OL!) SERIES, VOL. LXXVI.
(LhvcmicU & f cniincl.
HeS IIY HOOKE,
A. 11. WHIOIIT.
PATRICK HALSH, Associate Editor.
TERMS OF SCBSCttIfTIOM.
dally.
0« cocoa. «i <*
WEEKLY.
AEOUSTA. OA :
W£D\’.al) 1T MOHM Mi, .TOVKiBEB 20,
Fertilizers —The attention of planters
is directed to the advertisement of Messrs.
Wilcox, Gibbs & Cos., direct importers of
Guano.
Homicide at Gordon. —A Mr. Fowler,
of Macon, shot and killed a Mr. Lam pee
at Gordon on Friday. Lampec first shot
Fowler in the leg.
Fearful Mi lder. —A German named
Adolph IE utch was murdered by a negro
near Chattanooga last week. The body
was terribly mutilated. A wagon stand
ard about fifteen inches long by two inches
wjuarc, of hard wood, was found close by
covered w.'.hclotted blood. Diligent search
was made for the murderer, but without
success.
Resolution of Thanks.— Resolved,
by the membership of Aebury M. I*l
Church in Augusta, that their thanks are
due and are hereby tendered to Mrs. L.
D. Lallerstedt, a member of Pierce's
Chapel, in the country, and to the ladies
of the city, who gave very efficient aid in
the entertainment of the Cth and Tthinst.,
at Masonic Hall;'and also to others of the
city who, by their aid and influence, ren
dered us valuable services in the accom
plishment of the worthy object.
Savannah. —Mayor Anderson, of Sa
vannah, received a communication Satur
day from Secretary McCulloch, of the
Treasury, in which he states that the
Hydrographic party which have been en
gaged in making surveys and improve
ments on the coast of Maine, have been
ordered to Savannah for the purpose of
removing obstructions from that harbor
and deepening the channel. This we
learn from the Republican.
Plant Wheat. —The farmers of Ten
ne- ■' o are sewing their cotton land in
wheat this fall, having become thoroughly
disgusted with the great staple and its
markets. The planters of Georgia will
find it profitable to follow the example of
their Tennessee friends. There is more
money in wheat at $2 50 per bushel than
in cotton at 10 cents per pound, less 2i per
emit, tax, commissions, etc. —wliiti. nets
about 12 cents —out of which the planter
has : i pay all the expense of production.
With the prospect of still lower prices
in JBos, it will be suicidal for our
people to continue planting cotton on an
extensive scale. It won’t pay.
Cotton.— The latest news from Liver
pool is up to Friday evening. The cotton
market closed firm and active at an ad
vance of 1-1 fid. Sales 15,000 bales. Mid
dling Upland 8 11-16d. New York closed
quiet yesterday, but it is probable tho fa
vorable news from Liverpool was not re
ceived in time to influence tiie market.
Forty-Six Thousand I—The great
State of New York has given forty-six
tlusand majority for the Democratic
party.
Des-trix sive Fires in Camden Coun
ty.—We learn irom tho Savannah Re
publican that a destructive fire occurred at
Jefferson ton, Camden county, Monday
night, 4th inst., which destroyed all the
stores in Wie place. The fire was the work
of an incendiary. There was but very
little insurance on the goods and property.
The fire at Fort Valley was very destruc
tive. The total loss is estimated at $48,-
000, on which there is an insurance of
$13,700. It is not known how it origin
ated.
Gold and Politics. —The Macon
Tdtgraph vt properly observes:
“About tho time of the California and
Maine elections gold went up, aud the
Radicals raised a howl that it was owing
to the loss of confidence in the Government
arising from the Democratic victories.
Since that day, Radicalism has been
routed, horse, loot and dragoons, in
Pennsylvania, New York, and other
Northern States, and, strange to say, gold
has gone down, and is lower to-day than
it has been in months ! Will the Radicals
explain the extraordinary phenomenon,
and reconcile it with their doctrine of a
month ago?”
Important Arrests. —Lieuts. Evans
and Johnson, of the City Police, succeeded
Monday in arresting the notorious colored
thiol'and burglar, Pan Thomas. A short
time since he was tried for burglary at the
residence of Mrs. Barrett, on Broad street,
and cleared —yesterday lie confessed his
guilt in that case, and produced the stolen
goods ! On Tuesday night last he robbed
a negro; and on Sunday night he stole a
lot of clothing, etc., front the residence of
Mrs. Miller, on Reynolds street. lie
also confessed to having robbed the resi
dence of Pr. J. B. Carter some time ago,
and rave up the jewelry then stolen, lie
is the same party who was convicted of
robbing St. Paul’s Church a year or two
ago, ands- ,-ved twelve months on the j
chain-gang for that offence. The County
Court yesterday committed him for tria'.
Croat credit i- due to the officers named,
as well as to the Chief of Police, Mr.
Christian, for his arrest aud the recovery
of the stolen property.
Radical Bi. vsphemy. Brownlow s
success iu political life seems to have in
spired a whole tribe of small demagogues
to try their hands at blasphemy. Gen.
ilarriman, in a speech at Binghamton, A.
recently, thus delivered himself:
‘'Treason still lurks throughout the
South. The rebels have only been dis
armed —not subdued. They are entitled
to no rights—and still merit the severest
punishment. To quote the language of a
minister way up in Hampshire instead of
civ n- them place and power the y ouaht to
l, taken h the n«rc of th-- neck and held
over licit till thiy squall,. J like cats!
Hell will never be full nor the devil sat
isfied until Brownlow, Ilarriman , Ste
vens, Wade, Sumner, Wilson, Philips and
the balance of the crew have been trans
ferred to his dominions.
Buy as, II.\aTR:iH'.E& Cos., Savannah.
The gentlemen who compose this well
known firm in Savannah are men of wcll
t tablished reputation for commercial sa
gacity and integrity. The house, a* will
be seen from an advertisement in another
1 column, is prepared to make advances op
shipments to their friends in Liverpool,
New York. Philadelphia and Baltimore.
See their card.
