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About Weekly chronicle & sentinel. (Augusta, Ga.) 1866-1877 | View Entire Issue (March 13, 1867)
(L'hvoniclt & Sentinel. WKDMiSDAY MOKM’Vtt. MAKtH 13. IXfllUiM7> In giving place to the communication of J. IT. S., to be found in another column, v e feel compelled to say that, while we agree •with him in the position taken in his let ter, we entirely disapprove the hard epi thets and curt inuendoes which it contains. IV'e <1 ■ not believe that anything is to be gained by personal abuse and detraction in the discussion of the great Issues which are now before us. Wc Lave no sympathy with the class who would abuse and con temn those who differ with them in the present emergency. The strictures of the correspondent upon the course of ex-Gov. Brown are, in our judgment, ill-timed and too severe. Doubtless Gov. Brown is ac tuated by pure motives, and, while we do not and cannot agree with him in his present position, we are willing to give him credit for pure and honorable inten tions. Jiot Represented. eighteen States of the American Union | are without representation in the present j ( loth) Congress. Ofthc.se, seven (being a majority of the whole) were, of the orig inal thirteen which framed the Constitu tion, and formed the Government under which the United States have become one of the first powers in the civilized world. The old .States not represented, are New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Connecticut, V irginia, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia. The balance of the unrep resented States arc Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Kentucky, Tennessee, Arkan sas, Texas, Florida, California, Oregon and Nebraska. On the meeting of Congress, the Hon. Mr. Brook-, of New York, for himself and thirty-one other Representatives from the different States represented, laid before the House a protest against the organization and action of the 40th Congress in the absence of Representatives from so large a number of the States of the Union. The majority of the House, however, sustained the action of the Secretary in refusing to receive and enter upon the journals this protest, and proceeded to the regular routine of business. Watchman, Wliat or the Sight? We confess that the more we examine the provisions of the Military Bill the better satisfied we become that the true policy of the South is non-action. By non-action, we would not lie understood to say that if, in the course of events, an attempt should be made by any portion of the inhabitants of the State to inaugurate action looking to die convocation of a State Convention, that the true Southern people should not take steps to control such a movement. But until such a movement is seriously begun, the white people should strictly pur sue tfie course which we have assigned of non-action. Neither would we advise any of the Southern people to stay away from the polls if, in our State elections, which come off in the fall, the negroes should be per mitted to vote. All good citizens would, in such an event, be placed under impera tive obligations to not only vote themselves, but to use all the influence and power ■which they possess to control, in a legal way, the results of such elections. It is i perhaps premature, just now, to enlarge further upon this idea. Every reflecting mind in the State will perceive at once the vital importance of the course which we now suggest in relation to this subject. But we would urge, with all the power of which wc arc capable, that the Southern people should not throw themselves forward into the trap set for them in the Sherman I fill. Wc can lose nothing by waiting— wc certainly can gain nothing by acting. Prudence dictates that we remain quiet and passive. We know that it is urged by some that, by acting at once, wc may avert other and further wrongs. . That our rejection of the provisions of the Sherman Bill will entail upon us confiscation, and, perhaps, exile or imprisonment. The course which we adviso is neither to reject or approve. Ts wo wore disposed to reject ils degrading terms we have not the power to do so ; and, on the other hand, our approval would only hasten the opera tions of the measure without, in the slight est. degree, mitigating its rigor. It is further insisted by some that a course of non-action on tho part of the South, would subject us, in the eyes of the Radicals, to the imputation of contumacy and defiance of their power. We do not t hink that the line of policy which we in dicate liable to such a construction. We arc not required by the Sherman Bill to call a State Convention. Wo are not re quired to form a State Constitution. Wo are not required to apply for admission in io the Union. The requirements are that, in all elections in the State held under the provisions of that Bill, all the negroes and only a part of the whites shall vote. Shall wo, by any act of ours, seem even to ' approve and endorse such a cruel and degrading proposition ? This is the true issue. It is not whether we can avert or change the character of the terms pro posed, but simply whether we shall vol untarily accept and approve them as the best we can get, or, as we think is decided ly preferable, whether we shall not leave the whole matter to be worked out under the provisions of the Bill when its machinery shall have been put in motion in our midst. Lotus not, in seeking to avoid present evils, rush into greater and more desperate danger. Indecent haste in this matter will surely prejudice our cause. Indeed, we be lieve that the over-sensitiveness of our people upon this subject for the last six weeks has gone far to assist in forging the chains which are, by the operations ol this Hill, to be put upon us. On the other hand, we must deprecate anything like defiance or exasperation of feeling, either t iw ards the authors of the measure or those of our own people who are disposed to ac cept its. to us, degrading terms. M e beg and implore the people of Georgia to re main quiet and patient, for awhile at least. We assure them that they cannot possibly lose anything by such a course. Wo know whereof we write—that the 'Highest civil officer of the State, chosen by the unanimous voice of the people to discharge the functions of the Executive office, is not sleeping over the rights, interests and welfare of the people, lie is fully alive to the importance and peril of our situation, and will give such advice and direction to our people as, from the lights which he may, from his official position and a visit to Washington be hie to obtain, seem most judicious and proper in the premises. e know that he contemplates visiting the Federal Capital immediately with the view of ascertaining to what extent and under what restrictions, if any. the State government will be per mitted to exercise its functions. M e know that steps have been taken to secure concert of action among the Executives of the several excluded t'pites, ill view of the inauguration of the military rule provided for in the Sherman Bill. We insist that, pending these movements, any action which we may take may seriously embar rass and cripple the efforts of our civil rulers to protect our rights and secure to us living terms under this cruel legisla tion. 1 he greatest danger winch threatens us, just now, is the possibility of divisions among ourselves. Let every man iu the Btate strive to prevent such a condition of affairs. It is too apparent, that if we divide, Radical emissaries, aided by a few moan Southern whites, will begin to manipulate and cajole the blacks. If we ] but remain united, the black element incur midst will be as clay in the potter's hands, taking such impressions and directions as we may choose to make and direct. We know that some of our people are really alarmed at the present condition of affairs. The Sherman Bill is a raw-head and-bloody-bones to many otherwise good and respectable jieople. 'The hideous back ground which looms up in the dis tance Os confiscation and penury, shocks their nerves and destroys their courage. The knees of many smite together under the terror of 'great impending danger. For this class we confess that we do not have much hope. Many of them would doubtless do well to go and bang them selves at once to prevent the Radicals from doing it for them. But these are few and far between, and arc mainly to be found in the cities and large towns. In the rural districts, we are glad to learn, the people are generally hard at work, restoring their waste places and rebuilding their destroyed fortunes. To them we need only say that they have adopted the better and wiser course. Every one should bend bis whole energies now to the restora tion of the material interests of the coun try. Do not hesitate to act, because it may lie that, in the providence of an all wise God, your enemies inavreap the fruits of your toil. Do your duty faithfully, manfully and firmly, and leave the results to Providence. The Impeachment Investigation. The following is the material portion of ' the report submitted to the House of Rep- I resentatives, Saturday, by the committee (Judiciary) that has been engaged in j “working up” the impeachment of the 1 President: Soon after the adoption of the resolution by tho House, the lion. James M. Ashley j communicated to the committee, in sup port of Jus charges against the President of 1 the United States, such facts as were in his. possession, and the investigation was pro- ! needed with, and has been continued al most without a day’s interruption. A large j number of witnesses have been examined, many documents collected, and everything done which could be done to reach a con clusion of the case. But the investigation covers a broad field, embraces many novel, interesting and important questions, and involves a multitude of facts, while most of the witnesses are distant from the capi tal, owing to which the committee, in view of the magnitude of the interests involved in its action, has not been able to conclude its labors, and is not therefore prepared to j submit a definite and linai report. If the I investigation had even approached com -5 pieteness the committee would not feel au i thorized to present the result to the House | at this late period of the session unless the I charge had txjen so entirely negatived as to j admit of no discussion, which in the opin ion of the committee is not the case. Cer tainly, no affirmative report could be pro perly considered in the expiring hours of this Congress. Tho committee not having fully in vestigated all the charges preferred against the President of the United States, it is | deemed inexpedient to