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OLD SERIES, VOL. LXXV.
(Chronicled Sentinel.
11 i:n k y moo h i--.
A. It. WllKilir.
TEEMS OF M BStItIPTION.
WEEKLY.
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J. It. \\ . JOHNHTON ,
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The Radical Kiel al Indianapolis.
Our readers have been advised through
our telegraphie column.-* of the fact that
the President o.'the United States was
prevented by a mob from addressing his
constituents at liidianajKilis, the capital of
the State of Indiana, while on his return
to the Federal capital from his visit to
Chicago, whither he had gone to join in
the honors there paid to tin; memory of the
lamented Douglas. This grossly outrage
out and indecent exhibition of popular fury
against the Chief Executive of the nation,
must cause every lovefof his country, and
of |«ipular institutions, much uneasiness
and apprehension for the future. For the
first time since the foundation of the Gov
emmeut, has the Chief Executive of that
Government lieen publicly insulted in open
day, and his presence before the People
made the occasion for the use of the most,
i.ppn.bi lasLnguago, at and the employment.
I.me,nlhw
1 year'
of the lowest billingsgate, against his |>er
onal andpoliticafletion. Notonly have his
public acta ls;cn denounced and condemned,
but his private character lias been tra
duced and villiiied to an extent which,
among honorable men, in private life,
would have demanded a speedy vindication,
even to the extent of force and violence.
Tied up as the President is, by his posi
tion and oath of office, his enemies have,
with the recklessness which impunity from
responsibility is likely to produce upon
mean, low spirited and cowardly minds,
followed him from place to place as he
journeyed to Chicago, with the rapacity of
howling wolves and the malignity of devils
incarnate. Even in Philadelphia, a city
second in size to but one on this continent,
and .somewhat proud of its civilization
and refinement, an insult was offered to Mr.
Johnson ami his suite, wholly gratuitous
and inexcusable. Taking their cue doubt
le w from the precedent thus set by the
city of Brotherly-love, the hangers-on and
riff-raff of the Radical party in other lo
calities through which the party passed,
have, at the instigation of their party
leaders, succeeded in inflicting a disgrace
upon the national character which can
never be entirely obliterated or effaced.
These disgraceful and fanatical demonstra
tinns of popular indignation, culminated in
Indianapolis, where their fury was so in
tense and their violence so marked as to
prevent the President from addressing the
numerous crowds of his friends there as
sembled.
Doubtless the leaders of the mob then
hail their instructions from Stevens, But
ler, Forney and Company, and it is in this
view of the matter that the outrage com
mitted, and the violence resorted to by the
infuriate populace, is invested with an im
portance and significance which should nr
rest the attention and challenge the con
demnation of all the true men of the
North. We see in this Indianapolis de
monstration, the commencement, of that
new era of blood and carnage which the
Radical leaders have been threatening for
the last live months, and which has in
creased within the last five weeks just in
proportion as the conservative party lias
seemed to gather strength ami support
from the Northern people.
The. Washington caucus which planned
and inaugurated the New Orleans riot, and
gave countenance and support to the in
famous plans of the most infamous Brown
low, had also in view and under advisement
the propriety of fermenting collisions be
tween the white and black races at the
South, and the law-abiding conservatives
and the Radical revolutionists of the North.
The speeches of their leaders and the utte
rances of their press, most clearly establish
the fact that they have determined to
plunge this country into another terrible
war, if necessary to carry out their uncon
stitutional and aggressive policy. It,
therefore, behooves the friends of law, or
der, and constitutional government every
where, to put the seal of their deepest con
demnation upon such demonstrations as
that under review.
We have not yet received full particu
lars if this uncalled for and wholly unpro
voked violation of the common decencies
and amenities of civilized society, but the
following which wo clip from the Now York
Herald's correspondent gives the fullest
account of that disgraceful catastrophe
which we have seen. The writer says “an
informal caucus was held, which discussed
the propriety of holding a Radical meeting
that night. On the arrival of the excur
sionists there was an immense crowd, and
the first carriage, containing the I’resident
had hardly started before the roughs com
menced breaking in upon the procession,
blocking the line of march, hooting and
yelling and groaning. Those in the pro
cession bore it patiently till the transpa
rencies were attacked. A free fight was
then begun; dozens were knocked down
with clubs ; knives and pistols were lively
used. Not less than twenty shots were
fired in the densely crowded square, which
caused a general stampede.
But the crowd returned after the firing
ceased, and the wounded wore borne off;
but the firing was begun by a man named
Stretcher and a Radii#!, which resulted in
the death of a stranger, and the crowd
again scattered. Generals Grant and Raw
lings went down in the midst and remon
strated with the rioters, urging them to
respect the President and themselves, and
retire.
'Hie llemhl further says :
"tine man was shot in the log, another in
the knee, and two in the neck and face on
the outbreak. The two latter are danger
ously, if not fatally wounded. They were
earned away and their names cannot be
ascertained.
V man named Howard StretelioF was
carried to jail for shooting two men in the
last melee. Several men were wounded,
but none are known tube killed. The police
have not appeared in sufficient force to
qin ll the disturbance.
Five men are reported seriously wound
ed and one fatally, and one by the name of
Stewart killed. A number were knocked
down and badly beaten besides. The dis
turbance is apparently over. The Radicals
tirst dispersed the crowd and then scatter
ed themselves, as is supposed, to avoid ar
rest.
The reporter of the Journal, standing at
some distance from the tiring, was wound
ed in the hand.
The Stewart alluded to is dead, having
three balls in his body, although onlv a
quiet looker on.
The artVur is one of the most disgraceful
that ever took place, and must have been
premeditated by the Radicals, from ttfeir
manifest concert and organization. They
commenced tlnv affray unquestionably,
and without the slightest provocation or
justification.
1 witnessed the beginning and ending of
the tight from an upper window that com
manded a view of the whole street.
Another important fact in connection
with the riot is that the Radical attack was
mainly directed against the Irishn on in
the torch light procession. The tirst trans
parency knocked down and destroyed was
this: “Irish American citizens greet An
drew Johnson, President of the United
States.” .
(titbEß in Liberty County.—E. \ ulee,
Agent of the Freedmen's Bureau in Liber
ty county, writes to the Savannah Herald,
denying the report recently published, of a
baud of Regulators iti that county. He
says that no such a band exists there.
There is, as in all communities, here and
there a man who disregards law, and lakes
upon himself to redress grievances. He
deems this statement due to the good name
of a county distinguished for the good
morals, intelligence and regard for law and
order of its inhabitants,
Massachusetts vs. Georgia.
“The secret of the success of Massachu
setts is obvious. <S he works. That is the
wholeof it. She has neither a slave, nor a
i servile, nor a lazy population. Rich and
poor, men and women, all alike honor la
-1 iior in precept and practice. lienee her
industries are productive and diversified;
for universal labor renders manifold forms
A,fit inevitable; anil universal education
makes it easy to procure any- number of
intelligent work people. Where there are
no free schools, skilled workmen cannot
l>e found in sufficient numbers to second
andjrender profitable the enterprise of the
capitalists. This is why the Kouth is a
wilderness —even the liest cultivated por
tion of it—in comparison to its natural re
sources and capabilities."— Sew York Tri
bn iic.
The impression sought to bo made by-
Mr. Greeley, in the above extract is, that
the superior educational facilities of Massa
chusetts, as compared with the Southern
States, has made her people more intelli
gent, industrious, wealthy, moral and reli
gious than the people of the South. These
educational privileges arc claimed to have
made Massachusetts wealthy and prosper
ous, while u thf. t South is a wilt!onus*—even
tin best cultivated portion of it.'' Now we
deny both of these propositions, and a sim
ple reference to the census tables will show
that Philosopher Greeley is at fault in his
statements as usual.