Josiah Sibley & Sons.—The atten
tion of our readers is invited to the card of
• this old and well known house, which ap
pears in this morning’s paper. They are
prepared to make liberal cash advances on
cotton consigned to themselves or to their
‘friends in Liverpool, New York, Boston,
Philadelphia and Baltimore, The house of
T. Sibley & Son - is one of the institutions
of Augusta, and justly merits the extensive
patronage it receives. We commend the
firm to the attention of our planting friends.
Godey’s.—Mr. P. Quinn has received
Godey* Lady'* Bool: for December —
always welcome to the ladies. All the
latest publications can be had at Quinn's
depict.
Northern Opinion of the Late Election. j
In another column we present to our
readers the comments of the Northern
press cn the overthrow of Radicalism.
We can offer nothing more interesting. It
is by the press and through the press
that we must catch the spirit of the North
and estimate the will of the North, and
learn the rendering with which the a:t3 of
the people in the late elections is con
strued.
The reader will not fail to mark the con
current opinioa which characterises the
organs of both parties. The Democrats
rejoice exultingly in success, but they point
to the Radical rump measures as giving
them that success. The Republicans
admit defeat, but with wonderful unanimity
attribute their defeat before the people to
the -ame cause. Even “old Ben Wade" is
on the same line, and calls Sumner’s
“Confiscation Bill d—d fooling,” and has
not “made up his mind whether he should
vote for Sumner’s Suffrage Billorr.ot.”
Old Ben may well pause. The condem
nation of the Radical rump by the people
is unqualified. Hitherto that rump has
dominated Congre-s, the Executive, the
whole country, and ruled with a rod of
iron the Republican party. liotkless and
unscrupulous they have disregarded na
tional traditions, constitutional obligations,
and even tiie commonest precepts of justice
and common honesty. It was their im
perialism that inaugurated and forced
upon the Republican party and the
country that rule or ruin policy
which involves the present utter pros
tration of industry and promises
to overwhelm in wild, hopeless, irretrieva
ble ruin all substantial interests, every
right of citizen-lap unless recognized by
the ephemeral requisites of party alle
giance, and threatens to overthrow the
fair fabric of Republican Government
either in the chronic convulsions of Mexican
anarchy or by the imperialism of military
despotism. ,
The Republican journals, in admitting
defeat, vainly endeavor to throw aside
the disastrous effects by dwelling upon
Republican apathy, arid content them
selves by exhibiting statistical calculations
of the exact number of (jit) apathetic, who
have proved so derelict and indifferent to
party interests as to permit power to pass
into the hands of their antagonists. Even '
if it is admitted that mere apathy was the
sole cause of defeat, this, of itself, is suffi
cient condemnation. These apathetics
virtually scy we will not and cannot endorse
the measures of' the Radical rump leaders.
We will not and cannot endorse, by our
ballot, universal negro suffrage with its
concomitant universal negro equality,
nor confiscation, nor impeachment, nor
the military governments in, the South
with their Popes and Sheridans.—
We will not prove so recreant to
past affiliations as to vote against
the parly, but the opponents of
that party may take the power until these
things are changed. But this is not all of
the story. The Republicans have not alto
gether been so apathetic. The condemna
tion does not consist wholly of such indif
ference. It is much more marked and
severe. It is pointed directly against the
cause 'of offence. It is the work of the
people, whether Republicans or Democrats,
and indicates, with unerring precision, the
cause of distrust, and rebukes in tones that
cannot be misunderstood. In all the
States, whether Republicans or Democrats
were elected to office, they unqualifiedly
and overwhelmingly rejected the Consti
tutional Amendment. They have repudi
ated the Radical rump. They have
plainly and unreservedly declared that this
is the “white Ulan’s Government.” They
have repeatedly declared that the sur
render, under the Appomattoxjapple tree,
should not be converted into a surrender
of the Government, into the hands of il
literate negroes—descendants of Congo and
Guinea, and Dahomey—just emerging,
for the first time, from the depths of a bar
barism of thousands and tens of thousands
of years. Nay, more, it shall not be sur
rendered to any factious fanatics, repre
senting these black neophytes in civiliza
tion. They have unqualifiedly and
overwhelmingly rejected the Consti
tutional Amendment, and, with won
derful unanimity, proclaimed that this is
aud shall be forever, the white man’s Gov
ernment. This is the language of a fifty
thousand Republican majority of Ohio to
Democratic office-holders. This is the lan
guage of Republican Kansas to her Re
publican legislators and Republican Con-
gressmen. Reckless, unscrupulous, fanati
cal Radicalism is spurned and rejected by
the people, whether they bo Republicans
or whether they be Democrats.
To us of the South, these lofty, patriotic
declarations of the honest masses of the
North bring the dawn of hope, of confi
dence, ofprosperity.lt has long and ardent
ly been looked for. it was long and wearily
deferred, and being deferred lias inflicted
upon us suffering, and cruel exactions,
and humiliating tyrannies, and still
more humiliating degradation and incon
ceivable material damage, covering us up,
as with a pall, with doubts and perplexities
and anxieties—crippling and crushing our
energies and industries and wasting our piti
ful remnant of resources, and has eonvert
ed the Star Spangled banner from a proud
symbol of freedom and protection iuto a
doubtful emblem of tyranny and military op
pression. It has left us with a threat against
our hearth-stones of so many and such
dire evils as made the heart grow sick in
contemplation, and allowed no remedy to
reason but the sacrifice of expatriation.
Now faith, hope and confidence revives.
Sectional disputes and sectional strife, with
its bitter hatred, and reckless, unscrupu
lous fanaticism, stands rebuked, con
demned, crushed, by the North and at the
North. The unscrupulous, mad ambition
which, iu its desperation, it would use as
a tool—the ignorant negroes of the South—
to secure and wield the power of the Gov
ernment and control and mould the des
tiny of this great Republic, is spurned and
rejected by the people. Henceforth both
parties, and all parties, will receive as a
fundamental axiom—that, with universal
freedom under a common law for all na
tions and tongues and kindred, this is the
white man's Government. This is the
mandate of the people, of Republicans to
Republicans, of Democrats to Democrats
—all, stern, inflexible and unalterable.