submit any 'con | elusion beyond thestatementthat sullicient testimony has been brought to its notice I to justify and demand a further prosecu ‘ lion of the investigation. | Tho testimony which the committeee has taken will pass Into the custody of the Clerk of the House, and can go into tiie bands of such committee as may be charged with the duty of bringing this investiga tion to a close, so that the labor expended upon it may not have been in vain. The committee regrets its inability de finitely to dispose of the important subject committed to its charge, and presents this report for its own justification, and for the additional purpose of notifying tho suc- I ceoding Congress of the incompleteness of its labors, and that they should be com pleted. James Wilson, Chairman, Francis Thomas, J). Mourns, F. id. Wooiirridge, George N. Boittwell, Thomas Williams, Burton C. Cook, William Lawrence. State Action Upon the Congressional Reconstruction Bill. It will be freely granted by all right minded persons that the great want of the country—North, South, East and West — is tranquility. Undeniably it is not only the desire of the Southern people to be free from the turbulent excitement of civil dis sensions, hut that this has become abso lutely necessary to enable them, whilst con forming to the demands of the new social condition, to be self-sustaining and self-sup porting. A continuance of the evils of the past would inevitably end in the abandon ment of the country by the better class of citizens and make those who remain a burthen, rather than a benefit to the na tion. A colonial status which will give stability to affairs —which will secure, al though it may abridge, the rights of indi viduals —is now far more to be desired than a nominal independence which involves vacillation and interference, mutability and the harrassing anxieties of an uncertain future. Many of the difficulties which do now, and will for a long time to come, surround the •people of the South, were early foreseen. It is true, that there were some sanguine from hope, rather than confident from judgment, who foretold speedy adjustment, reconciliation and restoration. They re joiced that the Government of the United States, “the best government the world ever saw”—“ the greatest Republic in tho history of the world’s existence,” —had passed through a huge intestine war, not only intact, “but stronger than ever.” With the buoyancy of hope they pointed to tho conduct of the Amphytrionic Council at the time when it ordered the destruction of tho brazen trophy erected to commemo rate tho conquest of Lacedemonia by the Thebans. They recollect their memorable saying that “it is not fitting that any record should remain of discord between Greek and Greek.” The North and South were to bo “better friend* than ever.” Magna nimity would guide the triumphant; re spect and good feeling would return to the unsuccessful; and the great Republic would march forward with renewed vigor and with unparalleled prosperity—her people harmonious and united at home, her government feared and respected abroad. But there were those esteemed for wisdom and prudence, whodid not foresee the future so glowingly. They did not join with the despairing, for they possessed an abiding faith in the good sense and intelligence of the American people. But they doubted if tho difficulties could be so speedily over come. They foresaw that fortitude and forbearance of the South might be tested even more severely than valor and endur ance had been. Their counsel was to avoid division and discord ; abstain from the discussion, so far as possible, of national polities and avoid consequent political ex citement ; comply with all military rules and exactions, and yield prompt and will ing obedience to the laws as they are pro mulgated. The people, themselves, with wonderful unanimity, concurred in such opinions, and with still more wonderful universality enforced them then in daily practice. A Federal General—well known as a life-long Democrat—governed our State, with its area of sixty-eight thousand square miles and more than one million of inhabitants, sustained only by a sin.de small brigade, and the duties of that brig ade were never extended beyond guard mounting and dress parade. Another Federal General —who boldly announced himself a Republican, or, in his own language, “what you.call a Black Re publican by birth, education and upon principle,” “a free-soil and a free-labor man” —Joinul a battalion of lens than rive hundred men ample to enforce re spect and obedience to law;' 'and we ven- i ture to assert that the records of these j military rulers, for the whole of their re spective administrations, will not disclose one-third of the number of crimes, which may be found published in the Boston Herald, as having been committed in the State of Massachusetts during the past six months. The President, as Commander- 1 in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, was the sole channel of com- . munieation with the Government of the United States. His proclamations had all the force of military law. Did he order a new oath of fealty to be taken, it was sworn I to and subscribed. Did he order the re moval of a petty officer of State ormuniei- j pal government, the obnoxious person j ceased to perform his functions. By him, and through him, the people wore informed j of the requirements of existing laws, and of obligations imposed by enactments which had never reached their ears. He was not ] only recognized as the true and lawful representative of the Government, but was recognized also as the true head : and representative of the dominant party who held and controlled legislation, i The surrender had beeu not only sndden j an l unexpected, but as complete as sud- den. There was but little legation by v engross to meet such an exigency: but that little was definite, and looked only to the restoration of constitutional power, the preservation of the unity of the Republic and the emancipation of the slaves. The example of the preceding President fur bished a precedent. The same men who | lormed J t ,e of Mr. Lincoln con stunted the Cabmct of Mr. Johnson, and | were bls chief advisers and counsellors and I his executive officers. His demands and j suggestions, therefore, had all the force of I legal enactments. Our people were patient and submissive. They gave but little heed to the vituperative calumny and obloquy which the heartless de.-ignsof unprincipled political pandcrers to power heaped upon them, but labored, individually and collectively, to retrieve State and individual prosperity. Too glad to turn away from the revolting scenes of war, they busied them selves about new enterprises. National politics, and contests for political power in the nation at large, were considered to be ; the source of their evils, and these were ; eschewed to the extent.of almost apathetic indifference. The rehabilitation of the State government was consummated. The President proclaimed the revocation of martial-law, and the restoration of civil rights under the writ of habeas cor pus. It was received with joy as the dawn of peace and tranquility. The people of the North were fully informed of the action of the President, and Congress was officially advised of it. There came to us no protests through the public prints, and, in the beginning, but feeble objections from the halls of legislation. Two great parties existed at the North. They differ ed numerically but a few thousand. But the difference in position was great—one was dominant, the other subordinate.— Ambitious political leaders very soon began to estimate the sources of political power. They saw that but a slight accession of strength from the unrepresented States to either party would cause a vast difference in their political prospects. If this acces sion of strength was given to the Demo cratic party, it would probably place that party in power. If the South united with the Republican party, it would only be upon such modifications of this party plat } form as would overthrow the extremists, and occasion to them the loss of present i position or tlic prospect of further advanee : inent. Nor had this view escaped at- I tention at the South. In this emergency a large mass of our people had signified their willingness “to co-operate with any ■ party or persons at the North, without \ regard to past political differences,” —to maintain the Constitution as the sole basis j of true liberty—banish sectionalism, and ! restore peace and harmony to the whole i country. The President favored a con | vention of those so disposed. The con | vention was held. The result is well ' known. For a time it was believed that the efforts of this convention would, ulti mately, accomplish the ends proposed. Confidence was restored—trade revived — National securities rose in price, and Na tional currency assumed a higher standard when compared with gold. Such facts, if they prove anything, prove that it is the interest and desire of the mass of the Northern people, that a speedy and stable settlement of questions relating to sectional differences should bo effected. But these things caused great alarm among the Radical leaders of the Republican party. Every exertion was put forth. It was asserted that the power of the party and the existence of the party was in jeopardy. It was asserted that the interest of the North was sought to be destroyed by a confederation of Northern Copperheads and Southern rebels. Republicans who participated in or sympathized with the objects of the Convention, were denounced as renegades’ and dismissed from the clubs. All machinery which could bo used was set in motion. Large sums of money were raised —clubs formed—committees organ ized —mass meetings hold. The fears of the timid were excited,'and the bold dra gooned. It was everywhere proclaimed that the war was not over. The President of their own choice—who had early an nounced his dissent from the political doctrines which had prevailed in the South—who had early left his home and native State on account of his political creed, and who had fought with them and for them to maintain that creed —staunch as the staunchest in the darkest hours—was assailed as a traitor and charged with conspiring to organize, anew, rebellion. Everthing that would induce excitement and create alarm was used and diffused. All that bore the appearance of infraction of law or disturbance of good order at the South was distorted, mag nified and perverted. The act of an in dividual was accounted as the act of the community—the acts of a locality justified the assertion that it was the act of the Southern people; and when no deeds could