The population of Massachusetts and
Georgia is not equal; the latter be
ing about ninety thousand less than the
former. Let us now look at the eon-us
tables and ascertain if '‘(ieorgia is a ml-,
deturm,” compared to the rich anu culti
vated State of Massachusetts. We have
before ns the census reports of 18f<<), from
which we learn that
The numlu»r of plantations and
farms in Georgia were 51.759
Do. in Massachusetts 34,009
< ieorgia had acres of unimproved
land 6,378,479
Massachusetts do 2,133,41)6
Georgia had horses, mules and
asses 204,710
Massachusetts had horses, mules
and asscH 42,250
Georgia had milch cows 334,233
Massachusetts “ “ 130,199
Georgia had neat cattle 1,097,528
Massachusetts “ “ 259,994
Georgia had sheep 500,435
Massachusetts had sheep 188,051
( leorgia, total value of live 5t0ck£25,724,410
Massachusetts, “ “ “ “ 9,647,710
Georgia raised wheat, bushels... 1,088,534
Massachusetts, “ “ ... 31,211
Georgia raised corn, bushels 30,080,099
Massachusetts “ “ 2,345,490
Georgia raised potatoes, bush'is. 7.213,807
Massachusetts “ “ ... 3,585,384
Georgia raised cotton, hales 499,091
Massachusetts “ “ ... 000,00 fl
It will be seen from the above tables
that instead of “ a wilderness” Georgia is
far in advance of the thrifty and blooming
Massachusetts in the number of her farms,
the amount of her productions, and the
number and value of her live stock.
We know that it has been the custom,
heretofore, of our people to acknowledge
the superiority of Massachusetts in this
particular, because her Press and people
have so long and persistantly claimed it.
We have felt it to be our duty to expose
the falsity of her claims, and to lay bare
her real poverty as compared to our State.
It is not denied that in manufacture we are
far behind our eastern rival. Yet, we
assert that the value of our cotton crop
before the war was greatly more than the
profits on all the mining and mechanic arts
of Massachusetts. Let us again turn to
the figures;
GEORGIA.
Value of cotton, (say in round
numbers, 500,000 bales, at
to ets. per lb..'. *25,000,000 j
Value of manufactures, less ex
penses 4 :..... £1,909,30) |
Total value cotton and manu
factures, £20,969,304 I
M ASSIII ’HU SETTS.
Annual products of niaiifae
ture, mining and the mechan
ic arts *151,137,145 !
Raw material used....' *85,850,771
Annual wages for employees... *39,784.110
*125,040,887
Deduct expenses leave 25,4(10,258
as the minimal profits in manufacture.
Thus we find that the cotton crop of
Georgia with her small manufacturing and
mining products were valued at one million
four hundred and seventy three thousand
and forty sir dollars more than the much
vaunted profits of Massachusetts manufic-
hirers. 4
We have seen how much richer in live
stock, cereals, Ac., we were than wealthy
and refined Massachusetts. In the above
calculation we have left nut the value of
our rice and sugar crop which in 1850 was
over ten millions more. et with these
astounding figures before him, Horace
Greely says that “the South is a wilder
ness, even the best cultivated portions of it."
The statistics in relation to crime and
pauperism will show similar balances in our
favor. We have not time or space to
permit us to go through the whole
tables upon these subjects—but wo pro
pose to give a few figures upon each.
PAUPERISM.
Total pauperism in Georgia, 1,030
“ “ Massaehusets 15,777
CRIMINALS.
Convicted within the year in Georgia 80
“ “ Massaelivsetts..7,2so
In prison June Ist, 1850 in Georgia 43
“ “ Massachusetts.. 1,236
Intelligent, educated, and highly civ
ilized Massachusetts has fifteen times more
pauperism than Georgia, and more than
thirty times as many criminals.
We would like to run through the census
more at length, and show that it is not
alone, in the superiority of her agricultural
productions and her comparative im
munity from crime and pauperism that
Georgia is far ahead of Massachusetts in
the race for improvement, progress and
wealth, but the length of this article forbids.
Will the New York Tribune be pleased to
explain how it is that in the very teeth of
these figures it can claim for Massachusetts
a superior civilization to our own.
Ho! For Brazil.
Those of our readers who are contem
plating emigration to Brazil, will be pleased
to learn that, in view of the supposed de
mand for transportation to that country
the ensuing fall, a company has been
formed under a charter from the State of
Alabama, which will soon have in operation
a line of steamers from Mobile to Rio
Janeiro. This line of steamers will great
ly facilitate the removal of all who desire
to east their fortunes in that country of
wonderful productions, and unsurpass-
ed climate.
“The American and Brazilian steauishp
Company, says the Mobile Register, ineor
porateHbv the last legislature to establish a
line of steamers between Mobile and the
empire oflsniz.il. have organized and es
tablished their office at Mobile. The en
terprise is one of a most promising char
acter, and under the control of K. Far
rand, the able and energetic President,
cannot tail to meet with such success a>
" ill make an investment in the stock of
the company reliable and remunerative.
The capital stock is in shares sufficiently
small, fifty dollars each, to be within the
easy reach of all. and is being rapidlv
taken up. No better time than the pre
sent can be found to subscribe.
The first vessel of the line established bv
the company left Mobile rcfntly, having
on board thirty seven passßinrers for the
Brazilian empire. The next will leave
from New Orleans next week."
If the Radical, succeed in their plans of
disgracing and degrading the white people
of the Southern States, this company will
find they have made a profitable invest
ment of their funds, for thousands of our
people will seek homes in the deep forests
of the Amazon rather than submit to
African equality here.
MazINI, the great agitator, wilUiot ac
cept the amnesty offered by the King of
Italy. He intends remaining in exile, and
will not return to Italv until Italy is com
pletely free and the Rope King has been
■ deposed.
.(ssessing the Cotton Tax—Meeting of
the Ken Orleans Cotton Faetors.
On the 1! th instant the c-otton factors of
New Orleans held a meeting, the object of
which was to memorialize the Secretary of
the Treasury in reference to the assessment
of the tax on eotton. They urge, at con
siderable length, the numerous objections
to the present district system —its incon
venience and injury to the farmer. They
state that the cost of weighing is greater in
the country than at the point of sale: that it
is often impracticable,owing to high or low
water for the planter to meet the Assessor
at his stated appointments; that these
causes, or the sickness of the Assessor must
often operate to the serious injury- of the
planter and buyer—by delaying eotton
which otherwise might have gone forward
to meet drafts, or other obligations;
that the number of Assessors re
-1 quired by the present system is very ex
pensive ; that the inconveniences attend
| ing it are a temptation to resort to con
structive weights, to save time and trouble,
and thus defraud the Government or in
i jure the planter ; that many of the places
designated as points for weighing areutter
j ly inconvenient, while a majority of the
usual places of sale or shipment' are not
made places for weighing; that a bond for j
the payment of the taxon cotton is useless, .
since the cotton itself is a sufficient securi- j
ty. They further urge that the presimt
law piae.e tit* planter Whefttanimt gWe'the
security, at the mercy of the speculators,
who are sure to be hard upon the track of
the Assessor; that this bond interferes with
the arrangement of planters, who wish to
get an advance on coton, by hampering
it with the control of treasury officers ; that
the bonding of cotten may interfere with
the discharge of cargoes by vessels, as a
vessel arriving after custom-house hours
on Saturday cannot claim the right, under
existing regulations, to discharge cotton
from another district, until after office
hours on Monday. This will often cause
detentions, and enhance the cost of ship
ment. New Orleans, Mobile, Memphis,
Savannah, Galveston, Charleston, Wil
mington, Apalachicola, and a few other
minor ports, are the chief points in the
South for the reception and sale of cotton.
The memorial further statesthat the plant
er who produces cotton in the district with
in which either of these points is situated,
is authorized to ship his cotton without
weighing, bonding or paying his tax, and
in such proportion as lie may choose, to
the point of sale within his district. But
a planter who may be only fifty yards be
yond the line of this district must first
have his cotton weighed, marked and
bonded, or else must pay his tax, before he
is permitted to move it. The law is thus
made to bear upon him with unnecessary
and unequal severity, and he is deprived
of the advantages which would result from
an early shipment and sale of his crop.
In conclusion the memorialists urge that
the Government would have as good se
curity for collecting the tax on the unas
sessed cotton brought to the point of sale
from places fifty yards, or fifty miles, or
five hundred miles beyond the limits of the
district, as it would have for collecting the
tax on the unassessed cotton shipped from
within (lie limits of the district.