White men founded this Government in a
wilderness —have nurtured and maintained
and developed it by their brains, blood and
energy—and white men shall mould and
control its destiny 1
Counteefeit Fifty Dollar CoMroi ND
Interest Notes.—The Xaf.bnal IntdK
gcncer says the sensation paragraphs re
specting these counterfeits, we are author
ized to say, are a mere rehash of an old
affair. The counterfeits referred to were
discovered a year ago. the gniky parties
arrested, tried, convicted sentenced and
punished long since, and the plates
themselves are now in the possession of
the Treasury Department. It seems a few
of these notes were in the possession of
banks, where they remained until they
wire lately called forth, by the operation
of the law authorizing them to le convert
ed into three per cent, certificates, whoa
their character was detected, hence the
new alarm.
TnE Modern Dogberry.—Alluding to
the fact that Ileverdy Johuson has recent
ly published a strong pamphlet against
Reconstruction, the Charleston Hcrcurj
thinks he should “write himself down an
ass. “ because the “Honorable Senator” net
only voted for these acts in the Senate, but
: strenuously urged upon the Southern peo
ple to accept of and to support them ai
though “violating the Constitution in
| everv line.
Fatilotic Address.
We devote much of our space tills
morning to the address of the Conserva
tive Convention recently assembled at
Columbia to the people of South Carolina.
In our opinion, it is one of the ablest, most
eloquent, patriotic, and withal practical
papers ever issued by any political body.
It presents to the world not only the con
dition of South Carolina but of all the
Southern States, and is so applicable to
Georgia that we hasten to lay it before
our readers. The manly tone in which it
protests against the wrongs heaped on
the suffering South, must commend it to aii
who really desire the preservation of
liberty an I the perpetuation of good gov
ernment.
Referring to the character, composition
and proceedings of the Convention, the
Columbia Chronicle says :
“No assemblage of delegates from the
people of South Carolina ever met in Con
vention, which presented a finer array of
the intellect, ability and wisdom of the
State, than that which convened in this
city on Wednesday last. The most distin
guished citizens in the State onae togeth
er to mingle their counsels and exchange
their views upon the great questions of
the hour. It is needles:- to say, that what
ever has been done has been done deliber
ately, and according to the best judgment
of the best men. E very word and act has
been carefully weighed, and that which
has been promulgated as the result of the
Convention has passed an ordeal of calm
and unimpassioned scrutiny, which enti
tles it to the consideration of the public.
All appear to have been impressed with
the solemnity of the crisis, and determined
only to do that which would tend to pro
mote the public weal.”
Hon. S. J.;ilay and the Jury Gro#r.
The Charleston Mercury says Hon. S.
•J. Hay, District Judge for Barnwell Dis
trict, has recently, following the example
of Judge Aldrich, declined to carry into
effect the military orders in relation to the
formation of juries, and In so doing de
livered a lengthy and able address to the
members of the bar in attendence upon the
court. In that address lie discussed elabo
rately all the questions involved in deciding
what were the duties o f a judge in the
premises, and in so doing he selected the
opinion of Hon. George S. Bryan, United
States District Judge for South Carolina,
published some time since in the Mercury,
as the only able defence of the other side
which he had seen, and directed his argu
ments against the various positions and
points ‘herein contained. He handled the
subject in a masterly manner, supporting
every position which he took by constitu
tional law.
After quoting the famous resolution of
Congress that the war was conducted in no
spirit of oppression, but only to preserve
the Union, he concludes as follows :
Can language be plainer this ?or convey
propositions more distinct with graver or
more earnest emphasis ? And here, gen
tlemen, I seem to catch a glimpse of what
would have been, had the people of the
North . been as temperate in victory as
they we re unquestionably patient, un
yielding aud persevering underdisappoint
ment and defeat. I seem to see-—as the
smoke and dust and blood of a thousand
battles are lost in its widening shadow—
rising majestically before me, aud standing
on deeper and broader foundations —freed
from every element of sectional discord
in ail its grand proportions, stronger,
dearer, never more to totter or to fall, the
noblest political structure ever reared by
man, while the united voice of a reconcil
ed and rejoicing people, swelling from sea
to sea, “like the voice of many waters,”
is lifted up in praise and thanksgiving,
that though wind and storm and flood have
beaten against aud swept over it, the
/Vincudcari Union yet stands secure. -where
our fathers founded it, on the “rock” oi
the Constitution. And, gentlemen, though
we have drifted far from “the aneieut
land-marks,” it is as true this day, as
when announced by one of the fathers of
the republic, and acquiesced in by all the
rest, that “this Union can never be held
together by force." While the present
unnatural state ofthings exists, this is not
the Union of our fathers. Nor can that
Union be restored by pouring out the life
blood of States, once high contracting par
ties to thecompact. I know that these terms
have become obsolete, but we must return
to them, or this Govcrnmentbeeometo all,
what it now is to the South—a terrible
military despotism. That flag—once the
symbol of liberty and equality between the
States—and once floating for the protec
tion of all their citizens alike, on every
shore washed by old ocean’s waves, and in
every clime visited by the winds of Heaven,
cannot long remain a blessing to one sec
tion and a curse to the other: they cannot
| reserve its stars l'or the North and its
! stripes for the South. It is as sure as that
| it now waves in triumph over our closed
i and silent temples of justice that when the
! liberties of the South arc consigned to the
] tomb, those of the North wilt have re
! ceived a death-blow from which recovery
| will be hopeless. I am aware that I
| might have taken higher ground in this
j argument, but preferred dealing with
things as they are, and not as they should
| be. Congress professing to believe the
| compact between the States indissoluble, it
| had been both good logic and good law (on
j their part) to say, that all acts passed by
j those States from the ordinance of seces
| sion to the date ol its repeal, were null and
j void. But to say that in consequence of
| this unlawful legislation they ceased to be
! States, or to have legal State governments,
[ is just, and simply as illogical as it would
! be to argue, that because three of seven
1 (or ten of thirty-seven) partners engaged
in conducting ousinass iu accordance with
certain written stipulations, withdrew
| from the concern and violated the articles
I of agreement (if you will), therefore they
I had ceased to be men.
