling of races.
The history of Liberian progress, it is true,
is not of the most cheering character. It
is much fairer, however, than the history
of those localities where the colored people
have sought political power in connection
with the white races.
The only place in history where the
; colored man, as a race, has made progress
' in the scale of civilization, has been in the
i condition of servitude. The voice of civi
lization arid philanthropy—so-called—have
torn him from that congenial and happy
sphere, and inspired him with restless long-
I mgs for a condition of equality which is
incomputable with the structure of our
society—abhorrent to reason and repug
nant to nature. It is better, therefore,
’ that those who aspire to rise above a con
' dition of dependence, should he colonized
I and removed from the disturbing in
fluences which attend their present condi
; tioa. It is for these reasons that wc com
mend the circular of the Colonization
Society to the attention of all freedmen
who have imbibed the teachings of equali
ty which have obtained such mischievous
currency among them:
Colonization Rooms, 1
Washington, D. C., Aug. 6, 1866. j
Mi/ Dear Sir : In your paper of a late
date, you mention that many of the color
ed people in your .State are agitating the
question of going to Liberia, and you want j
to know where are the Agents of the Colo- |
nizatiou Society. It is true, we have no I
agent at present in your State, but we
have not been idle. We have written to
many, and have sent copies of the African ;
Repository, and of our last annual Report
and of various tracts, and short articles to !
thousands in your State. We have had
many letters from persons in Macon and in
Sparta ; and we have promised to have a j
Ship ready at Savannah the Ist Novem
ber, to take one hundred people from each |
place, and about fifty to seventy-five from !
Newberry Dist., S. C., and , we promise]
them a free passage to Liberia, and six
months support there. And we are pre
pared to promise tlie same to as many
worthy people as will he ready to sail by !
the Ist .May 1867.
We shall be happy to have you state i
these facts in your paper, and say to any 1
who want to go this fall or next spring. \
that if they will inform us, we will afford j
them all information and every facility in j
our power.
1 send you herewith specimens of the
tracts we are circulating among the colored
people. You may find in them material
for a paragraph, that will do good.
We will send you the Repository regu
larly, if you desire it, that you may see
what is going on in this dime."
W. McLain,
Fin. See. A. C. S.
The Philadelphia Constitutional Con
vention.
That able and temperate journal, the
New York Journal of Commerce, favors
the Philadelphia National Convention,
among other reasons, because it will be the
first gathering for many years of the peo
ple from all sections of the Union. It well
says that for this reason, if for no other, it
will be a remarkable assembley. Not since
the first blow at Sumter, in 1861, have the
representatives of all the States met in any
council, either ecclesiastical or civil, or
come together for any purpose upon a com
mon platform. We shall be greatly
mistaken if the fact lias not a marked
; influence upon the spirit of those who, for
j the first time in six years, shall greet each
I other as brethren. Over the intervening
graves, stronger than the memory of the
j hitter strife, hushing the tumult of sec
tional animosities, will come the hallowed
! associations of the earlier days, and the
j hearts of old-time brethren will once more
flow together. The blood that has been
i shed will rest in the grave of buried eon
-1 troversy ; and the warmer current of a
j fresher life will he quickened in the hearts
j of those who still own the tie that makes
j them one, and meet to kindle anew the
| glow of patriotism that binds them in a
i common allegiance. The Journal adds :
it is a happy circumstance that the Con
vention as a body will have no party ties,
j and owe no allegiance to any platform ex
cept the implication in the call under which
it assembles. It is significant—and we
may hope an augury for good—that all
sections, after such a period of waste and
desolation, may enlist the sympathies of
every true patriot without distinction of
political divisions. Those who love party
more than country have tried in vain to
prevent this meeting of brethern long es
tranged, and will doubtless make still an
other effort to keep alive the hatred and
jealousies of the past, and to sow the seeds
of fresh dissensions. All such attempts
must fail in presence of the better spirit
which has been invoked, and which, we
trust, will rule in all hearts. Some selfish
and unscrupulous men will doubtless find
their way into the Convention, but they
will be powerless for evil if the good and
the true of all parties are only resolute,
and act in concert.
Gun. Beauregard a Prince. —The
Paris correspondent of the New Orleans
Tt'nles says, in his last letter :
He is still with us, or rather lie is in
Paris, having been called thither again, as
1 understand it, to consider bis refusal of
the offer of the supreme military com
mand from the Moldo-W allaehia Govern
ment. It is given out that the French
Emperor, who is all-powerful with the
Romans, is no longer adverse to the Gener
al's acceptance of the position.
As to the General’s own way of thinking
or intentions concerning the matter —wait
and sens Certain it is. the Romans are
most anxious to have him, and in their
eagerness have mad.' him very tempting
often—the title of Prince, to rank next to
the Hospodar, the sum of §200,000 down
in hard cash, a princely salary, and the
supreme, absolute command of all the mili
tary forces and retinue of the ten princi
palities. If the General should accept, his
late companions iti anus could, and doubt
less will, furnish a body of officers that
would prove invaluable to the Romans in
the event of war. Mighty events are im
pending all along the Danube.
Tiie New Cabinet. —The re-eonstrue
ted Cabinet, is as follows : Seward, of New
York, Secretary of State ; (Whig) Mc-
Culloch. of lowa, Secretary of the Treas
ury, (Whig;) Stanton, of Pennsylva
nia, Secretary of War, (Democrat;)
Welles, of Connecticut, Secretary of the
Navy, (Democrat;) Stransberry, of Ken
tucky, Attorney General, (Whig;) Brown
ing. of Illinois, Secretary of the Interior,
(Whig;) and Randall of Wisconsin. Post
master General. (Whig).
Indian Troubles. —ASk Joseph, Mo.,
special dispatch of August 3, says the
Indians in Idaho are getting troublesome.
They made a raid on July 1, ou Boulder
Creek and robbed the city. They were
pursued by troops, wheu a fight occurred,
in which seven soldiers and thirty Indians
were killed. Latest advices say that
Captain Jennings, with forty men. was
surrounded by three hundred Indians, and 1
fighting desperately. Reinforcements were ,
hastening to him.
Col. Ashton. —We are much gratifi
ed to learn that yesterday morning Dr.
W. Bulloch, assisted by Dr. Charlton,
succeeded in removing the bullet from the
head of CoL Ashton, of I\ aynesboro, who
was shot Imre about a week since. The
Colonel now lias a fair prospect of recovery,
which we shall consider attributable to his
good constitution and pluck, the skill ofliis
attending surgeons, and die constant atten
tions of a friend of his who has never re
laxed his diligence in attending him for a
moment, that we are aware of. since his m
jurv.—-Savannah Ihm aid.
Health ok New York City. —There
were °7 deaths from cholera at the work
house on Blackwell's Island dtrnng the 4s
hours previous to 10; p. m. on Sumla,, in
addition to those already reported . also 9
deaths in the Almshouse during the same
. and lin the Penitentiary, inere
-L.julis on Randall s Ldanddur
were three u. l %„ nJav . The mortuary
mg Saturday ana .... / . * atur dxv, M
report for the week ending . th- 0 f
gust 4, at 3p. in., shows the mini .-.i
deaths in that city to have been 946, oi
which 23y were from cholera. This ex
hibits an increase of 175 over last week,*
and 314 over the corresponding week in
1865.
THE LONDON REFORM RIOTS.
Detailed Report of the Hyde Park Demon- 1
st ration.
| From ike London Daily Seal July 21.|
* ir As there is an important question
affecting public rights involved in the oc
currence, legal proceedings will immediate
lv lie taken respecting it.
Early yesterday afternoon a notice was
extensively posted throughout Loudon,
signed by Sir Richard it ii g that
Hyde Park gates would be closed to the
public at 5 o'clock. Jhe Committee of th..
Reform League met to conclude their ar
rangements, and an earnest re.-o’ve was
expressed not to abandon what they con
sidered their clear line of duty. As pub
lished in previous reports, minute orders
had been issued to the branches in differ
ent parts of the metropolis, directing the
time, place and manner of and
urging in the strongest terms the necessity
of keeping order and exercising the utmost
forbearance. The numerous processions
were to march with banners and music to
the Marble Arch, where properly appoint
ed persons on their behalf would demand
admittance, if necessary. So early a-: 12
o’clock crowds were assembling in Hyde
Park and the adjacent streets, and by 5
o clock thousand- were standing near the
chief entrances. A\ hen the large bodies of
police, on foot or mounted, passed into the
Park and took up their positions, tliey
were groaned at and hissed, and those
demonstrations were intensified when a
body of foot soldiers, with fixed bayonets,
followed their blue-coated brethren. Pre
• cisely at 5 o clock the Park gates were
! closed, and strong forces of police were
( stationed inside.