Having thus enumerated the objections
to the present arrangement, the commit
tee further illustrate its burdens by ap
plying it to the grain crop of the North ;
and they urge in conclusion that unless a
change is made, planters will turn their at
tention to other staples, and thus the pro
duction of cotton will be discontinued, and
the revenue of the government be dimin
ished.
The committee recommend that, all the
» ' ton growing States be arranged into a
single district, and they proceed at length
to show that there is nothing in the law
to prevent such an arrangement.
This subject is an important one, and
though the eotton interest in Georgia has
made no formal appeal fora change in the
present system of assessment, it is felt by
all concerned to be a clumsy, oppressive,
and unnecessary arrangement—tending to
official corruption, and calculated to dis
courage the production of cotton. Would
it not be well for our planters and factors
to take steps to impress upon the Secretary
of the Treasury the desire of the cotton in
terest for a change in the present system.
Discourtesy to the President.
The Louisville Journal, in alluding to
the refusal of the churlish and sneaking
City Council of Cincinnati to extend the
courtesies due to the Chief Magistrate of
the Republic, says the act has not in the
least injured that distinguished citizen,
but it has made itself thoroughly despica
ble in the eyes of all men whose good
opinion is worth anything, and inflicted a
stigma upon the place that will stick to it
like the shirt of Nessus.
The citizens appear to have been con
scious of the disreputable conduct of their
officials, and to have made up for the in
tended and scurvy slight to the National
Executive as far as possible by giving him
a warm and generous welcome. Hence,
the public should carefully distinguish be
tween the course of the surly political ma
liguants of Cincinnati and Iter noble and
patriotic citizens. The address of welcome
to the President delivered by Hon. W. S.
GroeSbaek was admirable in tone and
temper, and we doubt not truly reflected
the opinions of the most respectable and
enlightened citizens, not only of Cincinnati,
but of [Ohio.
Men like Hon. Lewis D. Campbell, an
Old-line Whig, and Hon. George 11. Pen
dleton, an Old-line Democrat, represent
ing the best class of minds in the State,
cordially approve of the patriotic course of
the President, the Secretary of State, and
their distinguished coadjutors, and oppose
the mad schemes of the revolutionary
J unto that would destroy our system of
government and erect in its stead a crazy
and bloody oligarchy of vengeance and
devastation, that would curse the world
through all time.
These mean and groveling attempts to
insult the President of the United States,
on the part of certain petty eity officials,
will recoil upon their own heads, and
rather benefit than injure that honest and
plain-spoken old patriot against whom the
shafts of disunion malignity are hurled.
(binpllmentary to White Soldiers.
We have of course our own views as to
the superlative merits of the Federal sol
diers. Perhaps we have never accorded to
thorn the exclusive possession of those vir
tues which make up the aggregate of a
perfect soldier’s character. But we have
never so far forgotten their color and race
as to charge that without the aid of ne
groes a million and a half of them could
not conquer sixty thousand Southern sol
diers.
Ben. Butler—the beast Butler —made a
speech the other day at Philadelphia to the
mulatto convention, in which he said: —
"Had the negro not beeu armed, the re
sult would have been far different.” In
other words, two hundred thousand negro
soldiers xcere icorth more than the million
and a half of white troops. What do
the white soldiers of the Union think of
Ben now ?
Robbery in Macon. —The store of
our old friends. J. H. Anderson & Son, in
Macon, was robbed on Saturday night last
of about S7OO, by three negroes, named
Charles Jones, John Humphreys and
Jack Habersham. They stepped into the
store to price some shoes, and while Mr.
Anderson was getting the shoes one of
them slipped around to the safe, which
was open, and stole the mouev. The po
lice were put upon their track, and Captain
Simpson, the chief of police, captured
themi at Millen. One of them confessed
the thett. Only $lB5 of the money was
recovered.
AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 2(5, 1S(5(».
Whither are we Drifting?
It Is becoming every day more apparent
that we are losing sight of the true prin
ciples upon which our Federal Government
was established. The South has always
contended for a stric-t construction of the
Constitution of the United States : First,
because such a rule was in full accord and
consonance with the principles of the Gov
ernment by it established; and secondly,
because being in a minority herself she felt
the necessity of that rule of construction
which would more effectually protect the
rights of minorities.
There has been at no time of our gov
ernment, so great a necessity for the ac
knowledgment and enforcement of this
rule of construction as at present. The
powers which were wrested from the States
during the progress of the war, and the
wilful violations of the plainest provisions of
the constitution justified and excused as they
then were as necessary for the successful
prosecution of the conflict, are now in dan
ger of being adopted as the rule of govern
ment, in a time of profound peace. The
startling exigencies of the war having called
into existence these violations of the fun
damental law of the land, the people have
to some extent, become familiar with their
wrongs, and now are not only content to
have the war policy prolonged indefinitely,
but the masses of the North and West, are
against The SouthTabout to forge chains
for themselves which will prostrate at the
foot of power, all the safeguards and
checks which our Fathers, who framed the
Constitution of the 1 nited States, were so
earnest and so determined in their efforts
to secure to us and our posterity.
No Government founded upon a written
Constitution, can long survive a latitudi
narian construction of its charter. Power
is aggressive. This is its history since the
foundation of civilized society. Our
fathers sought to check and curb this ag
gressive tendency by the limitations and
restrictions of a written const*tution. If
the plainest provisions of that instrument
can be explained away by a lax and flexi
ble mode of construction, then their efforts
were vain and their labor a nullity.
We of the South are no more deeply in
terested in a speedy return of the Govern
ment to the rules of construction and modes
of administration founded and adopted by
the earliest statesmen of the Government
than are our Northern friends. Their safety
as a free people is no less involved than
our owu in the current of events which are
now shaking the fabric of free government
on this continent to its very foundations,
and which, if not speedily checked, will de
stroy every vestige of our representative
confederation.
The Congress of the United States has
already invaded the reserved rights of the
States, in more than one instanee, upon
questions of vital importance. The tax
laws of the last few years could not in the
purer days of the Republic have secured
the support of any respectable statesman
either in the North or South. The recent
repeated interference with the rights of the
individual States, in regard to their domes
tic polity, 4md the proposed interference
with the question of suffrage and represen
tation in the several States, should cause
the Northern mind no less than the South
ern to pause and consider carefully whither
they are tending^
All these questions of social and domes
tic regulations; the qualifications of voters,
the encouragement of education, the sup
port of religion, and the tenure of office,
were left by the Constitution of the United
States to the direction and control of the
several States. Our fathers did not at
tempt to found a government, composed of
several distinct and seperate States, whose
civil polity should be in all respects simi
lar or identical. No uniform rule was in
sisted upon in the regulation of the do
mestic concerns of the several States.
Whether they were right or wrong is
not now an open question. The experience
of the last eighty years clearly shows the
wisdom of their action. But with the
lights of the past throwing their shadows
before us, there is a growing tendency in
the Northern and Eastern States to
eschew the lessons of experience, in the
fanatical attempt to crush the white peo
ple of the South and elevate the African
Upon our ruins. These Northern and
Eastern fanatics will not tolerate the least
difference in our social system, to that oi’
their own. They demand that the General
Government shall, in defiance of the Con
stitution, compel the Southern States to
amend their system and alter their laws, so
as to conform, in all things, to the de
mands of the progressive Northern mind.
This new school of politicians meet the
question, it must be said, very boldly and
candidly. They leave us no room to doubt
their purpose. But, that the policy which
they are now pursuing will tend to the
inevitable destruction of the Government,
tve do not entertain the slightest doubt.
We are glad to find that the conservative
minds of the North arc at last rousing
themselves to a full recognition of their
danger. The Now York Times, in com
menting recently upon this subject, sub
mits the following pertinent question's:
“Were the great fqundersof this Govern
ment right in establishing a form of civil
polity in which States with institutions!