Cotton and Cereals. —Our planting
friends should devote their land, labor and
time to the raising of cereals. Plant
wheat now and plant largely and thorough
ly, and you can snap your fingers at your
enemies. Cotton is played out. It won't
pay to produce cotton and sell it for
nothing. Wheat, corn and stock raising
will pay, and we trust our planters and
farmers will turn their attention to that
true line of policy which can alone make
our section self-sustaining, independent
and prosperous. The relative profits of
cotton and cereals are well set forth in the
following from the Little Rock (Arkansas)
Gazette :
This year’s experience will be sufficient
to convince the firmest triend of cotton cul
ture that it must be abandoned at once or
our planting community will be bankrupt.
We understand that planters in this vicin
ity are paying one dollar « hundred for
picking cotton. This is equivalent to
three and a half cents a pound for lint cot
ton, and to this add the tax, and one-half
the value of a pound of cotton iu this mar
ket is consumed.
Now is the time for sowing wheat, and |
we trust a large crop will be put in this
year. Planters are under no obligation to
ruin themselves by planting cotton merely
to furnish employment to lazy, capricious
negroes. Wlie.-v is worth $2.50 per
bushel in the Western markets. At this
price its production would be profitable on
any soil in the State. If a good crop is
put in hereabouts the coming year, mills
will be erected to convert it into flour
here at home, and a ready market will
be found for ail that can be grown.
The New Orleans market expects to ob
tain a large supply of its corn from
Arkausas this year, as the crop of the
West is very short. It will command a
good price and prove a far more remunera
tive crop than cotton.
The Cleveland PlaindeaJcr says : "It is
now stated, on the highest Radical authori
ty. that some weeks ago a distinguished
Radical politician talked with Gen. Grant
about the flattering prospects of the Re
publican party, with the view of obtaining
some impression, but, on the conclusion of
his remarks, Grant coolly said: ‘What
loyou think of Marshal Brown's slut's
■ pups?’ ,
A 3 oung man named Peter Wiliiamson,
Jr., living at Bordeutown, X. J., recently
had a finger crushed by accident. _ The
injured finger was dressed, and it was
thought would in time get wai, but after
eight or nine days it mortified, lockjaw c-n
--| sued and death soon followed.
AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 20, 5867.
Five-Twenty Bond: in Europe—Butler’s
Repudiation Scheme.
From the Lon don Times, October 20.
The recent discussion in the United
States upon a proposal made by a leading
Republican, which had a tendency toward
repudiation, ought not to be dismissed as a
chance occurrence of the hour. It helps
us to understand the thoughts and inten
tions of the people with regard to the pay
ment of their debt, and it defines with some
precision the particular type of politician
who is ready to seek for popularity by rec
ommending an evasion of the national re
sponsibilities. Thus far the only pressing
advocate of dishonesty is to be found in the
Radical ranks, one member of the Demo
cratic party who was understood to favor a
similar idea having long ago explained
that he meant something totally different.
The people are indebted to a leader in the
“party of progress” for the latest blow
aimed at their national credit. It has been
repeatedly stated in America, and never
contradicted, that Mr. Thaddeus Stevens
favors some scheme by which the national
creditors would be def rauded. Mr. Butler,
however, is the only champion of a policy
which borders on repudiation who has
hitherto defended and supported his opin
ions by letters to the public journals, and
who still profess to be unable to perceive
anything unworthy of the American people
in the plan which he recommends. A Re
publican is identified with the proposal, but
the party, as an organization, has from the
first discouraged it by every means in its
power. The Democratic party is not less
earnest in insisting upon the obligation
which rests upon the nation of paying the
debt in full. What, then, are the pros
pects of repudiation? We believe there
arc- ample resources at our command for
deciding this question, and for estimating
with some certainty the reception which
Mr. Butler’s advice will meet with through
out the United States.
In the first place, it is important to re
member that the bonds are largely held
by small owners scattered all over the
U nion. Among the records in the Treas
ury Department at Washington are ma
terials for forming a judgment with re
spect to the actual classes who now own the
debt. It is possible that a full register is
not accessible, but the official documents
aro comprehensive enough to enable the
authorities to understand among what sort
of persons the bonds are distributed. There
is no doubt that since the conclusion of the
war the traffic in the national securities has
been extending among persons of limited
means, among the poor but thrifty class,
rather than in the wealthy portion of the
community. Farmers or tradesmen have
bought bonds with their savings instead of
laying the money aside in banks, and the
result is that the buik of the debt is at
this moment divided among the frugal
classes of the United States, who hold it
in small quantities, and regard it as a
secure source of investment. This state
ment is sustained by the fact that the total
amount of bonds held in Europe repre
sents no more than six hundred million
dollars, so that two thousand miilionsabove
this sum is retained in the United States,
and, although rich individuals or corpora
tions subscribed heavily, still the tendency
has been and still is that which is above
described—-namely, the absorption of the
securities by people of average means, and
consequently of the greatest numbers in
the community.
To talk, then, of Americans repudiating
their debt is to assume that they have
made up their minds to rob themselves on
a gigantic scale. What they would gain
by repudiation of bonds, held abroad, is a
fraction compared with what they would
lose upon bonds which they have pur
chased with their own money. It is true
that a vast majority of the citizens of the
United States do not hold any portion of
the debt, but two large a proportion have
taken it up to render repudiation possible.
To say nothing of higher considerations,
the debt is the debt of the American na
tion, and repudiation would beggar them,
while it would only slightly affect Europe
an creditors. We have a right to assume
that a people which has lent itself money
will not deny the debt, or render it lawful
in any one to decline contributing to its
discharge. If, indeed, all the debt were
held in Europe there would be a tempta
tion —laying aside for the moment consid
erations of honor —to refuse to pay it.