be found suited to their purposes, they were forged and fabricated with shameless mendacity. It was asserted a secret organization existed at the South whose design was to rekindle the flames of civil war. It was suggested that the defeat of the Republican party and the admis sion of Southern Representatives would be followed by the repudiation of the national debt and universal bankruptcy— that the bounties would be withheld from soldiers and personal revenge would char acterize Southern votes. No where can we find that the Republican party, as a party, has ever made a single overture which was intended to be or could be ac cepted by the South. But everywhere it was st£*ed that a sufficient number of whites, togethenvith the loyal blacks, could be found at the South to desectionalize the Republican party and keep the power within its control; and all others were and should remain, civititcr mortuus. The result of the compaign wasa triumph for the Republican party, and, with that triumph, comes the Sherman-Shellabarger Reconstruction Bill. The provisions of the bill are known to our readers —wo do not propose to discuss it. Mr. Sherman said, in the Senate, it was not intended for dis cussion. If it is the la tc of the land —it must be acquiesced in and obeyed. There is no alternative—no other course is left us. But we protest against all partizan efforts in its favor. Our Governor is the repre sentative of no party. He was chosen without opposition—almost by acclamation, lie is a man of sagacity and of political experience, His integrity and virtues command the esteem even of those who differ with him on matters of State policy. The President commands our confidence. Let these direct our action. If the pro visions ofthc bill must be enforced, let them be euibrced as all such laws should be en forced—by command of the President— under the direction of the Governor. But do not let us adopt the arts of cowardly j demagoeueism. Do not let us parade accept ance with an air of freedom in primary j meetings at home, nor send, to be preserved | in the archives at Washington, abject reso- i lutions recording self-imposed degradation j andan ardent desire for political damnation. Submission, with dignity and decorum, will not degrade—venal acceptance can only i bring disgrace and inMmy. General Cobb. We learn that this distinguished civilian and soldier has just returned from Wash ington, where he has been spending a few weeks, and that he reports affairs there as anything but pleasant ami promising. lie, however, gives it as his opinion that it is unwise for the people of the State to cuter, just now, upon the discussion of the ques tion of acceptance or rejection of the propositions contained iu the Sherman Bill. "Tut. New Jerusalem Come Down,” as the hymn says, and we see in Tennes see, it is coming very low down. The Banner says the Radicals in that State are circulating hand-bills among the recently constituted negro voters, from which that paper selects the following extract: “Beware of the rebels. Thev are your enemies. They would re-ensiaVeyou, dis possess you of the rights with which we have invested you, rob you, beat you, re vile you, pursue you with threats, with ridicule, and to ultimate ruin. Come with us. 11 e arc the gU-ir Jenisalem Fight for us, toil for us, vote for us, and yours be the joy of the day of jubilee.” The reader may see from' the foregoing what we may look for in Georgia should we, like Tennessee, be remitted to suffrage composed of “white loyalists’’ and ne groes.—Journal & Messenger. It is rumored that the importance of our dear “colored people” is already ap preciated not a thousand miles from here. “Chaeiui a son gout.” A Lady Consul. —A Washington letter says: A bold and partially successful attempt to obtain a recognition of the demands of the progressive women of the country has been made by Mrs. Frances Lord Bond, of New York, who, last November, filed an application for a Consular appointment, which has been considered favorably by the administration, and the President has promised to nominate her for some British port as soon as she is prepared, in accord ance with the regulations of the State De partment. Got. Jenkins. We had the pleasure of meeting on Fri- j day his Excellency Governor Jenkins, who spent a day in our city on his way to Washington City. The Governor goes to Washington in order to have a conference with the President ih relation to the status of the State Government under the Sher man Bill, and to ascertain, if possible, to what extent and under what restrictions and limitations'the civil government of the State will be permitted to administer the laws. The Governor counsel/the people of the > State to remain quiet and firm until 1 further developments are made of the ; plans of the Radicals under the Sherman i Bill. He deprecates any undue excite- ; ment, and counsels moderation, forbearance 1 and manly fortitude. He thinks that the whole South should be united in whatever action may be necessary to be taken, and j fears that precipitate action will not only ! divide our people but at the same time ; defeat the ends proposed to be accomplish ed. The questions involved in the enforce- i ment of the Sherman Bill should be sub- | mitted upon a proper case made, to the action and decision of the Supreme Court, and if that tribunal should decide against the constitutionality of the measure, he hopes and believes there is sufficient j vitality left in the Government of the United States to enforce its decrees ; but if the Court should, contrary to his ex pectations, sustain the law, or the Gov ernment prove powerless to enforce its judgment, if in our favor, he thinks it will be time enough then to take into con sideration the various plans suggested for making the best we can of the Sherman Bill. The Governor expressed his views very fully and without reserve, and we regret our inability to give even a full outline of the interesting communication which we had with him. It will be seen that the position of the Governor is substantially that which we have advised the people of Georgia to take — nonaction. We again repeat, that the people remain quiet, firm, and forbearing. Nothing can possibly be gained by hasty and precipitate action. The only possible effect which an attempt to shape popular opinion now can have will be to divide, embarrass, and confuse our people. The Governor will return again in a few days, and doubtless he will give to the people of the State the benefit of such informa tion as he may be able to receive at Wash ington. Editorial Correspondence. Appling, Ga., March 6th, 1807. Chronicle & Sentinel: —Tho Superior Court of this county has been in session since Monday last, Judge Gibson presid ing. At the opening of-tho Court, on Mon day last, the Judge delivered to the Grand Jury a strong, forcible and well-timed charge, in which he gave, very concisely, his views as to the duties of the people of Georgia in connection with the enforcement of the laws in all cases in which the negroes maybe parties, and urged upon the citizens of Columbia county that they should exert themselves to tho utmost of their ability in securing the black people all the rights and protection which are accorded, under similar circumstances, to the whites. I learn that a large number of the people present who heard the Judge’s charge have requested him to furnish a copy for publi cation, and it is to be hoped that he will comply with their reasonable request. The business of the Court has been con ducted with ability and dispatch, many cases have been tried, and the dockets will all be disposed of for the term this even ing. There are quite a' number of law yers here, and among the number, I notice Judge Starnes, Col. Lallcrstadt, Captain Barnes, F. 11. Miller, John N. Davies, and W. A. Walton, from your city ; Col. C. 11. Pottle, and Thomas F. Gibson from Warrenton, arid C. F. Strother and Lang from Lincolnton. Capt. Lamar, of your city, was admitted to the Bar yesterday after passing a very creditable examination in open court. , planters’ meeting. After the adjournment of the -Court yesterday, for dinner, the planters held a meeting in tho Court House, for the pur pose of taking steps to organize a Com pany, to be known as the Planters’ Ware house Company. The object is to form a Stock Company, to be composed of the planters in those counties which trade in and send their cotton to Augusta, with a view to establishing a ware-house and commission business there, in the special interest of the planters. They propose to organize with a cash capital of one hundred and fifty or two hundred thousand dollars, and build or rent sufficient warehouse accommodations to store all the cot ton which may be raised by the members of the Association. An Agent is to take charge of the business, and furnish to the stockholders all the supplies which may be needed, and make such advances as their wants may require. The whole ad ministration of the affairs of the Company to be under the charge of suitable officers, to bo elected by the shareholders. The meeting appointed a Committee to correspond with gentlemen in the dif ferent counties contiguous to _ Augusta, and arrange for the holding of a meeting in Augusta at as early a day as possible, to be composed of delegates from each county, to organize and give shape to the movement. These are the outlines of the measure, as I gathered them from the remarks of tho different gentlemen who addressed the meeting. This is an impor tant movement, and one which should command the careful consideration of our planting friends. THE TONE OF POLITICAL SENTIMENT here is quiet, but firm and!decided. I have seen but very few of the people of this county who favor the plan suggested by Governor Brown. All seem desirous of waiting for further developments of the impending military rule before committing themselves to any particular line of action. I was gratified to find less of despondency here than in Augusta, and all seemed to be vigorously at work, endeavoring to make a good crop, and, from what I could gather from conversation with many of them, they are hopeful of h good yield and better times next fall. THE NEGROES are reported as working and behaving very well, though there is general complaint of the scarcity of labor. A great many negroes have left the country, and thou sands of acres of good farming lands will be idle this year for the want of a sufficient supply of labor to cultivate them. There is, 1 regret to state, a disposition to plant too little corn and grain. This is a groat mistake our planting friends in this coun ty and elsewhere in tne State are making. In the present