Constitutions, habits, customs, and man
ners of* diverse and opposing kinds,
were permitted equal political representa
tion, and equal share in legislation, and
equal power in controlling the administra
tion of Government ? Ought they not to
have first insisted that each State should
put everything right, to the satisfaction of
all the others, before agreeing upon a
Union which should be binding and per
petual? Ought they not to have insisted
upon the abolition of narrow and fanatical
laws in the New England States—upou New
York abolishing the aristocratic system
of land tenure then established—upon
North Carolina removing the disabilities
front the Jews —upon Virginia abolishing
negro Slavery—upon South Carolina giving
the people the right of voting for Pres
idential electors—and, in short, ought
they not to have insisted upon the prohi
bition by all the States of whatever any
body may have thought to be in violation
of the eleventh commandment ? The wise
men who formed our Government did not
see fit to adopt this plait, however, for
many reasons, the principal one of which,
doubtless, was that they could not. They
permitted the existence of innumerable dif
ferences in the local laws and institutions
of the States, for the very good reason
that the Union could never have been
formed at all on any other conditions. Our
Union tinkers now, however, are deter
mined to establish perfect uniformity in
all respectsin all the States —all of them to
be modeled after the inconceivable State
which sprang from a maggot in the brain
of Jean Jacques Rosseau. and which no
man ever has seen or ever will see. But
it may as well be understood that the
fundamental principles established by the
fathers must be our guide now if we would
perpetuate the Republic which they
founded.
The Maine Election.—The National
Intelligencer has the following suggestive
comment upon the Maine election :
So bright were the prospects in Maine
of what was left of the old Democratic
party, that it must needs have a State
convention to present a candidate under
old cognomens, watchwords and battle
cries. The experiment has turned out to
be a wretched failure. Good faith re
quires this. If there is anything worse
than “ Radicalism” to be opposed, or good
in the restoration of representation to the
excluded States, we ought to favor —to
favor with the extreme strength of "head
work’ '—those who would save the nation
from fearfully menaced woes.
“Willoughby" anti the Constitutionalist.
‘•The violence and other phases of Un
political canvass are the absorbing topic of
conversation, even in circles and on occa
sions when politics are usually ignored.
The probable results I have already pre
dicted —with what reason, the Maine elec
tion will have already told you. The
Democrats have already received a sad
lesson, and they are destined to tie hum
bled Gill lower. It was a proverb of
Franklin s that. “ If a man cheat me once,
he is a knave: i: he cheat me twice, I am a
fool. ' They have put themselves under
the leadership ot a man whose whole
career is one o fraud, violence, and un
blushing demagoguery ; one who has been
steadily and justiv denounced as most
unfit to govern, they have accepted as a
leader when greet qualities were most
needed. .-g
Mj . Johnson's tour Ims done the bush
ness for him. it -a impos.-ible to express
the vehemm’ee with which he is denounced
by men of all parties. He has sun to the
level (if he were ever above it) of Secretary
Seward and Parson Brownlow. He is no
longer feared by the Radicals; he is sim
ply hated and despised. A few, who
would apologize for him,[say that he is sim
ply unfortunate-in his temper. A man
who has no record of principle to fall back
upon, has no recourse except to scold.”
“Do our readers) suppose that the above
extract is from the New York Tribune or
the Philadelphia (Forney’s) Press ? If
they do they are mistaken. Strange as it
may appear to them, and to the great mass
of the intelligent uiinds.of the country, our
clipping is from the Augusta (Ga.) Con
stitutionalist. the l*th inst, Why
our JtiWjiPoraiT will -outiiiue
a loss to discover, uhleMßreonng Ourselves
to the conclusion (which we cannot yet do)
that he is desirous of accomplishing his
overthrow, and of delivering up the Gov
ernment, in all its branches, to the tender
mercies of Stevens, Suuiuer, Wilson and
Company. J ust now, when the good men
of the country, both North and South, are
deeply concerned at the results of the
Maine election, this writer in the Consti
tutionalist, who hails from New York, and
appends to his ill-timed, unwise anu sedi
tious effusion the tignature of Willoughby ,
seems to gloat over the disasters to
the Conservative cause, and joins with
Greeley, Forney, Philips and Garrison in
denouncing the man who, above all others,
the South has most cause to thank and
support. Why our people should join the
Radicals in their denunciation of Mr.
Johnson we cannot conceive. Will the
Constitutionalist be so good as to enlighten
us on this point. Whatever may be the
opinion of the Southern people as to the
President’s course before and during the
war, we are very sure that we speak the
sentiments of n inetmn twentieths of them
now, when we say that we give him our
cordial support and sympathy in his Her
culean efforts to establish the Union and
restore Southern representation in the
1 falls of Congress. The interests involved
in the pending struggle are too immense to’
justify us in jeopardizing the issue by a
captious, ill-tempered and puerile attempt
to ridicule and denounce him who, above
a’l others, is doing most and risking most
in his efforts in our behalf.
If it were true—which tve deny—that the
President is no longer feared by the Radi
cals, “that ho is simply hated and de
spised,” does it give the Constitutionalist
pleasure to chronicle the fact? Does it
think that the existence of such a feeling
at the North would aid the Southern peo
ple iu their 'oppressed and now almost
hopeless condition ? llow is the South to
be benefitted by the continued denuncia
tion of Mr. Johnson, and more particular
ly how arc wc to secure our rights by
belittling the efforts of the President and
throwing ridicule upon his actions ? Does
it become an honorable and brave people
to handy epithets even though they are de
served, with the power that has them
devra and subject to its will ? j\VUat can
we hope to accomplish by denouncing the
President as “rt man tohosewhole career is
one of fraud, violence andunblushing dema
gogueryV' If this charge be true, then the
Constitutionalist , is guilty of having
lent its sympathy and support to one
whose career was known by it to be one
of “fraud violence and unblushing dema
goguery,” for our cotemporary was a John
son man and aided and sympathized with
him in all his life long political struggle
in Tennessee up to the very breaking out
of the war. Then, we oppposed him.
Now, when he has thrown himself in the
breach between us and the utter degrada
tion with which we are threatened by the
Radicals, we support hitn, and will to the
utmost of our ability, endeavor to
strengthen his hands.
A little further on this veracious and
prudent “Willoughby,” says :
“The Democratic leaders all over the
country knew A. Johnson. They knew
W. 11. Sewartl. They had been deceived
and betrayed by both of them. Xet their
leadership was accepted. The result is,
that everybody is disgusted. The Radicals
are in a rage of joy at the victories they
aCiiieved and still expect.”
Is “Willoughby” “disgusted with the
mild, consistent and conservative course of
the President towards the desolated and
overpowered South, and docs the t 'onsti
tutionalist so share in this Radical aver
sion to the President that it.sprcads be
fore its readers such unmitigated false
hoods without a single word of dissent or
disapproval ? If every body is disgusted,
then certainly “Willoughby ’ is, and our
cotemporary, is in rapport with its cor
respondent.
Again “ Willoughby" says :
“That Mr. Seward atiU his immediate
followers.are prepared to “turn tail, (as
father Abraliam would sav,' the reports ol
their private conversations, which reach
me, afford evidence. Mr. Seward is re
ported to have said that Johnson lias oe
coine mad, (cra/.v.) and that he (Seward)
is content to be under the harrow lor the
next two years, to prevent him doing mis
chief, and save the country Ironi destruc
tion. Mr. Ravuiond is reported to have
said, that they must stand by Johnson, oi
in his rage lie would hand the Government
over to the “rebels.” Such language, it
used, is emplovod to justify the assent to
the impeachment of Johnson, which for a
i/iu.d pro quo, thev are preparing to Yield.
If this hypothesis he true, JePerson Davis
may congratulate himself that lus present
jailor had before himagreater huiin.iation
than it is possible lor lib* l to inflict.
It »7oul(I seem that this conespondent
of a leading Southern Journal, was anx
ious to have Mr. Sewa.d and Mr. Ray
mond abandon Mr. Johnson and tuin
upon him, because “Johnson has become
mad” in trying to secure for the country,
and more particularly for tlio South, the
acknowledgment of the supremacy of the
Constitution of the United Stales, and the
recognition of the rights of the Suites.
Even if it were clear that the President
would not be sustained by the people of the
North, we submit that it would be ex
tremely ignoble and madly execrable for
the South to aid and foster such opposi
tion, and we can see no other possible
effect which the publication of such senti
ments can have than to encourage our
demies in their attacks upou our friends
and perhaps cause some of them to falter
in our defeusc. '
The concluding sentence of the last ex
tract is so despicable in its character as to
excite in the breast of every true man a
feeling of horror and disgust for the heart
that could conceive or the pen that would
record such mean and contemptible an
ticipations.