; The crowds that collected by this
time outside the railings were beyond
, numbering. At Hyde-park-corner, along
Park-lane, but particularly at the Marble
Arch, where it was known entrance would
lie formally demanded, the people were
wedged together in even- direction. On
: the whole it was a good-humored crowd.
At Hyde-park-comer they amused them
j selves by “chaffing” ail ranks and condi
tions of passers-by, not omitting the fash
ionables who had been enjoying the
] pleasures of the Lady’s-mile, or llotton
row. Streams of well dressed persons ren
dered Park-lane almost impassable, and a
block would occur at each police-guarded
gate. It was generally pointed out that
the windows of Mr. Disraeli’s house at
j Grosvenorgate were well protected by stout
wooden blinds on the outside. Before the
Marble Arch, stretched away on either
hand, and far up into Great Cumberland
street, stood one thick crowd of both
! sexes, whose safety was imperiled by the
vehicles that had to force their passage
through. The police were at once posted
inside the gates, but a few missiles, now a
stone and then a stick, were thrown, and
the men were then marched outside. A
; lino of ordinary policemen, in a semi-circle,
stood before the gates, protected in front
; by mounted constables.
The waiting hours were spent in joking,
laughing, smoking and chatting. The
housetops and balconies overlooking the
park were occupied by large numbers of
I ladies.
The approach of the procession was sig
naled by the people beyond the Marble
: Arch, who caught sight of them coming
] down one of the side streets. As soon as
j the banners were seen a cheer was raised
| from ten thousand throats, and a space
; was opened for the leaders to pass along to
the gates. The procession—which we may
here state had on their route maintained
j the finest discipline—was headed by a
i couple of carriages, the foremost containing
j Mr. E. Beales, 001. Dickson, Mr. George
i Brooke, and other prominent members of
I the Reform League. A.s Mr. Beales and
j his friends neared the cordon of police be
j fore the gates cheers increased and hats
j were vigorously waved. With umnis
i takable enthusiasm, but decently and in
order, Mr. Beales and two or three friends
were assisted from their carriage and es
corted toward the gate.
Addressing the nearest mounted officer,
Mr. Beales requested a quiet admittance
to the park ; the officer told him he could
not go in, and to Mr. Beales’ question
“Why?” he said, “I have authority to
prevent you. ’ ’ Mr. Beales asked who gave
him the authority? and the reply was,
“Our commissioner.” Mr. Beales, re
marking that the “parks were the property
of the people, ’ ’ made a movement as if
he would pass the line of police, when a
tall policeman, thrusting the end of his
truncheon into Mr. Beales' chest, pushed
him with more rudeness than was necessa
ry a foot or two back. There were loud
cries of “Shame” at this prompt interfer
ence, and things began to wear an alarminsr
aspect, when Mr. Beales, still keeping his
ground, and apparently pressing his right
to be admitted, was, so far as could
be seen, collared by a couple of policemen,
but certainly subjected to such treatment
that his coat was torn across the shoulder.
During the confusion that prevailed, one or
two gentlemen had got within the line of
police, and the officers were evidently so
disorganized that a slight effort on the
part of the crowd would have broken their
line completely. Col. Dickinson and Mr.
Wolterten were both assaulted by a police
man whose number is known, and the lat
ter gentleman demanded the name of a
mounted superintendent, who refused him
admittance to the park, which the police
man declined to give.
The leaders of the Reform Party thus
repulsed stepped back into the carriages
amid loud cheering, and a little murmur
ing on the part of those whose curiosity
would perhaps have been better satisfied
had resistance been carried further. As
much of the procession as could he organ
zed in the dense mass, variously estimated
from a hundred to two hundred thousand
persons, followed the carriages of the Com
mittee toward Oxford street, along which
they proceeded, gathering force as they
went. Some idea of the procession may
be gathered from the fact that when the
first portion was turning into Pall-mall,
a large number were still in Picadilly.
About six officers were drawn across the
entrance to the narrow street in which
Lord Elcho lives. The crowd, who had
apparently forgotten their proximity to his
lordship’s residence, became aware of it
from the policemen, and without halting
for a moment passed on with a loud laugh.
Hearty cheers for the Prince of Wales were
given on passing Marlborough-house ; but
upon nearing the Carlton Club the frag
mentary disapprobation that had been ex
pressed on passing the Wellington and
Conservative Clubs became a perfect roar_
of hooting and groaning, which was not
diminished when it was perceived that a
small detachment of' police were posted at
the entrance. The few members who were
to be seen rushed from their dinner tables,
napkin s in hand, and one or two of the
younger kissed their hands with assumed
condesension to the moving crowd. A
step or two further, and there was a gen
eral halt and cheering at the Reform Club.
Another halt took place near the Guarde,
Memorial, and three cheers were given for
“Gladstone.”
A correspondent says : —The crowd in
j front of the Marble Arch were astonished
i at the sight of the military, and naturally
; imagined that some dreadful riot was go
| ins on which endangered the lives of the
| inhabitants and the safety of their prop
j erty. When they learned that there was
i no riot, and that no violence was attempt
i ed except to the iron railings and the gates
| of the park, which had been locked to pre
• vent their entering their own park, no
| sound of execration were loud enough to
| express their indignation. The Guards
| had to hear themselves called ‘butch
ers,’ and to be threatened with all
sorts of retribution in the shape of stopping
their pay. How it was that the military
were thus called to insult the people, and
to suffer all this indignity, which they
evidently did, must be left to the Home
Secretary and Sir Richard Maync. Any
one who. like the writer, was in the thick
est of the crowd when the iron railings
were charged and broken down, will boar
witness to the first blows being struck by
! the police. And there were not many of
1 these, for the fight was unequal; the
| crowd, never intending to figlit, had come
: with no weapons, and they overcame the
police simply as a river breaks through its
| muddy bank. They swept over the breach,
when once formed, in Park-lane, while the
! police stood guarding the prostrate iron
rails and stones in solemn stupidity and
amazement; they committed no violence
except in self-defence, and when a crowd
in any part was charged by tho mounted
police, then a bough or a piece of dirt,
or very rarely a stone was flung,
but with very small effect, and the valiant
police seethed to delight in showing their
prowess in riding down harmless sight-seers.
If the matter had stopped here, we could
have smiled over their gallant achieve
ments, but when the Life Guards ap
peared on the scene about 8 o'clock, and
deliberately drew up in line to charge, the
fun of having licked the “Bobbies'' and
j got into the park Was changed into a storm
! of hisses and hootings, amidst which the
j people were enraged and trampled upon
till they escaped within the rails. 1 his
1 squadron, however, soon moved away
‘ further round the park, and then the peo
: pie were left again to the mounted police,
who were more furious than the soldiers,
: and less effective. Thestaffseemedtohave
j taken up a position immediately inside
; the Marble Arch, in front of the Foot
Guards, the officer of which re Ament was
; engaged with Sir R. Mflyne. There, was.
however, no reading of the Riot Act. and
i the whole ordering of the field appeared to
I be in the hands of Sir R. Mayne. boon
| after the first detachment of Guards from
Knightsbridge moved off a cloud of dust
and loud shouts told that the left flank of
the position had been successfully stormed,
and tfie people again came rushing in
laughing at :Jje awful exertions of the
mounted Police, who vereleft powerless on
the wrong side of the rails, -the -'ruggle
wag row over; it was about 8:30. ana
the «.* >Vr) moving about the shrub-
some gaping the folkn rails, which
extended along the are ami pa.* pf tjje
Bavswater road, others 100 ame on at the
Life Guards, drawn up on the opposite
side of the Park jwd. while no small njer
lament was kept up by the frantic charges
of the twenty mounted Police up and
down the road —at nothing. As to any
pretence of clearing the road or preventing
aD - v ., nuschievous proceedings, nothing
could be more ludicrously absurd. There !
v ; a A IK i of disposition to riot or do any- 1
t.nng but talk over the affair as a triumph
over what was felt to be a tyrannical inter
ference with the liberty of the people.