But the self-interest of the Americans
warns them from the path which a Radical
member of Congress solicits them to take.
assuredly pay their debt is further forti
fied by the decisive fact that even now,
when elections of the highest moment are
pending, and politicians would be willing
to buy votes'at any price, there is no party
or section of party, no newspaper, no man
of decent repute in the country daring to
breathe the word “repudiation” in the
ears of the people. The Democrats are
earnest, and even? eager, in their assevera
tions that the policy of the party is, and
always must bo, to meet every loud ever
issued honestly and fairly. No one affects
to doubt their professions. The Republi
cans, with two or three known exceptions,
are resolutely in favor of paying the debt.
Who, then, is to repudiate it? Where are
the repudiators? Will it be suggested
that a totally new party will soring into
existence on the “platform” of Butler and
his associates ? No one can say positively
that such an event will never happen, but
we can see for ourselves that all the indi
cations of public feeling are strongly op
posed to it, and that the first symptoms of
an almost inconceivable change nave yet
to appear. Butler has been unanimously
condemned in almost every quarter, and
yet his proposition went no further in terms
than to pay off a certain issue of Five
twenty bonds in paper instead of gold. He
alleges that the Government did not specify
the currency in which the principle should
be paid, and there is some question
whether he is not technically correct. But
it is urged with justice that people bought
these bonds upon the faith that they
would be redeemed in gold, and it has
been shown that agents usually employed
by the Government issued the certificates
with that assurance. Thus we find proof
of a disposition universally prevailing the
very opposite from that which men like
Butler desire to encourage.
The last strong probability which we
shall mention against the adoption of re
pudiation is the spirit which the people of
the United States are everywhere mani
festing in reference to the subject. They
are reasonably proud of the position which
they occupy in the family of nations, and
they are perfectly well aware that they
would sacrifice it completely, and dishonor
themselves as never a great nation was
dishonored before, if they acted upon the
counsels of an unscrupulous demagogue,
and deu-auded the whole of their creditors.
They can see as well as we in Europe that
repudiation would be an eternal disgrace to
them, would ruin their commercial rela
tions with every people, and would render
their name a by-word in the world. The
shame and indignation with which they
scout suggestions like Butler’s are unan
swerable evidence of their anxiety to meet
all the claims upon them without deduc
tions or evasions. They have endured
enormous taxation in order to accomplish
this purpose, they have undertaken a set
tled plan for the gradual liquidation of the
debt, and it is more than likely that they
would assent to still heavier taxation rath
er than have their national name dragged
in the dirt. Until, then, they show signs
of bung influenced by a different spirit,
they are entitled to expect us to believe
that they will pay their debt, and pay it in
: all and in gold. If their intentions are at
any time misunderstood, they have to
thunk their own countrymen for the inju
re. and among the wrongdoers there is no
one man who possesses greater influence
than the ex-Governor of New Orleans.
front the London Economic October 20.
Those who have- read the English
economical controversies of the year 1822
and thereabouts—not so numerous a body
now as they were once —will remember
how persistently it was maintained that
the war debt having been borrowed in a
depreciated currency, ought not to be paid
off at par in a gold currency. It was
seriously contended in Parliament and out
of it. that Sir Robert Pee! had enriched
the bondholder by the act of 1819, and
defrauded the country, because he thereby
made the nation pay full in coin what it
had received at a discount in paper.
The answer was that during the whole
war there had been a resolution of the
House of Commons to return to cash pa\--
ments within a certain time after the meet
ing of Parliament The English Govern
ment. therefore, got its paper upon the
contract to pay it in gold, and though the
bargain was costly, it was the best which
could be made at the time.
The same question now arises in Ameri
ca, and in a very curious form. _ The cele
brated* Five-Twenty bonds (that is, payable
ai the Governments option in five years,
and at the holder’s option in twenty
yearsi. specify that the interest should
be*" paid in coin, but do not say that
the principal shall be so paid; probably,
in strict law, payment in “money,” that
i-\ in greenbacks, which are legal-tender,
would be adequate- Railway companies
and municipalities Lave so their
debts, and there is no legal reason why the
Federal Government should not do so also.
There are, however, two great reasons
why it should not—one of morality and
I one cf policy. As to the morality, exactly
as in the English ease, tne money was
borrowed upon the faith ih:at the issue of
inconvertible paper was a.temporary expe
dient which would pass ayn 7 with the war,
or before the war. The difficulty of getting
back to specie payments was never imagin
ed ; and no one supposed that the Govern
ment notes would be at a discount when
.he Five-Twenties could be paid. Conse
quently the Americans are as much bound
to pay in coin as the English were. And
as to the expediency, the United States
will ruin their European credit it they pay
in paper, for no one who lends to them
hereafter will ever know what he will re
ceive.
As yet, these' views are those of all par
tus. The Republican party borrowed the
money, and established the National Banks,
which are large bondholders; they are,
therefore, firing and the Democratic party
do not seem to chink it will “pay" to start
any sort of repudiation. 'That may happen
in the after times in so cipfased a thing as
American finant no oj: can say, but as
yet there is no risk. Ircae of those who
propose a payment in paper possess much
influence, or are worthy of any respect.
Comments on the Elections.
THE STATE ELECTIONS—TIIE OVERTHROW
OF RADICALISM.
Tne Radicals who controlled the Re
publican nominating convention to exclude
from their councils the Conservative de
rm nt of their party, and to go before the
people on the issues of negro supremacy
and a national bank oligarchy ; and the
people of New York, liHLthose of Cali
fornia, Ohio and Pennsyl*na, have repu
diated them aud rendered an
verdict against their YtuieHf revolutiona
ry policy.— JV. Y. Herald.
THE ELECTION.
We are beaten by Republicans this year
and the work of reconstruction thus prac
tically delayed if not arrested. The South
ern rebels are virtually told by the State
of New York: “Hold on; vote against
conventions wherever you are strong
enough to defeat them ; refuse to vote
wherever you can thus hope to discredit
and damage the process more than by
voting ; and you may yet resume control
of your respective States and trample the
white and black Unionists under your feet
through the disfranchisement and virtual
re-enslavement of the latter.” We may
look for more and more palpable and
powerful resistance to reconstruction un
der the policy of Congress to any recon
struction which implies that blacks have
rights which whites are bound to respect
—from this hour onward.— New York
Tribune.