condition of our political affairs it is the dictate of prudence and good judgment to plant largely of corn-aud other grain. We must make our provi sions or we can never be a prosperous people. But enough of this. Court will adjourn this evening, and I hope to be with you to-morrow. W. Planters’ Meeting in Columbia County. On Tuesday of Court Week, Oth instant, a number of the planters of the county as sembled in the Court-room, when Jas. B. Neal, Esq., was called to the Chair, and J. H. Stockton requested to act as Secretary. Judge Hicks being called upon, stated the object of the meeting to be to consider a matter moved by the pianters of Wilkes, Lincoln, Warren, Richmond, Burke and Jefferson, to form a stock company for the purpose of erecting a Warehouse in Au gusta for the mutual benefit of planters. On motion of Hon. H. R. Casey, the fol lowing named gentlemen were appointed bv the Chair to meet committees from the counties before mentioned in the city of Augusta, at such time as may be agreed upon, for conference in furtherance of tbe object in view, viz: Dr. H. R. Casey, Judge T. C. Hicks, Dr. J. S. Hamilton, J. C. Wil liams, B. B. Wilkinson, H. D. Leitner and .T. H. Stockton. Tbe Chairman was, on motion, added to the committee. On motion, the Chronicle & Sentinel, Constitutionalist, and Thomson Advertiser were requested to insert the proceedings; and the meeting then adjourned, subject to the eall of the Chairman. J. B. Neal, Chairman. J. H. Stockton, Secretary. Montgomery and West Point Rail road. —The Montgomery Mail of the 6th publishes anew schedule for the shove road, and says : “We invite the attention of the reader to the new schedule of the Montgomery and West Point Railroad, to take effect on and after Sunday next By this change a double daily line is estab ished East—the trains leaving this city at 6 a. m.. and 5 p. m., and arriving at 8 p. m., and at S a. m—thus forming a close connection with all roads East and West” Why is a married man like a candle ? Because he sometimes goes out at night when he ought not to. [communicated. ] Ex Gov. Joseph E. ruowrW leticr—‘“God Savetb, huic.” Political. convulsions brir'g to the stir- [ face many strange things some imes; but i in this day of wondeis, if not o'' miracles, ; we should not be a. onished a: anything, j It may have surprised many at seeing'the ! letter of Governor E. -w* recently publish ed, but it should not have done so, for he : ls capable of create - acrobatic wonders, and performed son: of them during the war. It seems that -omo of the people of Georgia are deterai ied to make him a 1 great Joshua to lea l us to f.e political ; Canaan, whether he will.or not; and no j doubt this letter, v 'uch. in ’ey humble ! judgment, should i rever damn him in the political admiration of the Southern people, will, perhaps, be recti-: -d by some with loud acclaims as the sovereign ! “Gilead balm” for the healing of the Nation’s wounds.*«But if he is to be the | leader, and is to commence with such ad -1 vice, then may God ifithis mere-- “save the : State.” DM he fully weigh the matter in liis own brain before committing himseif to such a policy and promulgating it to the people? It cannot be that" lie aid! and yet the letter bears the impress of study, and, doubtless, had been written before his friends addressed him upon tho subject. It is ingenious and well written, and, among the thousands of our countrymen who do not and will not think for themselves, it will be equal to the sermon upon the Mount, and should be engraven upon tablets of stone. But should it be, we trust the people in their indignation will dash them to pieces as Moses did the tablets upon Sinai. What does he advise ? “The dark est picture in the book of time.' He tells us to apply the scorching!-ranJ of infamy to our own brows—to elevate the ignorant, benighted negro to a political and social equality with ourselves—and to' disfran chise and politically ostracise some of our best, truest and noblest men. And for what? He says for a'settlement of our troubles. Are we prepared tor a settle ment upon such terms of infamy and degra dation, even if it were certain, beyond all cavil, that the settlement would be final? We unhesitatingly answer in the negative. Have we not already g me down, as it were, upon our knees in the very Gust of humili ty? Have we not already, by deed and oath, plighted cur all iauce t tho Consti tution of the United States ? Have we nst acceded to all their requirements with a submission as huuf -as tie.; of the Car thagenians to the Romans? Wc have! and what has it all gained for us ? Not a single feather’s weight i.i the scales of political redempti on The cup of our degradation is not vet full: they would have us bowed still lo or, and Gov. Brown advises that we go down voluntarily and “quickly.” He quotes: “Agree with thine adversary quickly.” it seems to have occurred to him that our people would make haste logo down into this lower depth of shame, and fearing some one would be ahead of him in advising to such a course, he exhorts us to bow to the behest before the measure In comes com plete. (It is of course incomplete until sanctioned by the President, or passed over his veto. tie acts upon it before the President does. After the surrender our armies the fol lowing oath was pu t L.-u> our mouths, and we swallowed it a,, a healing pill, “UNITED STATES OP AMERICA. I ,of the county of, State of ,do solemnly swear or all nn.in presence of Al mighty God, that I v.-ill henceforth faith fully support and dcil iid tho Constitution of the United States, and tho Union of the States thereunder, and that J will, in like manner, abide byanri faithfully support all laws and proclamations which have been made during tho existing robellion, with reference to the emancipation of slaves. So help me Tjrod. Subscribed and swern to, A.-. Tho abovo named has——complexion ; hair and eyes; is-—feet——inches high—aged years; by profession—.” With a brave and honorable people the simple word of an I. ; r.irablc Lie is as good as his bond. But tins oath we had to swallow ; yet it went down readily, not withstanding the humiliation and the des criptive cfaw.se which must have been insert ed under the idea and foregone conclusion that we were perjuring ourselves, and this was neeessary to provide for and secure our arrest. But this oath we believed to be the panacea that would heal all our offences, for in 1861 both Houses of Congress passed the following resolution, which, as Presi dent Johnson says in his peace proclama tion based thereoji, was adhered to as the policy of the G overnment throughout the insurrection, from bnguming to end : “Ilesolved, Ac., that tho present de plorable civil war has been forced upon tho country by the disunionists of the Southern States, now in revolt against the Constitutional Government, and in arms around tho Capitol; that iq this national emergency, Congress, bauishiug all feel ings of mere passion or resentment, -will recollect only its duty to the whole coun : try ; that this war is not waged on out part in any spirit of oppression, nor for any purpose of conquest or subjugation, nor purpose of overthrowing or interfer ing with the rights or established institu tions of these States, but to defend and maintain the supreme y of the Constitution and to preserve the Union, with ail tho dignity, equality and rights of the several States'unimpaired,: Ilia: as soon as these objects are accomplished, the war ought to cease.” Our armies having been overpowered, and the struggle having terminated in favor of the arms of the United States, and all the objects contemplated in the above resolu tion having thereby been accomplished, we considered nothing more necessary on our part but a reconstrui tion of ourselves to our former allegiance, which was done by taking the oath presented. In addition to this, and as a further proof of the honesty with which we accepted the situation, the people of Georgia met in soli urn conven tion through their representatives, and, on the 2Gth of October, 1865, repealed the ordinance of secession, and tho ordinance ratifying the Constitution of tho Confede rate States, and all ordinances and resolu tions of the same, subversive of or antagonistic to the civil and military gov ernment of the United States; thus, in one short day, blotting from the records those solemn enactments which, in 1801, were utterances from the hearts of ten millions of people. In addition to this, they abolished slavery, ip accordance with the proclamation of made in January, 1863, and incorporated the act in our State Constitution. Wc repudiated our State debt, causing thereby great pecuniary distress among our people. Our Legislature -elevated the negro, by enacting very nearly the identical Civil Rights Bill passed by,Congress, and those rights and privileges have been secured and enforced _by all judicial tribunals throughout this and the other insurrec tionary States. Our progress in the arts of peace had been so satislactory, and the administration of jut ucc in our courts so complete and impartial, that, in April, 1866, the President of the United States ! issued his peace proclamation, declaring | the war at an end, and the successful ! establishment and operation of civil gov- j ernments in all th. Sotes. So successful i had wp been, that oven the Searching' Committee, appointed 1 y Congress to in- 1 vestigate and imp... e into our conduct, 1 could report but three casts of alleged | outrage—one in South Carolina, one in! Georgia, and one in Texas, and even I these were considered as doubtful After all this, did it seem reasonable to ask anything more . our hands? But what comes next ? A loathsome amend ment to the Constitution, asking us, as a free.people, to disfranchise :,d ostracise some of our noblest and truest public men. But, thank God! tie demand was too infamous in the eye.: oi our people, and it was rejected. Hope sprung up anew in the hearts of our citizens, and the pulse of the nation beat freer, for it demonstrated that all honor or respect for ourselves and gratr.nd - to our faithful public servants had not become extinct. This brand of infamy and proscription may yet be fixed upon these revered heroes and statesmen, but in the name of aii the glori ous memories which t Aster in over-green profusion around the brief annals of our history, let it not be by our own hands. Do they wish it ? They have the power; let them exercise it. What comes next ? A still blacker bill of abominations! Wc are now ailed upon to lower these same honored men still deeper in the depths oi political shame, by placing the negro above them. Wc are called upon to clothe t/e African race with all the civil'and political rights of the white man (a measure too monstrous for their own States). We are cnl’ed upon to sow the seeds of corruption and death into our bodies politic and to prepare for erect ing upon the ruins of nr .lid otate gov ernments and in the place c.