LITER FROITEFKOPt:.
ieel uifed Slates an<; tlie Fenians—An
luiiiortant Debate in tlie Britl-h Parlia
me.ii—-I ae Late Him j„ London—
I eaee Hetivecu Prussia and Austria.
In the House of Commons, on the 23d,
: Ir'A'W- h? y. le conspicuous good faith and
I rsenuly feeling of the Government of the
v nit "t Main- towards Great Britain, in its
recent conduct towards the Fenians, her
. Lijestv s Government was now prepared
to submit a.l claims and matters in dispute
between the two powers to an arbitration,
wa- mutually, accepted.
It was the intention of the Government
to is me a royal commission to inquire into
• the position of the neutrality laws, and
what neutrality might be necessary in
them.
He could only further say that if these
claims were again urged, the Government
would give them the most favorable con
i sideration in both Houses of Parliament of
the 24th.
The Riots.
The subject of Riots in Hyde Park gave
rise to a ion;: discussion in the Commons.
The Home Secretary defined the conduct
of the authorities, and said the matter of
right of admittance to parks had been pre
viously decided, for, in consequence of dis
turbances following. Lord Eburg's Sun
day trading act which was issued by the
late Government upon inquiry into the
subject, and completely dispossesses of the
use of parks for any purpose contrary to
1 the regulations issued for their manage
ment. Th 3 counsel had given his opinion
] that the authorities had the power to close
the sales and to exclude persons attempt
ing to force an enff-.r
Mr. Od< nt had
taken the r • use a
disturbane . He
hoped tin u the
Govemme -g, and
feel that , .g the
gates of tl. !■..•:■! would
pulldown f riieooi.jiiiution as
they did the pailiugs of the park the pre
' vious evening.
Mr. Bright, just before the riot, wrote
j the following to the Secretary of the lie
form League:
Rochdale, July 19. —Dear Sir : I thank
your Council for the invitation to the meet
ing intended to be held at Hyde Park on
Monday next. I cannot leave here for
some days to come, and therefore cannot
b» in London on the 23d instant. 1 sec
that the chief of the metropolitan police
force has announced his intention to pre
vent the holding of the meeting. It ap
pears from this that the people may meet
in parks for every purpose but that which
ought to be the most important and most
dear to them. To meet in the streets is
inconvenient, and to meet in parks is un
lawful. This is the theory of the police au
j thorities of the metropolis. You liave as
i serted your right to meet on Premier Hill
and Trafalgar square, and hope after Mon
; day next, no one will doubt your right to
j meet in Hyde Park. If a public meeting
] in a public park is denied you, and if mil
lions of intelligent and honest men are
denied the franchise, on what foundation
does our liberty rest, or is there in the
country any liberty but the toleration of
tlie ruling classes ? This is a serious
question, but it is necessary to ask it, and
I some answer must be given.
i I am, yours, very respectfully,
J ou.\ Bright.
I Mr. Bailey Cochrane, in severe terms
] condemned Mr. Bright’s letter to the
] league.
Mr. Layard said the measures of the
! government were most injudicious. It
I must be recollected that the people had
! been taunted with their apathy tor
j reform, and these taunts the artisans feel
! deeply, and asked to hold a meeting at
i West End to show the fallacy of the be
• lief. As it was the government had done
j all in their power to invite the roughs to
take advantage of the meeting of the work
ing classes find create a row.
Mr. Stuart Mill said that other lawyers
had laid down that the people had a right
to Hold meetings in parks, but ho did not
lay any stress upon that, for if' the people
had not this right they ought to have it,
and permission ought to bo given when
applied for. Such meetings as this, if
held once a month were not nearly so great
] an interruption of the use of tho parks as
a military or a volunteer review.
The honorable gentleman opposite bad
excited feelings the previous night which
would take ail their wisdom and years to
sllay. The most zealous reforms were
most active to prevent a collision between
the government and the people, but there
were persons who. could do more mischief
in an hour than an age could repair. Af
ter some remarks from Mr. D’lsraeli, tlie
subject was dropped.
About ten persons had been attended in
the hospital for the injuries received during
rioting. The Times of the 25th says :
Yesterday the rioting began again.
Crowds congregated in Hyde Park and
again attacked the police with stones and
brickbats. They tore up the shrubs, broke
off branches from the trees, and wrought a
devastation in the Park which it will take
some time to restore.
] As night approached, the attack on pri
! vate houses was resumed. The widows of
j the Athenium Club was smashed, for what
; reason it is not easy to conceive. In other
streets, near the Park, similar outrages
j were committed. Several of the police are
I said to have been badly hurt on tho second
night of the riot, and the services of guards,
both horse and foot, have been required
to overawe the crowd.
After leaving the park, on Monday,
gangs of ruffians broke the windows in
Great Cumberland street, at one o’clock in
the morning. Two or three hundred were
engaged in thework of devastation. Others
of the rioters went southward, and tho
Lord Chancellors’ windows shared the fate
of those on the other side of the park.
Complete quiet was not restored until al
most morning.
The Times admits that Mr. Walpole and
Sir Richard Wayne have acted unwisely.
]as it has turned out. They believed that
] an interference with the meeting, after the
\ people were gathered in the park, would
lead to a serious disturbance, and they
j concluded that the shortest way would be
] to prevent the meeting from assembling at
all. It was an error in police genealship,
but was made in perfect trood faith, and
i with the best intention of doing right.
The Times asks where all this is to end,
and calls upon members on both sides of
the House to support the executive in re
pressing the disturbances.
The Daily Mews says that if the reform
meeting had been allowed to take place in
Hyde Park it would have been no harm
i and made no noise.
The Star and Telegraph denounce the
conduct of the authorities with great bit
! terness.
The Cliolera,
i
There was much reason to fear that the
cholera had invaded England in earnest.
Outbreaks at Liverpool and Southampton
had assumed a decided character. The
disease had also appeared at East End,
1 London. Three hundred and forty-six
deaths from cholera were reported in the
returns of tiro week ending July 21st.
J Nearly all the cases occurred at East End,
London.
The Crimean War.
A telegram from Florence, of the 22d
* ult,, says : The conditions placed by Italy
to her acceptance of the armistice, and
communicated to Prussia and France, par
ticularly with respect to the Tyrol, have
not yet been accepted by Austria.
According to the Italia the commanders
of the Italian army have declared no sus
pension of hostilities can take place be
tween Austria and Italy before the present
military movement had been completed
and the Italian army corps had secured a
safe and regular position. It was stated
from Vienna that the five days’ armistice
between the Austrian and Prussian armies
; commenced at noon on the 22d of July.
The French Government officially an
nounced on the 23d that Austria had ac
cepted the preliminaries of peace subrnit
; ted by France, and that the plenipotentia
ries had assembled at Prussia’s headquar
ters in order to negotiate an armistice.
The London 'Times says peace may be
looked upon as virtually concluded. Aus
tria leaves the field a worsted combatant.
She recognizes the dissolution of the former
German Bund, and consents to the organ
ization of anew confederacy, front which
she is to be excluded. It is an immense
event. Pru-sia has made a bid for half of
Germany: she will have no little trouble to
keep clear of the other hall'. Germany, to
all intents and purposes, henceforth is one.
At the latest reports the Prussianswere
still being concentrated on the Marehfield
before Vienna.
In Venetia and the Tjtol severe skirm
ishing was daily taking place, but reports
were very contradictor.'.
The London Times' correspondent at
Berlin says: Whatever the terms of the
armistice may be. the Southern League
Joes not seem to share its benefits, as about
4u,00u Prussians had set out from Frank
fort with orders to occupy Stuttgardt, and
perhaps Caanscrute too.
An engagement took place between the
Prussians and 35,006 Austrians near Pres
i burg. The Prussians were victorious, aud j
the town would have been occupied had j
not hostilities ceased at noon, that being i
the time fixed by the negotiations for the j
commencement of the armistice.
The troops remained on the battltfield i
gßtil the following morning, when they j
withdrew so the line of embarkation near 1
SuihLec. The Prussian vanguard of the
2d reserve corps had formed at tloff in ;
Ra'aria, by forced marches and part use .
of the railroad lines. They took about |
sixty prisoners.