Having proceeded to review evidently
with intense satisfaction the probability of
a successful impeachment ox the President,
“Willoutrhby” finally descends to give his
advice to the people of the South as to the
course they should pursue in ease the
Radicals shall succeed in destroying Mr.
Johnson. Hear what he says :
“The true course for the South is to let
the battle be fought out among these pinks
oflovaltv. Its interference can but preju
dii e'its interests : and when Victory is de
clared, negotiations may be profitably re
sumed by men represent the actual
and not a manufactured Southern opinion,
approaching baldly and courageously the
actual and not assumed power at the
Xorth. No fear need be entertained of
‘‘Confiscation." That will prove a rock on
■which radicalism w ill split.
With due deference to this “pink of
chivalry,” we submit that the true course
I of the South lies in a dignified, manly and
cordial support of the President, and the
conservative party of the North. If we
cannot give them an active and tangible
support, we can. at least, give them the
moral aid of our approval and endorsement.
We are not content to stand listlessly by
and see our fta'euds striken down, if we can
do anything to prevent it. We are noc wil
ling to have our destiny placed in the hands
of the Radical party, because in such an
event we can see no probable mode of secur
ing ourrights. "When victory is declared”
over our friends, and the bulwarks of the
Constitution are battered down, it will be
too late to “negotiate” with any hope of
good results. Our policy, most clearly lies
iu using all honorable efforts to prevent a
necessity for negotiations with the Radi
cals. The South does fear, and most just
ly fear the enforcement of the scheme of
“confiscation,” with which we are threat
ed by the Northern extremists. It is idle
to tell an intelligent, observaunpeople, that
there is the least chance that the Radicals,
if successful, will‘'split” upon this ques
tion. If our only hope is bound up in this
contemplated disagreement of our ene
mies upou the question of a division of
the spoils, then our condition is desperate
beyond precedent.
While we are not without fear as to the
result jrf tl>q pending Congress, we wgu.ld
“be- fivi&rtt) tftir Yfosit!6ff"’asf'''Bol!fh<3i'n
journalists if we failed to contribute what
ever of ability tve possess to procure a de
cision at the ballot-box in our favor. We
confess that the recent election in Maine
has somewhat shaken our faith in the
ability of our friends to win the race. But
shafi we therefore turn upou and rend
them ? Are we not still as deeply in
terested iti the struggle as we were five
weeks since? Is it not the duty of every
man in the South to do all he can to stay
the progress and defeat the plans of the
Radical Destructionists.
In conclusion tve beg to say that we have
written more iu sorrow than in anger. We
desire to cultivate feelings of cordiality and
good will with all our people. If what we
have written shall appear harsh, we beg
in advance to say that our intention is to
level whatever of harshness is herein con
tained against the course of some of our
friends, and not against them. We are
willing to accord to all men honesty and
good faith in the promulgation of their
ideas. If wc differ—as we certainly an—
and the Constitutionalist on this question,
we shall endeavor to confine our strictures
exclusively to its course as a public journal.
The future will prove who was right, and
to this unerring arbiter we confidently refer
the whole matter.
lie-inauguration of tlic Statue of Wash
ington at Lexington.
Our readers will remember that General
Hunter, of the Federal army, entered
Lexington on the 13th of June, 1864, and
destroyed the Institute building, Governor
Letcher’s house, and stole the bronze
statue of Washington, cast by Hubbard
from the celebrated statue by Moudon, in
the rotunda of the capitol at Richmond.
Since the conclusion of the war this
statue was ordered to be returned to the
college by the Legislature of West Vir
ginia, and the re-inauguration of the statue,
with appropriate ceremonies, took place on
Monday, the 10th inst. General Grant
had written to President Smith that be
would be present, but afterwards gave
notice that his acceptance of the invitation
to accompany the President to Chicago
would prevent his going.
Governor Letcher was the orator of the
day, and we make the following extracts
from his speech, which was reported for
tSSFUevr ¥«ftfc-''Sll9rte -Sfnwtking .jfoHun
ter, he says:
“Thespirit which marked the conduct
of Gen. Hunter on that occasion was in
admirable harmony with that spirit wiiich
warred on the arts and literature of the
fifth century, in the Roman Empire, and
lias secured for him an immortality that
will be as enduring and undying as at
taches to him who burned the temple of
Ephesus. Some men court notoriety, and
are utterly indifferent to the character of
that notoriety. Whether (ten. Hunter is
one of this class I know not; but certain
it is, if lie was in quest of notoriety, when
lie came here, at the head of the army, he
lias abundant reason to be satisfied with
the brilliant success which lias attended
his efforts. No Virginian will ever forgot
either his nativity or his name,
“ While the ea th bears a plant, or the sea rolls a wave.”
He speaks of Gov. Pierpont in the fol
lowing terms, and considering tlic Radical
course of the Governor, we think he
“draws it extremely mild: ”
The friends of this institution are great
ly indebted to the Executive of Virginia
for the zeal, promptness and public spirit
displayed by him, in securing its re-estab
lishment, and aiding by all the means
within iiis power its reconstruction. We
honor him for his services in this behalf—for
the aid and encouragement he has given,
for the important and valuable services lie
has rendered to the great cause of scientific
and practical education. In the name of
the Board of Visitors I return him our
thanks.
Ilis allusion to Gen. Grant was simply
respectful, and very brief:
And in closing this branch of my im
perfect address, it is both a duty and a
pleasure to thank the General, command
ing the army of the United States, for the
Interest he has manifested, and the favor
lim lias shown in furnishing tlic arms ne
cessary for the successful operations of the
institution, and in restoring the Cadet bat
tery.
We hope to lay before our readers in a
few days the conclusion of this admirable
address. It contains advice which wc
would all do well to accept and remember.
Bad for Baltimore.
The Monumental city has dimmed its
prestige with the South, and with liberal
spirits everywhere, by tlic refusal of its
city authorities to tender the hospitalities
of tlic city to the President. It thus sinks
to a level with Philadelphia and Cincinnati
in bigotry, intolerance, and downright
vulgarity. Whatever 'the craven souls
who disgrace the council boards of those
cities may think of President Johnson, a
becoming respect for tlic Chief Executive
of the nation demanded that the dignity of
tlic office be recognized, and that ho bo re
ceived with the courtesy and consideration
due to the presiding officer of the Govern
ment. There is no measuring the depth
of Radical malignity and meanness. All
the low-flung dregs of ■ humanity seem to
have formed a league to rule, ruin, and
disgrace tlic American character. Who
can doubt that there is enough of .manli
ness left to put down these disorgatiizers ?
Tt must be done, or out goes the light of
American civilization.
Gov. Swann, of Maryland, ashamed of
the ill-mannered plugs who control the city
council of Baltimore, made arrangements
to meet the President in a becoming man
ner. Ex-Gov. "Bradford was appointed to
deliver the address of welcome at the
Eutaw House. The Governor declared
that the State would pay the expense of
the reception, but avowed his willingness
to pay it out of his own pocket.
Brownlow —the reverend and saintly
Brownlow—in the course dl a harangue in
New York the other day, made use of the
following language, as reported iu the pa
pers of that city:
“I am sorry to say to you. gentlemen,
that you do not fully and thoroughly un
derstand tiie tone and temper of the peo
ple at the South. The very old Scratch
himself is in them all yet. It is their pur
pose to bring on another rebellion. It is
their purpose either to restore slavery by
proclamation, or else to have pay for their
emancipated negroes. Never with my con
sent."
When the Governor stated that “it is
their purpose either to restore slavery
by proclamation, or else to have pay for
their emancipated negroes, does any man
in the South, Radical or Conservative,
suppose that the speaker was not fully
aware he was telling a deliberate falsehood?
Certainly net. Is it any wonder that the
Governor of Tennessee is come to be al
most universally recognized as the synonym
of all that Ls repulsive and abominable—a
disgrace to our common humanity ? He
is a fit champion of the cause of Radical
ism—whoso entire stock in trade isthe per
version o? the truth in reference to the
South, and an utter disregard of all that is
manly, just and constitutianal.