* the Republic of our fathers mongrel institutions akin to Mexico. We are called upon to prostitute the elective franchise, not to elevate. W e are called upon to con: r the most sacred privilege ever enjoyed by an enlightened people upon the most ignorant race that the sun ever shone on. IV c are called upon to allow our son = and daughters to marry and give in marriage with the sons of Ham. ' , The first section of the proposed amend ment makes the negro a citizen, with all the rights and privileges ,-f the white man, and when that amendment becomes a part of the Constitution, if any State should pass a law inhibiting a negro irpm marry ing a white person, it would be in violation of the Constitution and, consequently, voiiL The imagination utterly :ails to de pict the horrors and degradation that will inevitably follow from the adoption of these measures. But. notwithstanding all this, Ex-Gover nor Brown advises that wc accept the programme, and do ' hurriedly, and, to suear-coat the dose, he -rates tnat he lr - lieves a memorial, properly presented to Congress, asking lor a r aioval of the dis abilities imposed by this bill, wll be grant ed. This would unqu uWnabi., be true in the case of Governor Li, ivn himself, and no one knows it better than he. No doubt he took care to post himself on this point while in Washington City. The records of the times show that no one contributed I more to bring on the war, and then, in utter j faithlessness, under a plea of preserving | State rights, was foremost to de feat the cause, than this same Ex- Gov. -Joe Brown. By his bitter and un compromising war upon the administra tion. he greatly crippled its efficiency and made a fine reputation for himself among the Northern masses, lie was among the first prominent men pardoned after the surrender, and knows he can be among the fir-t to be relieved from the disabilities of the pending bill. He has no idea of being proscribed, for he loves office and power. He came out of this war with a large amount of weath (gotten honorably, no doubt, and we do not and would not in sinuate otherwise,Y and it was, no doubt, under the hope ot saving this wealth that this wonderful letter .was written. Hear his appeal for his money ! “If our people improve the time, _ and act promptly, we may save something ; if we do not all is lost. &c.” .jj. -X- -K- ■X’ “Because we have lost immensely, is it wise, stubbornly to sacrifice the little that is left us?” &e. This rings like lie had money at stake, and his appeal and touching self-abnega tion contained in the letter, would be elo quent were it not lor the fact, as before stated, that he knows, as every one else does, that he can be easily relieved. But does anv one suppose that Jefferson Davis, Robert "Lee, John C. Breckinridge, and such men would ever be relieved by the vindictive and bloody authors of measure ? Would Alexander H. Stephens, conservative as he has been ? Never, so long as they could muster strength to ex clude them. And not only will such men as these be excluded Congress, but every other one not venal from the South ern States. In addition to this, the bill now before us declares that representa tives shall be a'dmitted under the new Con stitution, by “ taking the oath prescribed by law” —which, in my judgment, means the test oath. So, then, in my humble opinion, the adoption _by us of these odious measures, will gain us nothing but a deluge of curses from the generations that are to come after us. The objects in view are to degrade us, and leap theniselves in power, and their fingers m th Nation 1 s Treasury. It _ will not sat the little money that is left to our people, for it has long been the settled purpose of the Radicals to make South ern property pay the expenses of the re cent war, if possible. There is, however, but little left; our people, as a nation, are bankrupt. “We have lost all but honor.” Let us not sacrifice that simply and solely to save the wealth of a few fortunate indi viduals. “Man wants but little here below, nor wants that little long.” “In the sweat of your brow shall ye eat bread.” i In the far off Heaven of heavens, sits the Great Controller of the destinies of men, and he will not suffer his creatures to per> ish. Then let us be true to ourselves and no longer “crook the pliant hinges of the knee that thrift may follow fawning.” As to the Constitutional Amendment having been intended by the Radicals as a ! finality, it is not true; and then referring, as Gov. Brown says, to their prompt ad mission of Tennessee after it had adopted it, is unsatisfactory—because _ the Radical element in that State is now in the ascen dant, and three of her eight Representa tives in the Hpuse are Radicals of the purest stripe, and Horace Maynard is a boon ally of Sumner, Wilson, Thad. Stevens & Cos. Where can such men be found to represent Georgia ? In addition to this, it has all tne time, no doubt, seemed a little strange and inconsistent to the Radicals themselves, to recognize a. President from a State whose Representa tives were denied seats in Congress. But hear what the lion. <Vm. D. Kelly, of Pennsylvania, says. We quote from his pamphlet speech before us, _ made on the adoption of the- Reconstruction Bill. He says: “Get us recall the history of tlio Consti tutional Amendment now pending, sup posing that it was proposed as a finality; almost every gentlemen on this side of the House dissented from and sneered at it, yet we all voted for it—and when it came to be considered by the people, it met with an approving response such as few meas ures have ever received, Ac.. Ac. a a * a a a * * “We were ready to reject it because we supposed it was brought to us a finality, as a conclusive measure. As such it could not have been adopted I think, and the people responded to it enthusiastically as they did, because they had learned that it was one of several measures essential to the preservation of the country,” Ac. Had there been any doubt upon this point the above language, coming as it does from the fountain head, would set it at rest. It is hut “one of a scries of meas ures” yet to be adopted for. our special benefit, and when we remember that these remarks were made in a speech upon the Reconstruction or Military Bill, the con clusion is irresistible that it, too, is but another oj the same series _ yet to be fulminated from the capitoline 'hill at Washington. Adopt these two and the others will come in regular order. One concession begets another, and so long as wo adopt them they will continue to come. They make us the instruments of our own disgrace, and we should not be surprised if the demand comes, after awhile, requiring us to crucify Mr. Davis and the remainder of our leaders as Alexander did the two thousand Tyrians. Men ask, what better can wa do than to adopt Governor Brown’s suggestion ? Answer first, what good will it do ? Presume upon nothing, rely upon nothing from these conspirators, for they are blind, fanatical and treacherous. We cap hope for nothing but tyranny and op pression. The “seven vials of wrath” must be emptied upon our devoted heads. President Johnson has made a valiant fight, not for us, but the Constitution, and like Pertinax, struggling to save sinking Rome, he yet stands in the breach. He has planted himself upon the Constitution, and stands,* like the High Priest, between the people and the plague; but Governor Brown tells us to push him. aside and let the curses come. These evils may be forced upon us, but let us not bring them on by our own acts. We can stand military law under the ad ministration of President Johnson. South Crn valor has immortalized itself upon many battle-fields; letour people,emulating, show, as Mutius Seeroia did to Porscnna, by thrusting his hand into the fire till it became crisp, that their courage is equalled only by their fortitude. Let us bear the burdetis they may impose with patienco and humility. It may be, that ere long, the cup of our sufferings will be full, when the wheel of Ixion and the rock of Sisyphus shall stand still. The great Alfred, of England, learned, in the school of adversity, patience, wis dom and. fortitude, which enabled him afterwards to give laws to the North, of Europe. Let us, as a people, follow the noble example. Let us be patient, though the guillotine may be erected in our midst, and the massacres of Sylla and Marius deluge our land in blood. If this grand fabric of American Republicanism, now tottering, shall go down like proud Romo, after the_ extinction of the Western Empire, or ifa grinding despotism shall be substi tuted in its stead and thirty millions of people he enslaved, let it not be recorded that the people of the South had any hand in it. Or if we only of the South arc to be enslaved, damned and ruined, politically, socially and morally, let it not be that the generation who shall come after us and reap the damnation of these evil deeds, shall learn from the records that we, by our own acts, brought these ills upon ourselves and I entailed them upon our posterity. Our enemies have forged the chains and man acles—let them now fasten them upon us. We have no means of defence. We have no Washington, no Madison, Jefferson, Webster, Clay nor Calhoun —no revered Constitution—to look to for protection, but in the far off realms above sits One greater than all these, whose ears are never closed i to the cries and prayers of his people. J. H, S. I Again—Again— Again !—Republi cans Against Negro Suffrage.—The Ohio Legislature (both branches strongly Republican) has once more rejected, by a vote of two to one, a proposition to strike from the Constitution of that State the word “white,' 1 and let the negroes vote, the vote against this proposition was over whelming, and it shows the Republican party of that great State to be well united against allowing_ negro suffrage at home. i.hey are quite willing their representatives in Congress should, by a clear and gross usurpation of power, attempt to force this doctrine of negro suffrage upon the other states. _ But for themselves they will have none of it! This is the third'time the Ohio Repub licans have thus showed their hands. Ana so it is in Wisconsin, in lowa, in -iinnesota, in New 1 ork, and half a dozen other States. In A iseonsin they recently gaip nearly twelve thousand majority against negro suffrage. In Connecticut the majority is solid and strong against negro-mixi ng every time .