QUESTIONS Ot TUE HOIK.
The Approaching Autional Convention-
Address ol' lion, J. It. Doolittle—Scath
ing Exposure es Kadirali-nt—Tlic Con
vention Completely Vindicated.
(From tlie rliicwo RepuMi-au. |
Mr. President ash Fixtow Citizens :
I aui directly from Wasningfon here to ho
present at this meeting with you to-day.
For myself, if I could consult my own
f ling>, I could wish to ho relieved from
this present duty and its labor. We have
just passed through a very* long and labo
rious session. < )ur labor lias heen severe
beyond precedent, and 1 confess myself
somewhat worn by that labor, to say no
thing of the ortect of the journey which
brought me hero. While, however, I con.
less to some lassitude —while I confess that
I feel in my person .he eli'cet of this long,
unremitting toil, yet I beg to say to you,
fellow-citizens, that in my faith in the
r ' hich vi e there strug
gled, and in the assurance of their triumph,
I have no doubt whatever. [Cheers.]
The great question involved in the war
■was this: Shall this Government of ours
live or die? Shall our nationality be pre
served? Shell the reunion of the Slates
under the Constitution be secured? That
question we fought out on the field of argu
ment, and we fought it out in the lield with
arms. And that question wo have settled
forever—the unity of this nation, its na
tionality, and the'supremacy >f the Consti
tution of the United States are established
1 forever. But the war is over. Peace has
come, and withit have come new problems,
and the men w no are not capable of seeing
the new problems that peace brings are
blind themselves, or are blinded by others.
The truth is, that peace has brought tiiis
groat, rroblem, and it is the controlling
question of the hour: not whether the na
tion shall live; not whether the nationality
of this Union siiaii be maintained; not
whether the Constitution is supreme—for
there is not a living human being from
Maine to Texas, from New York to Cali
fornia, who does not admit that—but this
other question arises—an all-absorbing
question, upon which the existence of
human liberty depends—whethcr the States
shall live or' die under the Constitution.
[Cheers.]
1 repeat, fellow-citizens, the problem of
this hour is, whether the Btate shall live,
or whether the State shall die. Under the
guidance of those men who have controlled,
to a very considerable extent, the councils
of both Houses of Congress, since the com
mencement of this session, I undertake to
. tell you that the States, as such, in their
I independence, in their rights, in their
rights of self-government, are to be blotted
‘ out unless we arrest the fatal progress of
these men. How is it as to the eleven
States of the South? Why, many of them
tell you in plain language that they are
j dead. They toil you that eleven States out
of the thirty-six arc merely subjugated and
! conquered territories, for which we must
: organize provisional governments. And
that was the proposition of some members
of Congress at the commencement of the
session—my colleague among tiie number
—that eleven States of the South were
j dead. Is that what wo were fighting for,
j that eleven of the stars shall be torn from
’ these flags? I see the same flags are hang
| ing here to-day that were here when Gen.
j Sherman was present in this city last fall
and I addressed you in this chamber; and I
appealed to him to know wliethir, when
he carried those flags at the head of his
columns, they bore upon their folds thirty
six stars or twenty-five. They then bore
thirty-six. They bear them still, in my
opi ion; and they ought to bear them for
ever, Congress or no Congress. [Pro
longed applause.] Congress talk about
taking five stars out of the liag! Congress
talk about destroying States.! Why, the
States hold their title to existence under
the Constitution, and the Constitution is
above Congress, not under it. [Applause.]
How is it with the twenty-live States that
remain?
Fellow-citizens, I shall talk to you plain
ly, without any disguise. The present
Congress has submitted lor ratification to
the people a constitutional amendment,
the first section of which annihilates State
sovereignty altogether. Have you read
that article, and considered its provisions,
and studied its effect ? What do they pro
pose? Congress shall have the power by
law to enforce the administration of equal
justice in all the States, among ail the peo
ple of the States. That is the substance of
it. The effect of that is to give Congress
power to revise State legislation. It is to
give Congress the right of appeal from the
State decisions to the Federal Government,
and by indictment to punish and imprison
the State judges in the Federal courts.
Why, Mr. President, it is not many years
ago when, in the State of Wisconsin, these
very men who are foremost now in de
nouncing me were insisting that the State
courts were absolutely independent of the
Federal j udieiary, even in tho matter which
is referred to in tho Constitution the
rendition of fugitive slaves. But, yet, now
they contend in favor of a provision which
shall allow State judges, in the admistra
tion of justice between man and man in
the several States, to bo indicted, punished
and imprisoned by the Federal judges.
Wlmt would you think to have your
supreme court indicted under old Judge
Miller, of Milwaukie, and sent to the
State prison and set down becauso it did
not decide to suit him under this law of
Congress ? Men have not begun to reason
upon this question. But the time is com
ing when, compared with what is now sub
mitted, the alien and sedition laws will be
a paragon of legislation; and the time is
coming when this question will be dis
cussed. But they go further with their
propositions. In that very civil rights bill
they talk about, one of its provisions de
clares, that if any judge of a State court
should enforce any law, or any State judge
should enforce law or should make a dis
tinction on account of race or color, why
then this judge is liable to lie indicted and
imprisoned by tlie Federal courts.
Why, just look at it one moment; we
have got a law here in Wisconsin that pun
ishes a man for selling whiskey to an
Indian. Suppose too question arose in the
State courts whether if a man had sold a
barrel of whiskey to an Indian, he should
be indicted and punished according to law,
and the State judge should hold that the
State of. Wisconsin had the power, notwith
standing this act of Congress, to pass a law
prohibiting the sale of liquor to Indians !
He holds that. Your Federal court indicts
him for a misdemeanor, and your State
judge is dragged into court in the presence
of the Federal judge, and this Federal
judge fines and imprisons him—for what ?
for a decision which he renders as a j udgo
on the bench.
I shall not dwell, fellow-citizens, upon
this point for any length to night; hut take
a case, for instance in Massachusetts, by
way of illustration. Down to 18:16 they
had a law in Massachusetts to prohibit a
colored man or woman from marrying a
white man or woman. In 1836 they repealed
that law in Massachusetts, and this very
singular fact has shown itself: that no
white man had ever married a colored
woman in Massachusetts. There were
several white women in Massachusetts that
married colored men ; not women of the
lowest class either, but women that had
been carried away with this great idea of
NO DISTINCTION OF RACE OR OOPOR, and
they sacrificed themselves to that idea in
that State. Now, suppose the people of
Massachusetts, believing that it was an
evil to allow colored men to marry white
women, should pass a law prohibiting in
termarriage. This law of Congress steps
in and declares that law to be a nullity— !
that the State of Massachusetts has no ;
power to make any such law, and a judge j
of a court of Massachusetts who should i
undertake to enforce that decree would be ■
indicted and punished in the Federal court
for a misdemeanor. That is the doctrine j
of your civil rights bill.
Now, Mr. J'resident and gentlemen, I
have stated to you in brief the question of
the present hour, which is not whether the
Union shall be maintained—not whether
tiie rebellion shall bo put dowr—not
whether our nationality is to be preserved,
but whether our liberties are to be pre
served under the Constitution of the United
States, as States, byreserving to themselves
the rights in the States to pass laws to gov
ern ourselves. That is the question—in
short, whether the States, as such, are tr
live or to die—-whether this Government is
to remain as our fathers intended it in the
begining, clothing the Federal Govern
ment with such powers only as are neces
sary to carry out its purposes, and reserv
ing all other rights and powers to the
States themselves. The issue is, whether
republicanism, as it was taught by Jeffer
son, shall live ; or whether imperialism
and centralization shall be substituted in
its place.
I was requested by an honorable gentle
man to make some observations upon the
“call” which has been issued for the
Philadelphia Convention, and 1 shall now
proceed to refer to the doctrines which are
therein enunciated, very briefly expressing
iny opinion upon them* and then conclude
all that i have to say upon this occasion.