Speech of Hon. W. H. Seward, at Louis
ville, oil Tuesday Last,
Fellow-Cleizexs : It is the first time
in my liie that I have ever had the honor
to address a portion of the people of the
State of Kentucky. 1 do not disguve
from myself the pleasant flattery that ?
am received by you wi:h kindness and r||
spect. 1 confess to you that although tint
is the beginning of anew personal ad',
quaintance, yeti never ii life wa;
, more free iu speech, tree in tbGc
free in heart than lam on tile j geut or
casion. [A voice, "That's
and cheers.] I tcei that I am Kfcmmed,'
by the State without which iqy early
knowledge of political events reveatg to me
-that the United States would heve been
unable to go through a second war of
American independence; without the
valor and heroism of Kentucky the Unit
ed States would have gone down [cheers]
in the war of 1812. All my later know
ledge and experience bear testimony to me
that, confounded as Kentucky was by the
beginning of the late civil war, divided as
she was by the institution of slavery, which
she had so long cherished and maintained, {
torn as she was by the ties of kindred
drawing her in opposite directions, and im
pelled. headlong as she was, by some ofhsr !
precipitate, and may I not say unprunjAhgy
statesmen, yet 1 am able, from the Cabinet ]
j of Abraham Lincoln at Washington, to
j declare my firm belief that but for tneloyal
! ty which Kentucky did exert, and the
bravery which her soldiers and sailors did
put forth, the last rebellion had possibly
been a success, and the United States now
a divided people. | Cheers. ] Am 1 not
then at home in Kentucky? [Cries,
“Yes.”] I who never suffered, as Ken
tucky suffered, the thought of disunion to
overbalance in my judgment the great in
terests and integrity of the Union of these
States. [Cheers.]
Fellow-citizens, I want to acknowledge
your welcome, to thank you for it; and I
mean to say here to-day what I would say
elsewhere. [Cheers.]
There are some circumstances disclosed
to me on this visit which will enab'e me, l
hope, to dispel some of the illusions, and to '
overcome some of the prejudices and pas
sions of the people amongst whom is my
own personal residence. I am able now, ■
after having traveled with the President
of the United States from the seat of Gov
ernment though the State of Maryland,
through a portion of the Keystone State,
through the great State of New York,
from the seacoast to the lakes, along the
lake coast through Ohio, Michigan, In
diana and Illinois, and into the'State of
Missouri, and back again through the
States of Illinois and Indiana, to drop in
just for a moment and look upon the bor
der of the State of Kentucky [cheers], to
declare here now in your presence of the
whole people of America—aye, I suppose
that wnat I say even here may be heard
across the Atlantic and tlic Pacific —1 de
clare before the world that while the peo
ple of the late free States, no longer ex
clusively free, are divided as to the consent j
for the restoration of flic republic, the |
people of this late slave State of Kentucky,
and I infer from it the same as to all the
rest of the slave States —are unanimous
for the restoration of the Union. [Cheers
and cries of “iniou. ” | Aye, more; l
knew it intuitively. I knew that fifty
years of debate is not allowed to any peo
ple upon any question that is not enough
to bring tlic mind of any reasoning, re
flecting and enlightened people to a con
clusion upon tlic matter that lias been de
bated. We have had fifty years of debate
on this question of slavery. What is it all
worth now after you have accepted the
abolition of slavery and declared for tlic j
freedom of the whole race ? What lias the j
debate been worth if your sincerity in mak
ing that resolution is to be questioned ? ,
Nay, more ; 1 know another thing which
I am confirmed in by the spectacle around
me, and it is this ; that whatever distrust \
or jealously or fpredjudices or passions
may have been heretofore encouraged in
this State, or in any State south of us,
against the Union of the United States, or
whatever ambition .may have exifte'i
A ’ Git- ;■<-'■ ,'G', -ib'l
may have led any portion of them into the
rebellion, I pronounce here the conviction
that the people of this State, and of all the
late insurrectionary States, have become
sound in their loyalty, and are to be trust
ed just as faithfully as the States that
have stood by the Union. [Cheers,]
This is founded on reason also. What
on earth does Providence allow the scourges
of war and the shedding of human Wood
for, if it is not that through the trials of
war we shall reach the conclusions which
reason and humanity demand at our hands. .
Those who have suffered most, therefore,
are likely hereafter, to be the most loyal.
I can carry this testimony home, i’ou
have seen here the personation of the Un
ion by thirty-six little girls. It is the first j
time as I recollect, that the pleasant, rop j
resentation has been enacted since the be- !
ginning of the civil war. Will the |
people of Maine, will the people ofMassa- I
clmsotts, of Illinois and of Wisconsin lot)- 1
ger distrust your sincerity in returning to j
the Union, when you have presented the j
renewed spectacle of arraying the States 1
of the Union, the whole thirty-six, in the 1
pure robes of peace, combined together \
and typical of a restored and indissoluble j
Union. [Loud cheers,] Those who rep
resented tire States were youths. That
is my own understanding of the eondi
dition of all the United States.
Some of these representatives were not
more than ten years old, AH tire States
in this nation, each individual State, is in j
its ninety-first year; and ninety years of ;
the life of a nation are equivalent, accord- '
ing to my reckoning, to ten years of indi- i
vidual life. 1 infer from this beautiful !
spectacle, that your hearts are in tlic res
toration ; that wc shall be able to disabuse
tlic prejudices of tlio.se who insist that you
shall be traitors, though you never were,
and tlrat you shall he rebels, though you
fought to'maintain the Union. [Cheers, ;
Fellow-citizens, I have said all that is ne
cessary for me to say, except that I may
perhaps add this one statement: Wc
found a year ago that tlic war came to an
end upon our hands suddenly, and, to
many throughout the nation, unexpectedly.
The restoration of peace was indispensa
ble, and delay was dangerous and destruc
tive. leading toward renewed civil war,
The President of tlic United States consid
ered and examined his counselors on three
questions. Os those counselors, I was
one. The first was, what ought to bo got
ten frorir the States which were in rebellion
as conditions of peace? second, what can
be got ? and third, what is all that they
can bo reasonably required to give?
The President said: “I will accept
theso States, so far as depends upon the
aetiun of the Executive of the Government,
provided they will do these four thing.-,;
Ist, abolish slavery and accept the Consti
tutional amendment for that purpose;
2d, repudiate secession; 3d, repudiate
their own debt; 4th, accept the debt of
tiie United States. Those demands wore
no sooner made than they were complied
with, and with alacrity. Tl>at being
done, our faith was pledged to accept them
and receive them into the councils of tiie
< rpYuriimput. That is the ground wc oc
cupy to-day. The declaration of Congress
would have great potency if it had been
convened during tiie war. Rut it was con
vened in December, after peace had re
turned, and when tiie constitutional i'unc
tioqs of tiie Goveannrent had been re
stored, and it excluded the Representa
tives of eleven States. Therefore the ap
peal is taken to the whole thirty-six
States, and if thirty-six States of the
Union shall give a majority against the
President of Che United States, it will be
an obstruction to him, and lie must wait
the pleasure of the American people for
the restoration of the Union. [Cheers. ]
But if. in the restoration of the States, we
have thirty six, our course will be sus
tained.
Fellow-citizens, I thank you for tiiis re
ception. j Cheers.] A voice, “Give us
a word about Mexico?”
, Mr. Seward—l will give you a word
about Mexico. You are all in favor of an
nexing more States. Just restore the
States that we have got already, and then
I will talk about getting more. [Laughter
and cheers. ]
The impression made upon the audience
by Mr. Seward, says the Journal, was in
a high degree flattering to his scholarship
and logical power and conservative political
views.
Information is received from California
that the Panama Railroad has been sold to
an English Company, and the act is con
sidered as prejudicial to the interest oi the
citizens of the United States, crossing the
Isthmus.
The Radical members of Congress from
Ohio, who voted last winter for conferring
the right of .uffrage upon the negroes of
the District of Columbia, are denying upon
the stump that they are in favor of any
such measure in Ohio.