—Hartford \Times Baldwin County.-The Federal Union of the oth says : . The Superior Court of this county was in' session 'the whole of last week, and disposed of a considerable amount of business. A verdict of “not gun tv, was returned by the jury in the case of the Stater*. Joseph Stiles. The jury in the ease of the State vs. John R. Strother failed to agree on a verdict. V, heat Crop Promising.—The editor of the Atnens 11 atchman says that, from j personal observation as well as information J from reliable sources, he is able to state | that the growing wheat crop in that section looks very promising. It is somewhat backward in growth, owing to the coldness of the winter, but the stand is generally . good, and it has been growing very rapidly , in the past two weeks. OIU WASHINGTON CORRESPONDENCE. Ihe Night Session—Confirmations and Refections—Receptions of the 1 1 toes — Reports m favor of Impeachment — Representative Rogers' Minority Re port Radical Appointments to Office — Crowds at the Capitol—Boarding Housekeepers after the Twenty per cent, on Salaries The Old Members Prim, mg the A etc— Serenades oil the Tapis — The Fall of Sumner, etc., etc. Washington, March 3. Both Houses remained in session all nightlong on the 2d, and this mornin took a recess until to-night again, when the nocturnal legislation will be resumed. There was nothing of any particular interest transpiring. The usual routine of night sessions was resumed, and bills were called up and passed; reports of conference committees listened to, agreed to, or rejected, as the case might bo, ayes and nays repeatedly called, and all the usual incidents to late sessions were ob served. The Senate, about midnight, or a little before, weilt into an Executive session, and remained therein nearly the entire night through. Many appointments were confirmed—among them that of Gen. I>ix as Minister to France, which, it was generally supposed, would not be favored— and manv rejected. Very few members of either House are visible to-day. They are generally refreshing themselves from yesterday’s labors, and preparing for a siege to-night, which shall last until noon, of to-morrow. The long expected veto messages, that of the Reconstruction Bill on a military basis, and the Tenure of Office Bill came in at the last hour almost, and when the pre dictions had become wide spread that the President would pocket the former. The reading has been noted as one of the re markable .incidents connected with the history of this session. The most profound attention was observed everywhere on the lloor and in the galleries, but there was not a single member present who had not made up his mind as to how his vote would be cast when the question was called on, overruling the objections of the President. The Democrats would have filibustered to defeat it had they possessed the power, and left the whole responsibil ity of passing more obnoxious schemes with the Stevens party. But both branches of Congress have now set forth a plan of reconstruction. It must be looked upon as their last resort, and if the Southern States do not adopt it, the only effect will be to debar them from representation util they do. Here, however, the ques tion recurs, should it become evident that the States wore preparing to send repre sentiyes under the present statute, and accept all these terms which are offered them, would not these pure patriots in the House begin to tremble again for their lease of power, and prepare some other monstrosity to keep the States out of Con gress ? The report of the Judiciary Committee, charged with hunting up evidence to im peach the President, is a sure indication that no effort will he spared by the mem bers thereof who are in the Fortieth Con gress, to accomplish that event if possible. They were unable to find the evidence upon which they would base a report, but were unwilling to let tin on the President, and the consequence is that anew commit tee will be appointed and carry out the programmeinauguted by this one. Rogers of New Jersey, was the only Democrat ad mitted to the examinaiion O? the wit nesses, and lie prepared an able minority report, which, as a matter of course, was thrown aside. Several of the friends of the most promi nent Radicals in Congress have, within the past ten days, been appointed to important and responsible positions by the President* The members of the majority power are not ashamed to request favors of this kind, notwithstanding it is their intention to de pose the President if possible. Their demands are rarely overlooked, whether they are for appointments or for pardons. The Democrats, the ontyfriends the Presi dent has in Congress, neither ask or re ceive many favors. Washington is full of strangers, attracted here by various circumstances. There are not hotel accommodations sufficient to accommodate them. Not a few of the visitors have an eye to the disposition of offices under the now Congress, which meets to-morrow. The old officials are fighting against the new comers, however, and will in all probability succeed in send ing the great majority of them homo un satisfied. The notorious Jack Hamilton, of Texas, is a candidate for Postmaster of the House ; but the Radical* jjaye. not much love for him. Forney’s position, us Secretary of the Senate, is aiso^coveted by not a few. Under the influence of the passage of the bill increasing tlio pay of the civil em ployees of the Government, the boarding house keepers in the District concluded to increase their rates of board. This the clerks are kicking against, and propose to leave tlio city for suburban existence, where such formidable inroads upon their small salaries cannot be made as is proposed by the various shylocks who, of late years, have made Washington their homes. The “Rads” are beginning to talk im peachment again, and they are quite as tierce, if net more ferocious, than ever. From a very commendablesileiice on that score ever since their Military Reconstruc tion scheme passed both lionises, it had be come a very general impression that they were done with that fever ; but events to day and yesterday prove llie contrary. Boutwell and Ashley and Stevens have been-rather assiduous in stirring up anew the pooling passions Os their confreres, and they hayo been in no manner idle in priming what new members of the next Congress are here—and I believe they are all hero now—with their revolutionary im peachment powder. One or two days of the new session will, in all probability, de velop the programme to bo enacted. * Tlie only really significant fact that is yet pre sented is, that members and senators who, a day or two ago, were predicting a very | short session, are now admitting that it may last until midsummer. This is the talk of the radical Radicals. The conserv ative (?) members of that party say there is no necessity for any long session, par ticularly as a number of tiro Northern States are minus representation; but that should not be a stumbling block. Here has Congress been in session—with the usual recess—fifteen months, and all of the Southern States unrepresented. It might do them good to legislate awhile without some of their Northern representatives. This may ho remedied by an f adjournment over; but it is idle to speculate. To-mor row at noon the new Congress assembles, and it will not bo very Jong before we shall know >vbat is to be done. Serenades are to be the order of the day, or rather of the night, next week, and many are the compliments to bo tendered to both new and old Senators and Repre sentatives. The Clerks in tho various departments are being assessed to help defray the expenses, which, in considera tion of their twenty per cent, increase of salary, tho majority of them submit to with good grace. They think Congress is in the ascendant now, and aro glad to propitiate favor. Senator Cameron and the Pennsylvania Legislature are to be called upon to-morrow night. Thad. Stevens is not .expected to be present. There is to be a grand re-union of the members?of this and the next Congress to morrow afternoon, at one of the fashinable restaurants of this city. A considerable amount of champagne will be drank at somebody’s expense, and don't exactly know at whose expense; but I predict that a few, if any, of the Honorables are included in the list of tiioso who are to foot the bills. March came in like a lamb—mild, genial and pleasant; but is fast assuming the appearance of a veritable weather Jion. To-day is cloudy and cold, and the indica tions of bad weather are very strong. Sumner and Chandler are catching noth ing but rebukes on ail sides, for the late indecent and unwonted assault upon the Secretary of the Treasury. No more could have been expected from Chandler, who is given to such effusions ; but that I the chaste, eloquent, and classical Charles 1 Sumner should descend to the pot-house billingsgate that ho did, was rather a sur | prise to his friends in the Senate and else | where. j Mr. McCulloch treats such attacks with j supreme contempt. The . secret is, that i both of these ioul-mouthed individuals ■ failed lately in certain matters they desired | consummated through the office of the | Treasury Department. “Chawls” does not improve by getting married. ! Forrest has just concluded his engage ment at tiie National Theatre, and a very successful one it was. He is succeeded by that excellent Comedian, John Brougham, who commences to-morrow night. Promi nent stars will remain on the boards until after the Congressional sittings, and the summer season will be devoid of anything grand or brilliant. The Webb Sisters have been drawing crowds at Wall’s new Opera House. The amusement seekers are eagerly looking for the announcement of the Black Crook. The notorious Petroleum V. Nasby, the leading humorist of the Radical party, is in Washington receiving tributes of praise from bis admirers. The President’s receptions have ceased. They were attended by numerous throngs of ail classes of the community, the only parties who studiously kept away being the members of Congress, who are trying to impeach him. Some of those aro assert ing that the next receptions at the White House will be had by Senator Wade. If they impeach the President, however, they want to smooth it over by electing Grant. Wo shall know more of their pur poses before the w eek is ended. Arlington. New Printing Press.