And, Ijrst. arises the question ns to what
persons are invited, under this call, to take
part in the choice of delegates to attend
the Convention in Philadelphia. The
| language of the eali, upon the subject, is
[ as follows :
I “ The electors wlxo, In the spirit of patri
otism and love for the Union, can rise
i above personal and sectional considerations,
| and who desire to see a National Union j
j Convention, which will represent all the
■States and Territories of the Union, assent* ,
I ble, as friends and brothers, under the ,
national flag, to hold counsel together upon
the state of the Union, and to take meas- \
ures to avert hostile danger from the same,
are specially requested to take part in the
choice of such delegates.”
Its language is very specific. It is ad- |
dressed to those who love the Union, to ,
those who can rise above personal and ,
sectional considerations, to those who de- |
sire to see a truly national convention ;
assembled under the old flag, a band of "
brothers, to renew their allegiance together j
in support of the Constitution and the j
Union and the Government of the United !
States.
Now, fellow-citizens, it is sometimes said
that this call is addressed to those who are j
rebels against the Gov irmnent. Not at all. t
You may say that it may embrace those
who have been rebels against the Union, i
That, perhaps, is true ; butit don’t embrace j
a single man who is a rebel now. [Cheers.] !
Then another question arises : What 1
delegaf s can take seats in this Convention
in Philadelphia ? Upon that subject it is
no less specific, in my opinion :
?|“ No delegate will take a seat in such
Convention who does not loyuttv accept the
national situation and cordially endorse
the principles alxjve set forth, and who is
not attached, in true allegiance, to the Con
stitution. the Union, and the Government
of the United States.”
Three things, therefore, are required,
three elements are involved in the pledge,
which every man takes upon himself as he
passes the thre -hold of this Philadelphia
Convention. What are they? First, thaf
he shall loyally accept the situation ; sec
ond, ’and cordially endorse the principles
which are here set forth ; and third, he
must be attached, in true allegiance to the -
Constitution, the I'r>son ; and the Govern
ment of the United State-.
, Can any man who has rebellion m his j
heart op's the threshold of that'Conveh
| tion ? Can any man who has any honor i
i in him undertake to become a member of
I that Convention unless he is attached in
i true ahogianec to the Union and Constitu
-1 tion and < • Aernng-nt of the United States;
and, more than all that, who does not 1
accept the situation in good faith, and who
does not cordially adopt the principles t hat 1
are here set forth? 1 ask you, fellow
citizens, is it possible, bv human language,
to express more clearly and more definitely
tho pledge which every man takes upon
[ himself as he enters tlie Convention—tlie 1
! pledge that he is loyal to the flag, and loyal
! to the Union, and loyal to the Constitution,
; and that he endorses the principles winch
| arc laid down in this rail? [Cheers.] And
; yet there are some men who suppose t hat
tiiis Convention about to meet at Phiiadel-
I phiawill break loose from this fundamental
1 creed under which it assembles. It is a
tiling utterly impossible. Suppose one, or
two, or three,or live thousand men assem
bled under this call, is there a man among
j them who will not vote for every principle
contained in it; and who will not pledge
himself in loyalty to sustain the Union:.nil
Government of the United States in good
faith, cordially, and with his whole heart ?
Why, tl*'n, should gentlemen be alarmed
themselves, and alarm others ? Ideas con
trol men, and control parties, and control
: conventions. Ideas are stronger than men,
■ or conventions, or parties. Ideas rule the
world ; they always have—they always
will; and the idea's which are contained
there in that call will rule that convention
as certainly as the revolution of the earth.
; [Cheers.]
: And, fellow-citizens, let me tell you
another thing. Those ideas were written
in that call for the set purpose of ruliiig
that Convention. Do you suppose it to be
possible that the men who were engaged in
framing it, tho men who drew up, advised,
and signed it, that they did not intend
| what they say, and every word of what
they say? There is not the dotting of an
j “i,” or tho crossing of a ‘*t," in that docu
ment which is not significant of what it
| means.
And now, then, fellow-citizens, what are
(no principles which these men must avow,
and pledge themselves to sustain, to enter
this Convention?
First, “That the Union of the States is,
in every ease, indissoluble and is per
petual ; and that the Constitution of the
United States, and the laws passed by
Congress in pursuance thereof, are supreme
and constant and universal in their obi igni
tion.”
And vet men seem to be afraid that some
secessionists will get into that Convention—
that some men may get into that Conven
tion who believe in a right to dissolve the
Union and to withdraw the States from
the Union; who believe that the Union is
not dissoluble, that the Union is not per
petual, that the Constitution of the United
States is not supreme and constant and
universal in it« obligations. I admit, fol
low-citizen, that some men, perhaps, who
heretofore believed in that fatal heresy,
but who have become convinced, by four
years of tho bloodiest experience the world
has over seen, that that theory is fatal and
false and must be abandoned—that upon
the last appeal to the God of Battles that
theory has been crushed out, and is now
abandoned forever —that some such men
may come to the Convention, saying frank
ly, freely, as honorable men, and as brave
men, “We believed in secession; we fought
for secession; we fought it out to the bitter
end; but the decision of the Almighty God
who rules tho universe has been against
ns, and wc surrender the controversy, and
surrender it forever!” ( Cheers. I
I have spoken now oi men who may,
perhaps, come from the South; how is it
with men from the North? Let us try it
on. Suppose Mr. Horace Greeley, of the
New York Tribune, Should go to that Con
vention and otter to come in. Ho is met at
the door with the question, “Mr. Greeley,
do you believe that the Union of the States
is, in every case, indissoluble, that it is
perpetual; that the Constitution of the
United States, and the laws passed by Con
gress in pursuance thereof, are supreme,
constant and universal in their oi fixa
tion?” Now, whether Mr. Greeley could
go into the Convention or not depends
upon how he could answer that question.
If he should answer that question as he
did through his newspaper in 18(50—(for
six long weeks, day by day, he argued
and insisted that if the majority of these
States voted in favor of secession they had
a right to go out) —Mr. Greeley should
never come into that Convention.—
[Cheers.] Mr. Greeley, in 1860, by the
public declarations of the Tribune, was a
secessionist. He may have changed his
opinion since. God grant he has! The
Tribune, however, professes never to
change any opinion, and never to correct
any mistake ; and one of tlie mottoes of
that paper is, however much injury may
be inflicted upon a private individual by
the false statements of the Tribune, it is
better an individual should sutler than the
Tribune should acknowledge itself as capa
ble of doing wrong. [Sensation.] Isay Mr.
Greeley may have changed his opinion; I
hope he has ; and if he lias, and if ho will
say like an honest man, “I was wrong in
1860 in advocating this right of secession ;
I was wrong in my newspaper when I said
that if the majority in a State voted to go
out, that it laid a right to go out;” if he will
say that, and say, “I am satisfied that
secession is a great error; that the Union
is indissoluble in every case, and per
petual; that the Constitution of the United
States, and the laws passed by Congress in
pursuance t hereof, are supreme and con
stant, and universal in lioir obligation j
“Mr. Greeley,” I would say, “you can (
walk into this Convention it you subscribe
to the creed upon which it assembles.”
So, too, without going into the particulars i
of naming individuals —for I would not 1
have named Mr. Greeley, but that lie is !
known as tho editor of a great newspaper, j
which has a wide circulation through tho i
country, and therefore I speak of him ;
rather as a public man than as a private j
individual—without mentioning any other ;
names, suppose it should so happen that !
some men should otter to enter the Con
vention at Philadelphia who sonic time
during the last live or eight or ton years
have maintained the idea of the sight of
secession, that tho South had a right to j
nullify an act of Congress—there were
some gentlemen in our own State who
were very strong advocates of the doctrine
not many years ago—suppose some of
them should appear at that Convention, all
that wo would ask, and all that we would !
expect of honorable men, is, when they j
enter tlie Convention, under the creed
which is laid down as the basis of that
Convention, that as honorable men they j
should subscribe to that, or that they !
should not bo there at all.
| Now, the first point is the supremacy of
1 the Union; the cutting up of secession by
! the roots, root and branch; the utter do
- struction of all rebellion against the Gov
j eminent of the United States. That is the
' first principle of this call Wliat is the
| second? “The rights, the dignity and the
; equality of the States in the Union, includ
! ing the right of representation in Con
gress,” solemnly guaranteed by the Con
\ slitution, to save which from overthrow so
much blood and treasure were expended
] in the late civil war. The ideas tire these:
j First, the unity of the States; second, the
j rights of the States under the Constitution,
I and subject only to the Constitution—the
j right of the States to exercise those rights
| which are reserved to them by the Consti-
I tution. And among those rights, and a
I right which is sacredly guaranteed—-which
Congress cannot tako away—is the right of
| a State to have an equal suffrage in the
] Senate. I undertake to say that by the
| Constitution of the United States every
j State in the Union lias an equal right to
! suffrage in the Senate of the United States,
! and Congress has no right, Congress has
- no power, to change it; and when Con
i gross undertakes to change it, it is revolu
tion. [Applause.] The rights of those
States under the Constitution, and the
i supremacy of the Constitution, are the
! very things for which we fought. They
are the grand objects for which our brothers
and our fathers, and our sons have laid
down their lives.