THE VICTORY.
__ By yesterday’s work the “Empire
State” placed herself at the head of the
noble army of commonwealths whose mis
sion has been here and now to stay the
hands of the architects of ruin, and whose
mission will be in the ; r and the contests
that are to come, to redeem and restore
the Union, and to establish peace and rep
resentative self-government throughout
all its borders.
New Jersey has returned to her old place
with a victory worthy of her best days.
The old Bay State takes a tremendous
start toward the Union line. Even Kansas
repudiates negro suffrage. Wisconsin and
Minnesota, tliough.our returns are very
meagre, show Democratic gains. The
Northwest is no longer to be reckoned a
stronghold of Radicalism.— N. Y. World.
THE NEW YORK ELECTION.
The increased Democratic majority in
this city since last year, is brought about
by a diminished Republican vote of 8,000
and a gain of only 5,000 to the Democratic
vote. The entire vote and registry of last
year and this, compare as follows :
Registry in 1866 122,142
Democratic vole 80,677
Republican 33,492—11-1,169
Non-voters in 1866 7,973
Registry in 1867 128,096
Democratic vote 85,809
Republican 25,640—111,449
Non-voters in 1867 16,647
[iY Y. Times. •
THE RADICAL WATERLOO.
The election news which we give our
readers this morning will fill with joy eve
ry Democratic heart. Rarely has it been
our lot to present such cause for rejoicing.
Tovtv—lPaWro U- ity ?U the Union—New
jonty of 60,000 for the WiiitcTfitirf R t
and the returns from the State indicate the
success of the Democracy by an over
whelming majority. In the other States
which voted yesterday the Democratic
gains have been enormous, and a now im
petus has thus been given to the swelling
wave of Democratic triumphs throughout
the country. At the late hour we write it is
impossible to particularize. We refer our
readers to the figures as they appear in
our telegraphic columns. Enough is now
known to satisfy the popular heart that
the reckless band of Congressional traitors
lias been sternly and fearfully rebuked by
the indignant masses, and that the day of
our redemption has dawned.—Philadel
phia Age.
TIIE ELECTION.
Kansas seems to have voted down both
the suffrage amendments. It is worthy of
notice that the idea of extending the right
of suffrage to women was received with
more favour by the Kansas statesmen than
the proposition to enfranchise the colored
race. — Philadelphia Press.
THE LESSON OF TIIE ELECTIONS.
It was almost universally expected that
the elections in this State would result in
favor of the Democrats. It was scarcely
expected, however, that the majorities
would be so largo. Sixty-one thousand in
the city, and twenty-five thousand in the
State, justify the explosive utterance of
the World, which claims pretty much the
whole earth for its party. It could well
sing:
“No pent-up Utica contracts our powers,
But tho whole boundless continent is ours.”
| Even in Kansas—a State built up by
I Republicans and thronged by Republicans
! —the voters discriminate; they choose
| Republican officers, but they do not choose
I at present to extend the franchise to
I women and Africans. —A r . Y. Even . Post.
TIIE POLITICAL CAMPAIGN OF 1867.
The Em; ire State, through the acclama
tion almost of the people of her great city,
the commercial centre of the Western con
tinent, ana from which ramify arteries
and nerves in commerce end finance that
penetrate the round earth, has planted
herself iu the immortal eminence of an
acknowledged leadership in a course to
which all the States of the North will, in
another year, move in grand procession
and in most imposing j ageant.
New Jersey has returned, after a tem
porary aberration, to her old orbit in the
political firmament. Being in the belt of
the Middle States of the North, with
Pennsylvania, Ohio and Indiana—having
like elements of character in population—
her return to Conservative principles was
an assured thing. For the same reason,
were Indiana to vote to-day, the negro
party, led by Colfax, would meet with
overwhelming disaster. Suppose, also, that
Congressional elections w rs now to take
place in the States of the North, how
overwhelmingly would the present usurp
ers in the Rump Congress be repudiated
by the people. —National Intelligencer.
RESULT OF TIIE ELECTION.
The Radical party is beaten. Thistyact
could have Uon announced confidently
four weeks ago, for the result was as ap
parent then as it is certain now. Until
cause ceases to produce effect it could not
be otherwise.
For the overwhelming majorities in the
cities of New York and Brooklyn there is
a simple solution. It is the second signal
expression of popular indignation against
Tribune liquor legislation. Radicalism, in
this respect, as in regard to the negro, has
reacted. The Tribune , in its “On to
Richmond” temper and tone, forced these
two questions into the canvass, and has its
answer in a majority of seventy thousand
against its party.
These drawbacks, added to tbs Tribunes
crusade against the social freeaom of Ger
mans. and in favor of negro supremacy,
account for the falling off of the Republi
can majorities in the State.— A. Y. Com.
Advertiser.
“The twin relics of barbarism, which
Republicanism pledged itself to eradicate,
were Slavery and Polygamy. The twin
relics of modern Republicanism, which the
people of New Y rk are going to sweep
awav to-day, are Tyranny and Taxation.
“The Republican rallying cry is ‘Paper
money for the workingman: but gold,
gold, gold for the banker and the bond
holder.’
“Ohio killed Chase and his national
bank swindle. Pennsylvania _ furnished
him a coffin; California ciug his grave.—
New York to-day will cover him up beyond
resurrection. Peace to bis ashes 1
“The Radical bondholders, shoddy men
and bankers kept clear of showers of bul
lets during th" war. To-day they will be
brought down by a shower of ballots.
“The voters of New Y ork will pay Chase
off to-day. not in gold, but in paper cur
. reney. —-Y I, licrald, oth.
From Europe.
London, November S, noon. —The sec
ond typhoon at Macao was very violent.
No particulars.
Amsterdam, November S, noon.—The
Bank raised its rate from 2J to 3.
Paris, Novembers, noon.—The Yellow
Book, ready for publication, shows Ratazzi
was long warned of the insurgents’ plans
and the action of France.
Florence, November 8, nooD. — Gari
baldi is to be tried.
Paris, November 8, noon. — Monnora
asks the withdrawal of the French troops
from Rome.