—There has just been completed and put in running order at the Government Printing Office one of the most wonderful pieces of mechanism in the shape of a printing press that has ever been exhibited. The press is of the Bullock patent, and as an exhibition of some of its powers, we will mention ; The press will print in one hour 20,000 sheets of 64 pages of document matter; whiie doing this it feeds itself, the paper being in rolls, wets the paper, cuts the sheets, folds them, and, by a dial connected to the press, keeps tally of the number of sheets printed. Only two Mien are re quired to have entire control of the press, thus doing away with the necessity of per sons to supply it with sheets (or, as they are called, feeders). The invention is certainly a wonderful one, and has been visited since Wednesday by a large num ber of persons, who could not realize the power and utility of the machine. We understand that Mr. Parsons, press man at the office, has been engaged to set up and have charge of one of these presses at the Paris Exhibition.— National Intelligencer. Mississippi.— The Vicksburgi7y<7 a Herald says: “Gen. E. O. C. Ord, the commandant of the district of Arkansas, is a Brigadier in the regular army, and being already in the new district created by the new military bill (of Mississippi and Ar nsas), will, in all probability, be our military commander. ’ ’ Terrible marine Disaster. LOSS OF THE STEAMSHIP ANDALUSIA. Tho Charleston papers, of Thursday, contain the particulars of tho loss of the steamship Andalusia by fire, ou Sunday evening last, to the north of Cape Hatto ras. The Andalusia was one of the Leary lino of steamships, plying between New York and Charleston. The following is Captain West’s report ot the disaster: We left New York in the steamship Andalusia, at 3:10 p. in., ou Saturday, March 2, 1807, with nine cabin passengers, a crew consisting of thity-eight persons, and a very large general cargo. On Satur day night and Sunday we had tho wind strong from N. E. to N., with rain and heavy sea. On Sunday evening, at 7, p. in., whilst we were at tea, I heard an unusual noise on deck, and I left the cabin to see what was the matter. When I got out on deck, tho engineers and firemen wore coming out the engine room hatch, crying tiro! fire ! The smoke was coming out at the same time. 1 ascertained from tho Chief Engineer, who had just come out of the engine-room, that the tiro was forward of the boiler. The hose was pointed down the hatch and several men were working the pumps, when the flames bursted out up the hatches and around the smoke stack. This was le»s than live minutes after the fire was discovered. I then ordered the sails clewed up, and laid aback, and the ship headed for tbe steamer which was about three miles on our port bow. The officers on the Manhattan must have discovered tho tiro the* moment it burst out, for whilst wo were taking in sails I saw her lights coming towards us. Wo were going ahead at least seven knots. The tire and smoke had driven everyone out of the engine-room before tho engine could be stopped. 1 then ordered the safe ty valve lifted, which was done by tho Chief Engineer and Iris first assistant by taking an oar and lifting the safety valve lever. The oar was held until it burnt in two; and then hawsers were towed over the side, in hopes they would foul the pro peller. Finding the fire could not bo kept under I ordered the first officer to take charge of the starboard after boat; second mate starboard forward, and purser, port after boat. I gave tuem orders not to per mit the boats to be lowered until the ship’s headway was stopped. Tho two lady pas sengers'were taken out of the cabin; one I gave in charge of Mr. Norton, first officer, and the other I kept with mo, with four other passengers. In a few moments after giving those or ders, the second ollicer returned to me and informed me that the starboard forward boat was gone (having been cut adrift). After getting oii board the steamer Man hattan, we found that the boat had been cut adrift at tho time tho sails were being clued up, by two men and a mess boy— only the boy was saved. Thfe port after boat was lowered down bow first, before the ship was stopped, and it was swamped. Tho purser, second assistant engineer, one passenger, and two firemen, were washed out of tho boat and lost. ‘The patent lowering apparatus, ou the port forward boat, broke at the after end, which caused three passengers, the New York pilot, and one other person to be thrown out of the boat and lost overboard. They were put in the boat with a lady pas senger and her son, ready for lowering, when the ship’s headway was stopped. After the ship stopped, the boat was lower ed in the water, her bow was stove in and she filled with water. I had the boat bailed out by the chief engineer and one of the cooks. I gave orders to the second officer to build a raft, which was douo with the water casks, spars and the doors of the pilot and other houses. Tho raft was launched and lay alongside °f the Ship. The first officer lowered his boat as soon as the ship stopped. The lady passenger was put in the port forward boat with pine others, at 10:30 p. m. I got in tho boat and pulled around tho ship, to see if any one was hanging to tho ship. Just before leav ing tiie ship I heard the Manhattan's whistle close to us. When we got on tho weather side of the Andalusia, we saw one of the Manhattan's boats gain" to ihe ship, wo spoke them and informed them there were several on board. Finally, we pulled for tlio Manhattan; our boat beiitg half full of water, with two men bailing her out with buckets, the bow was stove in, and by the providence of God, wo reached tho Manhattan. Tlie sea and wind in tho last two hours had abated, or tbe boat could not have lived. When we arrived on board tho Manhat tan tye found the other boats had been picked up—tho first object's boat, tiro star board forward boat with a boy in, and the port after boat with four firemen (the rest having been washed out). One of the men had a death grasp of the cleats. Tlie chief officer of the Manhattan, Mr. McCrea, to whom too m uch praise cannot be given, slung himself in a bowline, went in the sinking boat and slung tlio man and got him on hoard. The above facts I was in - formed of after J got on board tlio ship. Tho first fifteen minutes after the tiro broke out tho men were panic-stricken, and all those that were lost wore lost in that time, except those that wore lost by the patent lowering apparatus giving away in the port forward boat. We succeeded in abating the excitement and got the men under control, and they behaved very well after that time. As we left the Andalusia tho mainmast and smokestack fell. Before tho Manhattan left the wreck, she was enveloped in flames; and in half an hour after it was shut in a thick fog. The pas sengers, officers and crew lost everything but what they had on. J take this oppor tunity of thanking Capt. Olias. Collins, his officers and all belonging to the Manhattan for their groat kindness to qs from tho time of our arrival on board the hospitable steamer Manhattan. REPORT OP TIIE CIIIEP ENGINEER. Os Board Steadier Manhattan, 1 March 3th, 18(37. j Captain W. 11. West : Dear Sir— According to your request, I write my statement of the discovery of the tiro on board the steamship Andalusia. 4 bout 7x)’clock, on tiie evening of March 3d, I - was standing a(l the engine-room hatchway; my first assistant spoke to me from the engine-room, saying there was a strong smell of something burning. I went below and searched the eoal bunkers, and then went around the forward part of tho boiler, and there discovered fire coming from between the top of tho forward bulk head and the deck. I instantly got on decic and gave tlio alarm, and bad the fire hose lot down below, but was driven back by the intense smoke. Having no other means of relieving tiie boiler and stopping the engine from the deck, I got an oar in through tho casing of tlie steam drum and lifted the safety valve lever, accord ing to your orders. Athwart ship coal bunker runs across tho forward part of the boiler, where I first discovered the flames coming over the top of the bulkhead ofsaid coal bunker. Yours, respectfully, AVm. Alder, Chief Engineer. THE LIST OF TIIE LOST OR MISSING AND THE SAVED. The following is the report of the lost or missing and tlio saved made by the com manding officer of the Manhattan : On "Sunday, March 3d, at 7 P. M., dis covered the steamer which was in com pany w ith us through the day to bo on fire, instantly rounded to, found her to be the Andalusia, from New York to Charles ton, and succeeded in saving the following persons: Passengers missing. —W. J. Pease, of New York, and three gentlemen names not known. Passengers saved. —Tims. I*. Nelson, M. D. ; Bernard F. Burns, Mrs. Itoso Burns, Margaret Dixson and G. \V. Ward. Officers and Ciew .SYttv7. —Captain W. 11. West, Charles Norton, male; Octavius Crowell, second mate; Mnleombo Mc- Farlan, seaman; Win. >tt, seaman; Henry McDcvatt, seaman: Michael (.'run well, seaman; Alexander McClain,seaman; Win. Welsh, seaman; Goa. Grogin, boy; Francis t’opjvs steward; John Garcia, second steward : I lenrV Fleisehmnu, mess man; Jehu IK.en, cook; Fred. Grimm, cook; Wm. \i,i or, chief engineer; David Thompson, first assistant: James Steele, fireman: 1 Award Who,den, fireman; Thomas Davis, fireman; Patrick Hurston, fireman; Hugh M.Clean, fireman; Thus. Smith, coal pa--; Joint laumon, coal passer; Joint Jrtmhts, oiler; John Mc- Mullen, oiler: Jehu Gtecney, mess boy ; Henry Snyder, pantryman : Fred. Smith, waiter; and George McCloud, waiter. Lost or Missing.— 1 Award North,purser; Frank Dougherty, seaman; Antoine Mar tin, seaman ; Jacob Bookman, New York pilot; Michael Griffon, porter; James McMullen, third engineer ; Hugh Farmer, stoker; and Patrick Herman, fireman. Saved, thirty-live ; missing, twelve. Collision on the Mobile’& Mont gomery Road. —In the Mongomery Mail, of Tuesday, is an account of a railroad collision, which was attended with fatal consequences. “The regular freight trains collided about 3 p. m. on Monday, five and a half miles north of Greenville. The engineer, Mr. Scott, and the fireman, Mr. Dixon, on the northward bound train, were killed. No other casualties. The damage done to cars and engines was slight, and the track was repaired yester day. The mail trains are running as usual and the freights will be resumed to-day. The accident was caused by both trains running off their schedule time contrary to the published rules and regulations of the road.” The Tbomasville Enterprise , in a well written article on the present situation of the country, advises its readers to discard politics and go to work on their farms. It gives the following good advice: “Let every one devote his best energies to prof itable labor, and be sure to make an abun dant supply of food. No people can be badly hurt who have plenty to eat. The South can do no good in politics, and her efforts, even at argument and law, but irritate the dominant faction and add to our social and political burden. ’ Those who know the real facts are aware that from the first the President was de cided on vetoing the Reconstruction Bill, and that in this decision he was from the first supported by every member of the Cabinet, except one. For three days past not a single Democrat has had an inter view with him, except Hon. Keyerdy Johnson, who, by the way, did not visit the President to advise him to sign the bill, as has been alleged. The object of the Senator from Maryland was to make sug gestions as to the tone of message, and lor no other purpose.