KEAV SERIES, VOL. XXV. NO. 40.
Tlic Body of llahlgreii Again.
| The New lork Heralds Richmond 'eor-
I respondent has revived the subject of
Dahlgren’s 'body. He says the Colonel’s
| friends have been “grossly deluded by hav
ing painted off upon them a fictitious body
in lieu of that of tlic deceased Colonel,”
| and adds:
“I can state positively that the body
given to his relatives was not the genuine
one. and that tlip parties who secured it
had not the slightest idea where the Colo
nel s remains were interred. The fact was
known to but two persons, and lean assure
you that neither of these furnished any in
.omiatioi as to their whereabouts. They
are still where they were then deposited,
and any impriAsion as to the contrary is
the merest *(/-’ fston. The mail Martin
Meredith Liipcontbe, who gave to the
friends of Colonel Dal jgroii what lie repre
sented as thd'!genuitie body, had no earth
ly knowledge, directly or indirectly, of the j
place of its interment. Wliat gave color
to the idea of his having full information
upoti the subfoftt ftas the fact of his having
a contract for the burial of deceased Feder
al prisoners, many or whom He often boast
ed of having buried alive. The body of
Colonel Dahlgren was not interred in ()ak
wood Cemetery. Where it had been in
terred remains a secret to this day, save to I
the two who performed the burial service, |
and these are gentlemen who would willing
ly suffer death,rather than violate the in
junction of seefesy imposed with reference j
to the place where the body was deposited.
So much for the Herald, man and his j
awful Mystery. Niff tfffni we to aStfner '
authority, not anonymous and in every way
trustworthy.
In the Cressent Monthly for September,
there is an article by Garnett Andrews, Jr.,
of Mississippi, entitled “Dahlgren s Raid;
His Papers, Death and Burial.” Captain
Andrews was tit the time of the Dahlgren
raid an Assistant Adjutant General, of the
Department of Richmond, then command
ed by Major General Arnold Elzey, and
had peculiar advantages for observing all
of its occurrences and the events that fol
lowed, both of which have been much dis
cussed and much misrepresented. It is
the object of the article, by the publication
of facts, to defend the Confederates against
misrepresentations generally, to prove the
genuineness of the infamous Dahlgren pa
pers, and to satisfy those, if any such
exist, that no indignity was ever offered
the remains of Dahlgren. We need hard
ly say that Captain Andrews’ clear, un
varnished statement must carry conviction
to every unprejudiced mind. As our read
ers are familiar with all tiie facts wo shall
quote only the concluding portion of the
article which bears upon the point raised
by the Herald's correspondent, the dispo
sition made of Dahlgren’s body.
The stories once circulated in regard to
the disposition made of the dead officer’s
remains, but afterwards completely refuted,
strengthened tiie conclusion that the effort
of tlic Northern press to brand the docu
ment as “a base Rebel fabrication,” is
nothing but the last refuge*of shame—a
falsehood. Soon after the •unfortunate oc
currence, orders were given by Mr. Davis
to have tlic body exhumed and restored to
the friends of the deceased, in consequence of
an application made by some ofthem to that
effect; doubtless tlic very letter of General
I tahlgrcn mentioned by Mr. Foote. 11.
was then that its removal from the grave
was first discovered ; and measures were
immediately taken by .Air. Davis’ direction
to investigate tiie mystery. The writer ol
this article was detailed tomake a thorough
examination and report of tiie matter, and
after exhausting every means of informa
tion, ascertained the following facts :
The corpse in charge of Lieutenant At
kinson was buried in his presence among
tlic Federal graves in Oakwood cemetery,
by the sexton and four reliable soldiers.
The interment was managed secretly, ami
the grave left unmarked, to prevent any
possil(ility of its being outraged, suoli meas
ures being thought prudent, though hard
ly necessary, as the people wore known to
be deeply incensed ujron learning the ehar
aotcr of the dew! .nifmw-dusigas asuius*.
were known to be cognizant of the place
of’burial was strictly examined in private,
and it appeared that none of them took
partin, advised, or knew of the removal,
it was, however, stated in tiie evidence
that passengers on the high road near by
were sometimes in sight while they were
discharging this duty, and that a party of
soldiers, returning front tiie funeral of a
comrade in a distant portion of the grounds,
passed by during tiie same time. It was
the conjecture of many that some of those,
or the people on the highway, discovered
the nature of Colonol Atkinson’s opera
tions, noticed tfio spot, and disclosed tiie
circumstance to others, either foes or
friends, to the deceased or his cause, and
that in tlic former case, the body hud been
taken up to _ gratify a shocking spirit of
revenge, or, in the latter, to convey it to a
secure place to bo preserved for the proper
claimants.
The second supposition was, in part, eor- j
rcct. The public woll remembers that very !
soon after the feloso of the war certain Un- i
ion men of Richmond published a state- ;
ment clearing up the mystery. It is said 1
that a negro man employed about the !
grounds, noticing something unusual in the
cautious movements of Colonel Atkinson
and his party, concealed, himself and
watched them, marking tlic grave upou j
their withdrawal. The facts coming!
through hint to the knowledge of these In
ion sympathizers, they, suspecting the
truth, dug up the remains at night, and j
re-interred them somewhere in Hanover
county. There they tested until delivered
to he Dahlgren family, after peace was
restored to the country.
Until this discovery was made, the
world persistently believed that the Con
federate authorities had given away to a
beastly ferocity, and would regard their
earnest denial as nothing but a downright
lie. Let it now be mpre careful in doubt
ing that the papers were authentic.
Garnett Andrews, Jr.
The Vermont Election. —The Con
servatives claim that instead of losing, they
have gained in the late election. Here
is what the Burlington Sentinel says on
the subject:
The Democratic gains are very largo,
though tlic. Republicans have made large,
though, comparatively much less, gains.
On the Congressional ballot, the Conser
vative men everywhere have done their
work nobly, and thrown a very heavy vote
for their own candidate, Waldo Brigham.
The vote in this city alone for Brigham
was 3G2, a plurality of 133 over Baxter,
and only 25 les.s than the vote for Romeo
11. Hoyt. The reports through the State
are as yet meagre. The Radical State
ticket is, of course, re-elected entire
Conservative men, however, everywhere,
who have heretofore acted with the radi
cals of the Republican party, are rogard
, ing with favor the Philadelphia platform,
and arc cordially indorsing the party and
the principles of toe grand National Union
Convention recently held in that eity.
The Democratic gain in this eity over the
vote of last year is over 3fMt per cent,
while the radical gain is a little over 200
; tier cent.
, Secession a Massachi'sktib Doc
i trine. —The following extract, from
; “Townsend’s Encyclopedia of the Great
Rebellion,” shows that Massachusetts in
times past, as now, favored the policy of
obstruction when it was desired to add a
State to the Union :
“In January, 1811, the author of this
reminiscence was. at Washington. lim
question of admission of Louisiana, tneun
Territory, into the Union as a State, wa.-.
under consideration.
“Air. Poydras was the delegate to on
*rres* He was a Frenchman, and could
not address the House in English. Air.
Poindexter, the delegate from .Mississippi,
was assigned the duty of presenting and
advocating the admission of Louisiana into
the Union as a State.
“Josiah Quincy, member Irorn Boston,
opposed the admission with great vehem
ence. He denounced the purchase of
Louisiana and the general principles of the
Jefferson and Aladisort administrations,
and said it might he necessary for Massa
chusetts to secede from the Union— ‘Ami
cably if we can, violently if we must.’ ”
The Democrats and Conservatives in In
diana wiil elect six, if not more of the
eleven representatives to which the Slate
is entitled. The best feeling and great en
thusiasm prevail.
J. AY. Bates, formerly a clerk at the
headquarters of General R. E. Lee, was re
cently kicked to death at Lynchburg, Va.
by a butty named George Langhorn. *
A California paper says that Air. Edwin
Forrest means to reside in that .State six
months, for the sake of procuring a divorce
from Mrs. Forrest, to whom he has been
paying an alimony of *3,000 a year ever
since the celebrated suit years ago.