London, November S, noon.—lt is said
that Lavallette will soon resign and
Rouher will succeed him.
The friends of Garibaldi say that lie had
but four thousand men.
The Etendart says Garibaldi’s sons were
hidden, not captured.
Au Insult to an Emperor.
Washington, November 11,p. m.— The
papers by*. steamer Deutchland, contain
the following item: While the Emperor
of Austria was enjoying himself at the
steeple chase, at Vincennes, the Emperor
Napoleon drove iu from St. Cloud and
paid a short visit to the Exhibition. It
was Lng enough, however, for comfort.
A scene occurred as unlooked for as it was
disgraceful. During his visit an egg was
thrown at the large picture of him by
Flanderin, and when he made his appear
ance in one of the galleries a loud and dis
tinct hissing took place ou the part of a
collection of men in blouses. The unpop
ularity of the Italian intervention, and the
general state of uneasiness and dissatisfac
tion which exists here among the lower
classes, were probably the causes of this
demonstration.
Bank Statement.
New York, November 10. —The bank
statement says loans has increased $491,-
01)0 ; specie increased $3,542,000; circula
tion increased $32,000 ; deposits decreas
ed $359,000 ; legal-tenders decreased sl,-
855,000.
New York Mayoralty.
New York, November 10. —Mayor
Hoffman has been renominated for Mayor
by Tammany Hall.
Destruction of a Eight House.
New York, November 10.—The light
house at Key West was destroyed during
the late gale.
From Philadelphia.
Philadelphia, November 10. —A heavy
rain has been tailing since last evening.
The street cars have resumed Suuday
trips.
Trial of Mr. Davis.
Washington, November 11, noon.—lt
is ascertained, from a reliable source, that,
the Government will be ready to proceed
with the trial of Mr. Davis on the 25th. —
Both sides, however, desire that Chief
Justice Chase should preside with Judge
Underwood,. and, therefore, it is possible
that the trial may be postponed fora short
time, to enable Chase to make arrange
ments to preside. Legal considerations
alone prompt tiie desire that the two
Judges should sit on the case.
Democratic Triumphs.
Washington, November 11, p. m.—
Democratic ninj a tty in New York 46,000;
iu Maryland 41,000; in Minnesota, while
negro suffrage, w hich was voted on last
year as well as this, shows a gain of 500
votes.
Returns from the western counties of
Kansas indicate that most of them have
gone Democratic.
From Washington.
Washington, November 10. —Captain
J. N. Maffit is here la wing for his confis
cated property.
Minnesota has defeated negro suffrage
by two thousand majority. The Repub
lican Governor is elected by three thousand
majority.
In Wisconsin a Republican Governor is
elected by four thousand five hundred
majority.
Washington, November 11, noon.—
Frederick A. Packard, long prominently
connected with the American Sunday
School Union, is dead.
There seems little doubt that Grant told
Montgomery Blair, on Thursday, that no
<."O
Grant was advised of the bearings of For
ney’s article previous to its publication,
and that lie made nonobjection to it.
Washington, November 11, p. m. —
Revenue receipts to-day six hundred and
.fifty thousand dollars.
Tammany nominates Ilofftna n. and
Mozart nominates Fernando Wooa, and
JohnJ. Anthon is prominently mentioned
by the Democratic Union party for Mayor
of Now York.
Thad. Stevens has written five columns
of a letter, opposing National Banks and
argues that, while interest is payable in
coin, bonds can honestly be liquidated with
legal-tenders.
Gen. Emory has disbanded unauthor
ized military organizations in the District
of Columbia.
It is said that Gen. Sheridan has tele
graphed Gen. Grant advising that Gen.
Mower’s action in removing Gen. Hayes
from the New Orleans Sheriffalty be dis
approved.
The Vice Consul at Havana telegraphs
the State Department to-day that cholera
is serious at that port, and officially declares
the number of eases increasing.
From Richmond—Bureau Agent Mobbed.
Richmond, November 11, p. m. —Gen
eral Schofield, to-day, ordered a court
martial on the eighteenth, in the ease of
Col. Rose, U. S. A., conductor of elec
tions here, formally charged by citizens
with conduct unbecoming an officer and
gentleman, drunkenness, and so forth on
election day.
The “ Dispatch” has an account of the
mobbing of Maj. Frank Butts, former
Bureau Agent of King William county,
by negroes there. An attempt made
by the civil authorities to arrest the ring
leaders, was resisted, and the ifiilitary has
been sent for.
The leading colored citizens will be out
in a card to-morrow disavowing the incen
diary sentiments uttered by Lindsay, a col
ored delegate to the Convention.
Segar Mailers’ Strike.
Philadelphia, November 11, p. in. —
The Segar Makers, about two thousand,
are on a strike.
Railroad Collision.
Memphis, November 10. —Two passen
ger trains collided near Granada on Friday
night. The locomotives were smashed and
one negro injured.
Georgia Conservative Convention.
Macon, November 11, p. in. —The Tel
i crjraph of to-morrow will advocate the
propriety of a State Conservative Con
j vention, to meet in Macon Thursday, sth
! day of December.
Alabama Negro Convention.
Montgomery, November 11, p. m. — la
the Reeonstruc' n Convention to-day the
Elective Franchise Committee presented
majority and minority reports. 'The ma
jority report disfranchises all who refused
to vote for or against a constitution when
submitted to the people and is otherwise
proscriptive These reports are made the
special order for to-morrow.
From New Orleans.
New Orleans, November 11, p. m. —
No deaths Irom yellow fever were reported
to the Board of Health yesterday, and no
applications to the Howard Association
for relief.
Bremen ship Carl arrived yesterday
bringing another load of German emi
grants.
Texas papers announce the late arrival
of large numbers ol German emigrants to
that State.
Mules and Horses for the South. —
Mr. Ogden, of Illinois, who i'ailedin selling
here a lot of 99 mules, 2 and 3 years old,
* has shipped to New Orleans. He had
been offered $l7O per bead, but could not
I obtain that price yesterday.
; J. T. Hughes starts this week 35 head of
extra horses to Georgia.