— Washington Cor. of the N. Y. Times. Romance In Real Life. Curious Story-An English Baronet rises Jroni the Bead He Marries a Plaster er s Daughter and Raises a Consterna tion Among the Jews. The family of Tichborne is one of the oldest m England The family was notable m Hampshire before the Conquest, and ever since, in spite oi revolutions and in • trigues, has inherited the same land. Simi lar possessions in other parts of the coun try-moulding a property in Galway Ire lanct—have been added to the original estates, from time to time, hut these changes took place so long ago .that the latest of them is old m history. From the time of Henry 11. till 1620 the principal representati\ es or that family were simple knights. But when Queen Elizabeth died, oir John do i 1011 borne, Knight, who was at tho time Sheriff of Southampton, actiw on his own responsibility, went directly to Winchester, and there proclaimed James AM. of Scotland her successor, as King James I. of England. After the monarch liaa been settled on his throne, one of his first acts was to reward his Hampshire champion, and Sir John do Tichborne was created a Baronet and his four sons were knighted. He was also made custodian of the Castle ot Winchester, which was set tled on him m fee form. This baronetcy has ooine down to In's de scendants in the present day, and Sir Alfred Doughty iienborno, Baronet, who died a short time since, was the last bearer of the hereditary dignity. The career of this gentleman was a wild and reckless one, and the English public recollect seeing his name in the Court of Bankruptcy IPs net income—£7s,ooo per annum—was not sufficient, and, in fact, Sir Alfred was ter ribly embarrassed. One of bis first acts on succeeding to tho title and estates was to purchase a yacht at a cost of £70,000, and live hundred stand of the best breech loading rifles for his own private shooting. The estates became heavily mortgaged; but the lews who lent the money felt perfectly secuie. On Cnnstmas duv last, however there landed in England, from ihe steam ship Celia, from New York to London, a gentleman whose presence appears to have hau tlie oiioct of a falling bombshell among Jews and Gentiles who lent -wmmy 0 n the Tichborne estates—no other, in faet, than the rightful owner of the estate, Sir Roger C harles Tichborne, Baronet. N ever before in tlie family history has so strange an in cident been known. The official bocks re cord that Sir James Francis Doughty V, . borne, Baronet, of Tichborne, Hants, a in 1831, succeeded his brother as tenth Bai onet in 1853. He had at this time two sons, viz : Roger Charles, born in 182 J and Alfred Joseph, born 4th September’ 1839, who married, in 1881, Teresa Mary’ eldest daughter of Lord Aruudell. There were of this family also two daughters who died. Thus the eldest son and heir’ Roger Charles, was, when his father be came Baronet in 1853, twenty-four years of age, and his younger brother, Alfred Joseph, was fourteen years old. In 18G2' tho father died, but in the meantime the heir who had been subject from childhood to nervous attacks, took his departure from England, with the intention of visit ing America and the colonics at the Anti podes. Some time before the death of Sir James news oume to this country that tlie ship in which Roger Charles took his departure to Australia was lost off Cape Horn, with all on board. The sad intelli gence was confirmed by the fact that noth ing was afterwards heard of the lost heir. So the younger brother took the title and estates. However, he hail no son to suc ceed him, and when he died, a few months ago, it was thought by many that tho title would he extinguished in that .branch. Rut bis lady boro a posthumous child, ami great rejoicing was made when the infant was formally declared heir of the line. But now comes the extraordinary part of the story. Although the ship (the Edinburgh, I believe), in which Roger Charles sailed was lost, with nearly all" on board, be himself, with four' others, managed to scramble into a boat, and among the icebergs of tlio Cape, for four dreary days and nights, held on to exist ence. Picked up by a vessel bound to Valparaiso, Roger Charles landed in South America, his sole property being a suit of clothes and a borrowed hat, A good Samaritan, named Thomas de Castro, a Spaniard, took compassion on the castaway, and lout him such aid that he was enabled to live comfortably, and at tho same time acquire a knowledge of tho people among whom ho was so strangely thrown. lie wandered ajnong the different States for many years; but when at Calao ho mado tho acquaintance of a sea Captain in tlio Australian trade, ho accepted a berth as ship's steward, and, in that capacity, landed in Melbourne, Australia. In grate ful remembrance of his Spanish friend, be assumed the name of Thomas do Cas tro ; and, leaving the ship at Mel bourne, sought work as a shepherd in tho interior of the colony. Uo readily ob tained employment, and by attention to bis duties very soon received the confi dence of bis employers and the settlers generally. About this time he learned through the English papers, that his father, Sir James, was dead, and that the title and estate had been assumed by Lis brother, Alfred ".Joseph, to whom he was very much attached. Thinking that as he was considered dead it would be better to let Lis brother enjoy the., title fbr a time, at least, and besides the roving, wild life of an Australian settler suited his taste, while he enjoyed better health un der the Southern sun than he ever did in England, ho made up his mind to maintain his incognito and settle down in the coun try. Years rolled by, and Thomas do Castro, alias Sir Roger Charles Tichborne, Baronot, became the manager and owner of a butchering establishment in Valla Walla, near Sydney. He prospered' in business, and Mr. de Castro became known in the settlement as an excellent butcher and an honest man. But the romance would not be complete without the usual talc of love, ending with a happy marriage. Thomas de Castro, ■ the butcher, fell violently in love with Mary Byrne, a daughter of a plasterer. In due time the marriage took place, and there were high times in the ranche for a week before and a month after the event. Mrs. de Castro, however, was utterly ig norant of tho previous history of her hus band until some few months since, w! mi Sir Roger declared himself the rhv ;] owner of the Tichborne estates, lie . •; moved to this course when his lady j . sented him with a dajjghter, and at the same time he heard that his brother had died, leaving the estate heavily mortgaged. ; Accordingly, Sir Roger departed from Australia, and with Lady Tichborne and child and four servants arrived in London | on Christmas day. lie has been recognized by his mother, the dowager lady Ticli borne, and by his tenantry ; yet his rights will be disputed by the trustees of the late Sir Alfred and the host of people to whom the late baronet owed money. The case will probably come up in the course of a lew days, hut there can be no doubt that Sir R igcr Charles Tiehborne, Baronet) will be admitted to his full rights. It will, however, he a nice point for the lawyers to decide how far the reai baronet is respon sible for debts incurred by his brother, Sir Alfred. It is proper to say, that Sir Roger is every inch a gentleman, a perfect type of a good, frank, honest Britisher. Os Lady Tiehborne, suffice it to say that, although she might feel herself ill at ease in Belgravian circles, she is a most amiable lady, a good wife, and, if 1 may judge of her character from what I have already seen of her, she will prove a blessing to the poor in the neighborhood of Tiehborne Hall. From the Danbury Tint ’s. William 1!. Barnum. The Democratic party in convention last W ednesday, did a noble deed in nomina ting this gentleman for Congress. Their action is in striking contrast with the ac tion oftheir opponents in convention but a week before. Their nominee sought the nomination, worked for it, and through much tribulation and a large display <-f moral ideas, gained his point. The Demo cratic nominee received hi-: nomination without a formal ballot, ml he ha.- :!.e satisfaction of knowing th:tr il. ha, an unsought one, and when he takes his place in the debates of the next Congress, the District sending him there will feel that a man is representing it. Ilia nom ination is an excellent one in another res pect. A less conservative man would not make as gooda run against the other candi date. We are not satisfied in simply polling the largest vote, ‘but we wish the defeat of the mountebank to be so overwhelming that other States may not entertain the slightest doubt of our determination to rebuke the great swindler, and to crush out of him all desire to ever again insult the people of this or any other community by offering himself as a fit object for their suffrage. William 11. Barnum is a practical work ing-man. His life has been one of toil, successful business management and un disputed integrity. He has dug his wealth from the earth. It is all his own, because he honestly worked for it, and the enjoy ment of it is not marred by unpleasant reflections on its source. He is a re.igious man, and of strictly temperate habits. These virtues arc bct-cr known to his neighbors than to the world at large. Ilia deeds of benevolence and his purity of principle have not been heralded in the public prints, bat arc recorded in the hearts and mindb of those who knew him best. No man, irrespective of political j creed, can refuse to vote for him, and no ' man, unless blinded by Radical fury* and ! hate, can hesitate to give all his influence to secure his success over the strolling vagabond opposing him. William 11. Bar num is a man of the people, whose record is one of sobriety, good judgment ar.d ex cellent business qualifications. He is just the man to represent the Fourth District, and it is gratifying to the Conservative element amoDg us to feel that he will rep resent It,