Noble Words Fitly Spoken.
e take pleasure in laying before our
readers the following extract from Gov
ernor Letcher's address, delivered at Lex
ington recently upon the re-inauguration
ol the " ashington statue. The sentiments
to which lie gives utterance in such forcible
and manly language, we have attempted
heretofore to impress upon the people of
the South.
1 must bring these remarks to a close,
i lie war has terminated in bringing us all
together and re-establishing the Union,
h flic present condition of affairs, high
a " d holy duties devolve upon the people
ot all the States. If these duties are dis
eliargedwiih prudence and wisdom, and
faithfully and honestly—ifit spirit ot kind
ness and conciliation shall be encouraged—
it the past shall be forgotten, as it ought
to be. under existing circumstances, then
may we hope ford nion mid harmony, and
the revival of fratyryal affection.. No
government can endure, which does not
rest upon the affectionß of its people. A
wise, just, tolerant, upright administra
tion of public affairs, will win back the
affections of the South and entwine them
around the pillars that uphold the
I mon. as the ‘'clasping ivy' encircles the
majestic oak. Kindness begets kinduess
—confidence inspires confidence—charity
and tolerance generate love and affection.
Let all these ennobling virtues be culti
vated and encouraged.' if the scenes of
the last four year cannot lie forgotton by
either side, let them at least be for-iveii
ikitum -in i r --
T fn Vf>TVnnrT '7T-, . A+l. .
d«uii waww cu n’TTimn iTi? oTncr ot
the disagreeable incidents that occurred
during-that sad, but eventful period. Let
us all turn our attention to the re-establish
ment of law and order throughout the land
—to_ the revival of trade and business,
foreign and domestic —let us all unite in a
common effort to secure a return of that
prosperity which characterised the nation
in other and better days—and above all,
let us, by precept and example, inculcate a
spirit of harmony between the States and
the different sections of the country. As
a Virginian, devotedly attached *to the
land in which I was born, and the people
who have honored me with their confi
dence, I say for myself and lor them also,
that wo wish to sec that line of policy
adopted, which will bring peace, restore
confidence,, rouse up the energies of the
people, stimulate production, develop the
material resources of the whole country,
extend commerce, and make the Govern
ment universally loved, honored, and re
spected. It i»our Government, and duty
demands this of us.
The chiefeausc of contention between the
North and the South has now been re
moved. How it was done, is a matter -of
no moment —it is sufficient for us to know
that it is an accomplished fact. The in
stitution of slavery has bceu abolished. It
no longer exists among us. Its abolition
is fully recognized, undersiood and ac
cepted. No one desires its re-establish
ment, or seeks to re-establish it. In the
language of President Johnson “the South
ern States have conic up magnanimously,
and acknowledged the tact, and have gone
into their State Conventions, and ratified
its abolition. ” We Lave, therefore, done
everything to prove the sincerity ot our
professions, that can be reasonably de
manded of us. We are all disposed to
deal with things as we now find them, and
so to deal with them as to realize the*
largest amount of available good for our
selves and our posterity.
A majority in the two Houses of Con
gress lias denied representation to tlie peo
ple of the South. Let us not, however,
despair.on this account. An act so wrong
in itself—so utterly indefensible,, cannot
be justified or excused, either on the score
of principle or policy. This will correct it -
self, and ere long the people of the South
will have their rights fully recognized.
Let us be patient, and all will yet come
right.
Let us then boos good cheer. Let no
one be disheartened or discouraged. A\ e
must all do our duty, in a faithful, inde
pendent, and manly way, and then we may
reasonably anticipate a bright and happy
future for ourselves, our posterity and our
country.
It.should be the policy of all to inculcate
a spirit of concord, and so act, each to the
ftthei',.'ai»;tAg>dvaiico the ceintnou ihtercsts
tion, augment its w< -a! tiLjevelcsp its Tjrmnd -
less mineral and other resources, rouse' up
its dormant energies, multiply its chamois
of intercommunication, encourage agricul
tural, mechanical and manufacturing in
dustry. This is due to ourselves, ns well
as those who are to come after us, and who
look tons for the adoption of*a policy that
will plaeo them before the world in the
most advantageous position. Let ns deal
candidly, fairly, honestly, justly and char
itably one with another, and then kneeline
around.the altar of a common country, let
a united prayer ascend to Heaven —‘‘(too
BLESS AMERICA.”
A Returned Confederate.
The latest, and perhaps the last to come,
returned. Confederate was in this city Sat
urday, direct from the late enemy s prisons.
Ilis experience since the surrender has
been both eventful and tragic.- Soon after
the termination ot the war he was, with
other prisoners at •Johnson \s Island, liber
ated. but was not furnished with transpor
tation. Being without money he was at a
loss how to get to his home, which is in
Augusta county in this State, nine miles
from Staunton. He, however, made his
way to Indiana afoot, and, in passing
through a town of that State, went into a
hotel, thinking l>e might meet with some
one who would give him assistance. A
number of men were at the bar drinking,
among them a Federal officer, who was
talking about tlio war, and, among other
things, said that he had taken an oath to
kill every one of Ashby s men he ever met
with. Without stopping t/> weigh the
consequences our returned hero spoke up,
on the impulse of the moment, and said,
“he was one of Ashby’s men.” The offi
cer at once drew a pistol and lired at him
three times, each ball taking effect, but
not in vital points. Our Confederate like
a wounded lion, rushed on him; wrenched
the weapon from his grasp, and shot the
officer dead with a remaining ball. The
Confederate was arrested, thrown into pris
on, where he suffered long months of' con
finement, and it was only very recently
that lie was brought to trial, which result
ed in his filial acquittal. 11c then started
again for home, and reached here Satur
day morning by the Tennessee train. He
stopped at the Xor veil House, where he
was recognized by gentlemen, who knew
him and vouch for his respectability and
reliability. He also had with him a copy
of the records in the trial properly authen
ticated, corroborating his statements. He
was furnished with assistance, and started
for his home Bumlay morning. His name
is Simpson, and he was a member of A h
| by’s command, while that knightly chief
tain rode hi s wondrous rounds, and was
the first to reach his noble form when lie
t loll.— -J/yuchburtf Ji'publiccm.
A Modest Sian in a Predicament.
Mr. Tom Loughrin is noted all over the
city for his modesty. He stands six f'«
two in his stockings, and at least six feet of
him is made up of modesty. At an early
hour yesterday morning iyr. L. was mak
| ii.g his toilet at his risidenee on l’rate
avenue and Walnut street, he was stand
ing in front of his mirror, with or.ly one
i garment on —and that a rather short one—
and had lathered his line preparatory to
mowing his heard, when he wasstartled by
a shrill scream from Biddy, his servant
girl, anihi■ wife called to him that Brid
get was on fire. Mr. L., with an admirable
presence of mind, seized a quilt from the
bed, and, reaching the bottom of the stairs
at two jumps, soon enveloped the flaming
damsel in the folds of tliequiit, andsmoth
crel the flames before the girl was serious
ly injured. While Mr.* b., was thus
engaged some dozen ladies from adjoining
houses, hearing the screams of the girl’
rushed in to sec what was the matter.—
1 hey arrived in time to see the tall form of
j -■ bending over the girl. Tom looked
around and saw the ladies, and, remember*
mg that he had not finished his toilet, went
up stairs a little faster than he hail come
down. The ladies tittered, and at every
titter, Mr. L. accelerated hi,- speed, and
when he reached his room he was covered
with a profuse perspiration. He says it
was the most embarrassing position he was
ever placed in. and hopes never to lie
caught in such a fix again.
The city council oi Chicago have passed
a resolution that after January 1, eight
hours shall constitute a legal dav's work
for all men in the employ of the city.
The store of Samuel Strotteu at New
.Jiullslo, was lately destroyed by lire, and
.Mr. Strotten perished in the flames.
A Virginia paper states that of five
hundred cadets who graduated at the Vir
ginia Military Institute, before its destru.--
tion by Hunter’s forces, four hundred and
seventy-live were killed and wounded in
the army under General Lee.
An unknown man was killed by falling
from the cars at Indianapolis on Wednes
day evening. He was on his way to Cin
cinnati, ana his given name was Levi; no
other tacts concerning him could he
leared.