Fellow-citizens, when men talk to me
about securing human liberty by enact
ments of Congress, by caucuses of the
House of Representatives and of the Sen- |
ate, I cannot but feel that they do not uti- I
derstand the theory upon which our Gov
ernment is based. What defends my
rights and my liberties hero in Wisconsin ? 1
Who defends me in tho enjoyment of my
home ? Is it Congress ? God forbid ! it
is the State of Wisconsin. [Applause.]
Who defends me in the enjoyment of my i
wife and my children? Congress? Not j
at all, not at all. li is the right of tho peo
ple ol'Wisconsin to govern themselves; lo
pass their own laws under the Constitu
tion, and for the State of Wisconsin to en
force them by her own tribunals, which -
guard us by “day anil by night, which j
guard sur houses from burglars and from ,
arson, which defend us in tho enjoyment
of all those liberties which we prize most
dear, including life and property, and '■
reputation and family, and wives and j
children. O, fellow-citzons, when we for- 1
get to look to the State as that tegis which :
protects our liberties, those liberties are
alreadv gono.
Again, this call says : “There is no right
anywhere to dissolve the Union, or to
separate States from the Union, either by j
voluntary withdrawal, by force of arms,
or by Congressional action; neither by the
secession of States, nor by the exclusion of
their loyal and qualified representatives,
nor by the National Government in any i
other form,”
I Why, fellow-citizens, what is the differ
| ence between the secessionists and the ex -
elusionists ? What is the difference l>e
i tweenr the dlsuuionlst who insist tliat
eleven States have a light to withdraw
from the other twenty-live, 1 or the exelu
sionist who says that the twenty-live States
! have a right to expel the eleven ? They
- are both born of the same falsehood and
■ lead to the same result. Kach is dissolu
tion. Each is secession. Roth involve the
same principle. It all lies in this : lias a
suite a right to withdraw from the Union ?
' Can one State withdraw from the rest ? If
one State lias aright to withdraw, the
other States have a right to withdraw from
i the one ; or to expel the one, if it comes to
( that. And these doctrines of the exclu
: sionists are precisely as dangerous as tho
doctrines of tire secessionists. It is dis
| union, and that disunion, fellow-citizens,
i it is your duty and mine to use all means
to prevent. [Cheers.]
Now, perhaps, I might be asked the
question whether Thaddeus Stevens could
i get into this Convention. For myself I
! don't believe he would undertake to cross
the threshold without a very greut change
of heart, a change of creed to say the least;
j lieeause he has "maintained this doctrine
jof exclusion—this doctrine that the States
' are conquered territories —from the begin*
! ning ana from before the beginning of the
present Congress. And, afterall, if Stevens,
as bad as he may be, should appear and
claim to be regularly elected from some"
district hi Pennsylvania, and desire to
lake his seat in that Convention at Phila
delphia, and he will subscribe openly to
this creed, and declare that he believes and
cordially approves of all the doctrines set
out in that tall, then, bad and mischievous
man as I believe him to be —a very Mephis- 1
topheles, who has produced all the trou
bles of the past winter—yet I would not
vote to exclude him, because, if he pro
fesses this creed, I don’t know what power I
I would have to exclude him, unless after
ho should enter the Convention lie should
begin to make war upon this creed, and
if he did that, I would expel him in two
minutes. [Applause.]
come now to another point in this i
pall.
“Slavery is abolished, and neither can
nor ought to be re-established in any State
Or Territory within our jurisdiction.
Then no man who is in favor of slavery
can come in. So that matter is out of ten
question. If Judge Pareons of Alabama^
of Mississippi, should i
attend this Convention, no man can sav i
" y.a"‘ l,l favor of Slav: rv, because one of
the luudamental articles iff the creed un
der which they enter is, that slavery is
ut ad and buried and gone forever, and
neither can be nor ought to be re-estab
hshedmany Slate or Territory of the 1
1 lilted States—the glorious consummation
ol tins war, which began without any in
tention oil tho part ol the United Slates to
destroy slavery, but which u di( , (I(Mrt , v
as a military necessity for its nrosorva
ion.
V. un : “Each State has the undoubted
right to prescribe the qualifications of its
! own electors, and no external power right- j
i fully can, or ought to, dictate, control, or i
influence the free am’ voluntary action of i
the States in the exercise of that right.’’
This is one of the rights of the" States,
A e set this question of sufl'rago among our
| rights. It is one of the rights the States
have enjoyed from tho beginning of the
* Government, and for the Federal Govern
ment to undertake to control, to dictate
i upon that subject, is to violate both the
letter of the Constitution and the spirit
which gives it life. We have no right to
take from the people themselves this right
to settle that question. V can very well
understand that how here in Wisconsin,
where colored people have been freemen
among freemen, that our people may vote
to give tho suffrage; but when you'come
down into the lower slave States, and go
among the colored population, where von
! may say nine-tenths of the colored men
have no sense of family ties, snd the wo
men have no sense of virtue, anil under
take to build upon a foundation like that,
and to force suffrage upon those States
upon a basis like that, it is uncoiistitution
| al and in violation of its tetter and spirit.
We should stultify ourselves and become
the laughingstock of the world ; and, be
: sides that, we should but accomplish what
Gen. Grant, and - Gen. Sherman, and Thom
as Jcllorson, have said again and again—we
should force a war between the races that
could only result in tho extermination of
one race or the other. [Cheers.]
It lias been persistently maintained,
from time to time, that the President of
the United States was unwilling that Con
gress should have any judgment upon the
question of the election, returns, and quan
i tications of its own members, but this as
sertion is utterly false and unfounded.
The President has simply insisted that the
' Senate was the judge Os tho election of
• Senators, the qualifications of Senators,
and tho returns of Senators, and that the
House shall judge of the members, and the
returns of members, and their qualifica
tions. This question involves the whole
: matter. You cannot elect a Senator unless
; there is a Legislature to elect one. And
1 tho Senate is authorized to judge for its
: self whether, when a man claims that he
was elected, there was a Legislature that
could elect him. And so precisely tho
i louse of representatives, in judging of the
election of their members, have a right
to inquire whether there was an election ;
whether tho district where the election
was held was in such a condition that they
1 could hold an election ; for if that district
was overrun with civil war, you could not,
of course, hold an election; and if it was
under the control of an insurrection, of
course their could be no election. But
cannot the House judge of that? Is it
necessary to bring the Senate in to judge
of that? Why, wo saw the folly of that
the other day, among the closing scenes of
Congress ; tiiis infamous idea upon which
tlio committee of fifteen were born, that
the House should not admit any mo-libel’s
without the consent of the Senate. Wo saw
within the last few hours of the session that
1 whole idea strampled under foot . How did it
1 arise? It arose in the case of Mr. Patter
son. Mr. Patterson presents himself to
take the oath of office. Air. Patterson
had been elected to the office of judge by
tho Union men of Tennessee. He had
taken the oath to discharge tho duties of
I the office; but at some time when he was
. surrounded by rebels he did, under pro
: test, take an oath to support the (Jonfed
| crate Government. But when he took it
lie told the officer, “This is no oath; I
despise this oath; it lias no validity. I
| shall not act under the Confederate States;
: 1 take this oath by compulsion.” He took
1 the oath under the Confederate States, but
1 in hostility to the Confederate States. He
| took it because elected by four thousand
! Union men, and for the especial purpose of
j saving those four thousand Union men
I from all the horrors and barbarities of the
j rebel guerillas. And in the Senate it was
j proposed to modify the oath. I was very
glad to hear that, I am sure; and they
i voted to modify the oath, and everybody
| voted for it but two. Wade, of Ohio, and
, Howard, of Michigan, I believe, were the
| two. The resolution then went over to tlie
i House, and tlie House, after a fiery discus
| sion, laid the resolution on the table. What
j did the Senate say ? They turned their
| backs upon the House after all that had
j been said, and passed a vote, by 22 to 13 to
j admit Mr. Patterson, swear him in, and it
! was done. [Cheers.] Eaefi House, by tlie
| Constitution itself, is made tlie judge. I
1 said in the first speech that I made in Con
! gress this winter in opposition to tiiis.reso
. lution, which- was to compel the Senate to
ask the permission of the House when
| they should admit Senators from those
! States. I denounced that resolution, and
j protested against it as a violation, of the
j Constitution of the United States, in dero
• gation of the powers of tho Senate, and un
| worthy of Senators to consider for a mo
j ment.
j There is another point in this which is j
| equally important;
] “Every patriot should forever frown up- i
j on all those acts and proceedings, every- j
! where, which can serve no other purpose !
j than to rekindle the animosities of war, j
I and the efiect of which upon our moral,
j social, and material interests at home, and
upon our standing abroad, differing only !
in degree, is injurious like war itself.” j
Now, what is the mean ing of that, now 1
that the war is over and blood lias ceased
to flow ? Now, that there are no more !
sons to be sacrificed and laid in premature j
graves, what does it mean ? It means
that every honest man, and every patriot I
and every Christian should, by his lan- i
| guge, his conversation, and liis conduct, !
do all in his power to lical the breech, not
] to tear open the wounds afresh. [Cheer.] !
! But what have we heard, fellow-citizens ? i
| Almost from the very beginning of the I
j session all the dominant men who lead j
; that faction in Congress have been in op- I
’ position to the administration of the Na- !
! tioual Union party. And what do wo hear j
from them ? From the beginning to the !
end, but denunciations and that spirit of
j hate and war breathed out day atterday, I
i and poured upon the people of the South,
| who had no representatives to defend them j
| from the beginning of the session to the
end.
j Why, fellow-citizens, the very wild In-j
! dians on the plains should teach those
I men how to make peace. Go among the i
| Cheyennes, tho Arapadoes, the Catnan- !
i dices, the Alpaches, even the wildest In- !
diausofall the plains : they may fight with
! each other, commit all sorls of atrocities \
upon each other, but when the time comes j
i to make peace, what do they do? They get j
together; they bury the tomahawk; they '
smoke the pipe of peace ; they shake hands; -
they say, “Wo are no more enemies now; 1
| we are friends.” Cannot statesmen in the i
nincteet-h century ; cannot men who have j
read the whole history of tho world; can
| not Christians who profess tiie Gospel of
! the Lord Jesus Christ—cannot they do as
J well in making peace as those Indians
of tho plains ? [Cheers.]
And fellow-citizens, wo must look upon
facts as they are. The present Congress 1
Was elected in the midst of war and con- >
I fiagration. They were elected as a war j
Congress. It was in the spirit of war which
breathed into it the breath of life; and war
1 thov must have. And if it could not be j
war upon the rebellion—for the rebellion j
had given way, and it could not bo wreak- i
ed, upon that—that war must be waged j
upon their own Administration, which
[ they themselves elected and placed in -
power. And from the beginning of tiie i
session to the end, with unrelenting hos
tility, they have waged war upon the j
President and upon every man who assists
the President, including as limnbic a ja-r
--son as myself among tho number. But
you suppose that the waging of this war
upon Andrew Johnson- -upon that man ;
who, ill the Senate of the Unit-- ! Stales,
stood like a rock and rolled hack the mad
waves of secession which dashed against
him, [cheers] do you suppose that An
drew Johnson, who has suffered more for
the Union than all the men in the Congress
who denounce ltiin ; that Andrew Johnson
is to lie driven from the performance of his
high and sacred duty as a statesman, as a
man, as a Christian ? Is it to ta- supposed
tiiat by tiie denunciations of newspapers
here in Wisconsin., qr elsewhere, that faith
ful band who stood by him in sunshmeaud
in storm will falter for an instant? 1 as
sure you, fellowcitizens, three men who
make these denunciations do not know tlu
spirit that actuates the men who stand by
Andrew Johnson. [Cheers,]
, ilow easy for me, as an individval, to
liayo floated with the passing excitement
of the present hour, to have avoided all
this denunciation ! My term in the .Sen
ate does not expire for some years to come,
j How easy to have avoided all this contro
versy, to have acted with this dominant
faction and party ! But- no fellowcitizens,
1 I tell vou t and I assure you, Ii is ascertain,
: in niv judgment, as God lives and reigns,
1 that unless the people in this country sus
tain Andrew Johnson now in bis deter
mined effort to sustain this Union and to
arrest the mad career of this wild tendency
to centralization, vour constitutional lib
i erties are engulfed in a vortex from which
-they will never rise. [Cheers.] That ten
dency is to despotism, the despotism of a
i tyrannical caucus—the meanest of all des
! potisms from the days of the seventy tyrants
1 down. [Cheers.] There has occurred this
session, in relation to caucuses, in < longress,
that never occurred before in the history
of the Government, and that is, that caii
j euses undertook to bind their members
upon questions of legislation. And vet
those men have suffered themselves to “be
led and bound hand and foot; and among
them—in the House of Representatives
against theirjudgment, have been led by
Thaddeus Stevens, and the men associat
ed with him, to make this unwarrantable
unjustifiable, this most devilish warfare
upon Andrew Johnson. [Cheers,] There
is no species of denunciation in which
these men haye not indulged, and with
j whicn they did not fill their newspapers
I tromone vqd qf tho country to the other
1 nere is not a day, or there was not a day
some time since, when the. newspapers did
not teem with the declarations, that Vn
<lrcw .Johnson was “too inei. rated, too in
toxieatcd;-’ that he was “continually un
iter the influence of intoxications iliinks
ami unable to perform tiie duties of his
ollice. they charge upon him other
things, which I could blush in this pres
: :‘ n . ce u > mention ; but they are just such
il ii bi-ral concoctions and infernal, infamous
! falsehoods as eveg were concocted Kv any
bend from [he infernal regions. [Cheers,j
Fellow-citizens, I am afraid I am detain
ing you. [Cries of “Go on,” “Go on,’’]
There is but one more point that J wished
|to illustrate. It is this : You remember
; tlio terrible battle of Bull Run, July, lS.il.
You remember when our forces went on
in the morning flushed with victory, of
the hope of victory, and eauie bank m dis
aster ; and many members o,f Congress
vyho Vent out to sec the buttle with tiie
words “On to Richmond 1” on their bps,
came fleeing back themselves lrom l.to
field of disaster, and one of them, avern
was captured and taken prisoner mmsem
Now, leUoiV’pilieens, in vll r\ v ° «>2
.-•-i-;I Je defeat, when we were all humbled {
and bowed down before Almighty God
what took place ? Congress, bv an almost
entirely urtanimons voice, <-.-d the
purposes of the war, and the conditions
upon winch the war should ei. i;v . qq,,,,,
declared it in these words; “That this
war is not prosecuted upon ourpartin anv
spirit of oppression, nor for any purpose of
conquest or subjugation, nor purpose of
overthrowing or interfering with tlie rights
or i -tabh-hed institutions of those States
but to defend and maintain the sunr'cm-iev
of the Constitution, and ail laws made' iii
pursuance thereof, and to preserve the
Union with all the dignity, equality and
rights of the -'several States uninnia’jrk-l •
that as soon as these objects are accom
plished the war ought to cease.”
\\ here did ('.ingress say, in that. resoln
j (. uni > Y u AV ’ifi impose upon thorn negro sef
-1 rage before tho war ceases ? Where did
( digress say, in that resolution, that tliev
woind impose upon them this, that, or the
j other conditions ? But they declared in
most positive terms, and appealed to the
<>od ol Battles, and appealed to Him in tlie
midst ot disaster-at a time when from
their humbled hearts they had a riffiit to
appeal—at tlib time, too, when their appeal
; should have been made in all sineeritvand
honesty—and they declared that they pro
; scented the w; r for the supremacy of the
Union; for the salvation of the “States •
not to destroy them, but for their equal
rights and dignity. And when that was
I accomplished the war should cease.
And further, fellow-citizens, and this is
i a point which I shall make and it is the
I last,’•mo to which I will call your atten
tion, and) therefore, it is one which I hope
you will not forget: In the convention of
1864, when, in the midst of the war we
placed Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Johnson in
• nomination, tho one for President and the
other for Vice President, we stated in our
, platform precisely ’the terms upon which
j we insisted for the settlement of the war so
far as the Constitution is concerned. We
declared, in that, inasmuch as tho emanci
pation proclamation had already been is
■ sued and ilie slaves were set free in many
: of the .states, wc declared that we were in
; favor of the constitutional amendment
which would set free all the slaves in all
the State's. That wo declared for 1864, and
it was all that we declared in reference to
j tho Constitution of die United States; and
we have no right to insist upon other terms
against their consent. If they consent to
i other terms, they may. It is 'true, fellow
i citizens, that if wc choose, with the consent
i of all the States, to change the basis of re
! presentation from population to voters, it
: would be right. There is a principle in
that which can be defended. But when
j this Government of the United States says
to the eleven States of the Union: If you
| don't adopt negro suffrage, if you don't
vote for (lie constitutional amendment,
j you shall be punished for not doing it by
! losing half of vour representation, I need
not say that it. is a cruelty, a degradation,
! that we have no right to impose upon
, States in this Union which are entitled to
j representation. [Applause.]
Fellow-citizens, 1 have detained you lon
i ger than I intended, but as this call has
j been the subject of some remark in the
papers, and elsewhere, and as it is the first
occasion when I ha . e had an opportunity
to speak upon the subject, at the request
of an honorable gentleman, I have consent
ed to occupy your attention with regard to
j it, and have done so as bricllv as was con
i sistent with the subject itself. [Prolonged
j applause.]
j Crops.
j “J. Iv.” —(Rev. Joshua Knowles,) —
writing to the Macon Journal if- Meissenge
j from Oxford, Georgia, after an extensive
j tour in the up-country, says:
I From what I saw and heard, lam satis
: fied that from the Oconee to the Tennessee
! rivers, a half crop of corn will not be made,
| whilst the sweet potato crop will be, in
| many places, almost a failure. Upon the
i rich bottoms of the Etowah and Coosa, I
I saw many fields of corn that will not yield
five bushels to tho acre, where there should
! have been, with propitious seasons, 30.
This is partly attributable to bad tillage—
j the com standing entirely too thick and
! overrun with grass. r J hero arc small por
| tions of nearly every county that have
been favored with rains, and where crops
of all kinds are promising. But. in the ag
gregate, both cotton and corn are distress
ingly short. This is the more to be de
plored, its the wheat crop, at best small,
had to he farced upon the market to meet
pressing engagements.
| I have met with intelligent gentlemen
| from Alabama and Mississippi within the
j last few days, and they give the same dis
: couraging accounts of crops in those States,
i The last advices from Last Tennessee, in
! regard to crops are favorable.
The cotton crop in Marengo county, Ala.,
i is utterly ruined, says tho Recorder oi' Ma
j rengo.
j Kyle & Terry, proprietors of Oakland
plantation on Oyster creek, have sent the
! first bale of cotton to Galveston. It was
| classed as strict middling, sold for 40c. per
: Hi., in specie, and received the premium of
! a silver pitcher from Sissmuss &, Cos.
I The Empire Parish, published at Pla
quemine, Iberville parish, La., says:—The
I news from every nook and corner of this
! great parish of ours continues most en
couraging, as far as the crops are concern
ed. The cotton crop will, it is said, to
out much better than was expected a mon !
ago. Our farmers will soon be busily e 1
gaged in cutting their rice. Some peop
think tl iat the yield will Ik: fully up to th;
of last year. The heads of the rice an
well filled and the grains large. Tlie cane
fields look splendid. The supply of th
orange crop will be beautiful.
A contributor to the Natchez Democrat
gives a discouraging view of the cotton
prospects, present and future. 1 'Planters,
as a general thing, ’ ’ he says, ‘ ‘are dis
gusted with the free negro system, and
none more so than those gentry who came
from North of Mason and Hixson’s line.”
The planters about Jacksonport, Ark.,
in consequence of the late rains with which
they have been 1 des.sed, now contemplate a
j gseater yield of cotton than was hoped a
few weeks since. Their corn has improved
j wonderfully, and promises an average
I yield.
The Gidocston News Price. Current says :
We are glad to be able to say that our
accounts from the country are generally
favorable. Almost every planter speaks
of bis cotton as having improved aston
ishingly of late. The freedmen, as a gen
eral rule, are doing better than heretofore,
for which General Kiddoo receives credit
on till hands. 'The cotton fields are there
fore now generally clean, and the planters
seem pleased with their prospects. The
weather lias been fine. Rains are reported
as frequent in nearly all parts of the State,
and sometimes in too great abundance.
The earlier cotton is said to be opening in
many parts of the West, and picking will
soon commence, if no casualty occurs. —
Since writing the foregoing in regard to
the cotton crop, we have received a lett;*-
from a respectable planter in Fort Bend,
dated July 13, in which he says our last
week’s report of the cotton crop was quite
tofavorable. He thinks the crop, even
if the worm does not do much damage,
must fall greatly short of 100,000 bales for
shipment from our seaports. But he rep
resents the cotton worm as very destructive
already in that and adjoining counties. In
Fort Bend, Matagorda, Brazoria and Whar
ton. he says the cotton planted falls short
of the usual crop by some ten thousand
acres, and a like deduction should probably
he made from the crop of other counties.
Even, therefore, should the crop prove a
go.)'! one, there must be a large falling off
from tiie usual number of bales. As r»
general thing, he says, the cotton is not
good, nor clear of grass. Ho adds :
“As to the worms, I know the genuine
cotton worm is upon us. I have seen them
| strip one largo field of 1,000 acres. 1 have
them in my own plantation, and hear of
| them in every direction. Some planta-
I tions in the lower part of Brazoria are al
: ready destroyed. I have been planting in
1 the State since 1850, and have never before
| seen the worm so early. Where, then, is
i the prospect for 100,000 hales? It is well
i known that where the worm comes early, it
| sweeps the whole country.”
We attach considerable weight to this
account, and we therefore fear the crop of
the State will fall liir short of the usual
1 estimates.
Tiie Jacksonport (Ark.) Herald says:
Yo one could desire more delightful weath
er than that which we are now enjoying.
’I he late rains with which this section was
blessed luis cause:! tho cotton and corn
lichi.T to present a decidedly healthy
appearance, and planters are now confident
ii a great majority of cases, of making
more cotton than was anticipated a few
wi '-ss since. Corn lias improved wonder
iuiiy. and bespeaks an average yield.—
A correspondent writing jfrom Union,
county says : I lie corn crop has already
gone by the board in this county. Novcr.,
since Arkansas has been a State, have I
seen such a complete failure in making
corn. Scarcely a man will make more
than enough to supply his white family,
and consoqently, if the darky gets any, it
will have to bo shipped. Fortunately, sine
qua aon in Arkansas promises an abundant
yield—the jaooms. Cotton, though very
late, and a bad stand, may still, with fa
vorable seasons, make one-half of a crop ;
but st;l]_k is subject to a thousand casual
ties. The negro, his faults, his laziness,
his thefts and impudenca form the popular
theme of discussion in every crowd, and how
to rid the country of so great a nuisance,
the .study of our statesmen.
China.—A country where the roses have,
no fragrance and the women no petticoats ;
where the laborer has no , uooath and the
inagistratenoson.se of honor ; where the
roads bear no vehicles and the ships no
• where the old men tly kites , where
the needle points to the South and the
-i'n of being puzzled is to scratch the ar&i
nodes of the head; where the plt«*> of
honoris on the left hand and the scat of'
intelligence is in the stomach where to
take oil your hat is an insolent gesture,
and to wear white garments is to put your
self in mourning; which has a literature
without an alphabet and a language with
out a vrauiujar.
The Tribune of the ?th says that much
I surprise is expressed in New Orleans at the
public' itiou of a so-cmled dispatch frem
Gep, &heridau to Gen. Grant, in a Yew
iork paper. It'S stated that the dispatch
was an altered and mutilated copy, placing
the General in the attitude of indorsing ail
thqt has hgea doue by the citizens,