Wm. H. Crosthwaite started forty head
of mules this morning to Mississippi.
J. M. Robnett started this morning 106
1 head of mules, which are to be fed for a
short time in Tennessee. — Louisville Jour
\ nal, Sth inst.
A Maine mechanichas procured a patent
for an invention for running shafting at
right angles or at any ancle without the
use of gearing or belting. The idea is en
tirely novel. A slide bar is placed in the
angle, and motion transferred by the
action of a'double crank on each shaft, ihe
machinery runs without the least noise.
About noon yesterday Major J. TV.
Blance and Captain Thomas O Connor
were arrested by the military authorities
here. It is rumored that the order for ay
rest eame from General Pope, and that
they were arrested because Major Biance
sent a challenge by Captain O Connor to
Lie utenant Campbell, on the day previous.
I —Rome Courier.
THE CONSERVATIVE CONTENTION.
Address to the People of South Carolina.
the present condition of- tiif. state.
Tiie Relations of Tabor auH Capital.
A Protest A«a!o§t Negro Suffrage) dee.
To the People of South Carolina :
Fellow-Citizens In times of great
public danger, the instinct of self-preserva
tion prompts a people to assemble and
confer together upon the issues that the
stern logic oi events forces upon their at
tention. The citizens of South Carolina
stand to-day in this position, ilt becomes
our duty*, therefore, to take counsel to
gether, and to announce our conclusions
temperately, but firmly and fearlessly, to
the public.
in performing this duty, we shall avoid
nil terms of animadversion upon men, par
ties or sections. ’lhe vice oi misrepre
sentation and detraction has become the
order of the day, aud both North and
South have suffered from the evils which
had their origin in this fruitful source of
mischief. The Northern people, flushed
with victory, have not been solicitous to
ascertain the tern per of the Southern mind;
and tho Southern people, crushed by the
loss of their cause and their most cherished
hopes, have been alike indifferent to
events for which they do not feel them
selves responsible, and over which they
have not the power of control. In the
meantime, wicked and designing men,
both at the North and at the South, have
not been wanting, to keep aiive the fires of
sectional hate, until now they threaten to
involve the whole country in misrule and
anarchy.
Os the late war, it is not our purpose
now to speak—the sanguinary fact will
stand forth forever in the history of these
American States. Our duty now is with
present evils, and their future conse
quences. Tho emancipation policy of the
Government was and is the great fountain
head from which springs,' and will con
tinue to spring, the thousand evils by
which we are environed.
What but disaster could follow in the
footsteps of the hasty and inconsiderate
policy, by which 4,000,000 of slaves, with
out education, and without the least prep
aration for the change, were turned
adrift from the'discipline and interested
care of the master, to provide for them
selves. Must it not be self-evident to any
thinking man, no matter what his preju
dices, that nothing he can now propose
will be able to convert an idle, roving,
thriftless free negro population into the
steady, healthy, laboring population that
we formerly employed in our fields at the
South. But gloomy as the prospect may
be, the people at the South must regard
this disastrous result as now fixed and
settled beyond recall. Slavery is at an end.
We do not propose that what has been
done should be undone ; but we propose to
show that, with the present free negro
labor, the industrial resources of the South
are iu no condition to contribute to the
prosperity of the country. It is the part
of wisdom to look our misfortunes in the
face. We should not deceive ourselves
either at the North or at the South.. Three
years of experience by both Northern and
Southern men attest the fad that the cul
tivation of both rice and cotton —the gr :at
staples of the South—is, under the present
system of free negro labor, the most uncer
tain, the least remunerative, and the most
harassing employment in the world, llad
a gradual system of emancipation been
adopted, men would by degrees have ac
commodated themselves to the gradual
chance, and the industry of the country
would have received no such shock as now
prostrates the South and overwhelms her
in despair. Upon the agriculture of the
country mainly depends the wealth and
prosperity of tiie country. But a few years
ago, the cotton exported from the United
States controlled foreign exchange, and
held the monopoly in foreign markets.
How is it to-day, and how will it be in
the future? Instead of five millions of
bales, sent forward to exercise the former
influence upon trade, we have not more
than one-third of the crop of 1860, coming
into market, and that at a price per pound
in currency—the revenue tax considered
very little, if anything, in advance of what
was realized per pound for the large crops
of former years, paid in gold. Why is ,
same—tlicfi"seasons" are 1 tfie"“same”— the
climate is the same —why, then, the dif
ference ? We answer, tho labor is not the
same. Instead of industry, we have idle
ness ; instead of system we have disorder;
and instead of profits, we have losse«.
Shall we be able to drive out competition
in the future, as we have in the past?
Surely not. But a tew years before the
war, one of our most intelligent planters
represented this State at the World’s Ex
hibition in Paris, and, upon his return, re
ported that he saw upon exhibition there
the cottons from Algiers and from the East
which were in every way equal to the finest
productions of the United States. He
asked why cannot these cottons compete
with the American cottons? The answer
was, because we cannot produce the article
for the same price; wo are compelled to
hire the labor which you own -'ours is un
reliable, idle and costly, while yours is
under control, steady and cheap. For
these reasons you will always be able to
drive us out of the market. But what
now is the condition of the Southern plant
er? Ilis labor is much more costly than
that of Algiers or the East, equally un
steady, and probably, less under his control,
and he finds himself now, after an exhaust
ing war, driven from the market by prices
which his former competitors can afford to
take. The present low price of cotton is
but the evidence of the causes already
stated. And it may be that, in a few
yoar.s we shall be importing cotton and
rice into the United States, instead of ex
porting these great commodities. We are
now eating, in the interior of South Caro
lina, rice im ported from China, and we
have been credibly informed that East
India cotton has been imported into New
York. How soon the State-craft of Great
Britain may find it expedient to impose an
import duty upon American cottons, who
] can tell?
But it may be asked, is there no remedy
for these calamities to the Southern
people? We answer, most probably, no
immediate remedy. Time is the great
master of the situation. If our people will
give up the delusive hope of growing rich
by the cultivation of" cotton thereby
probably working their utter ruin—if’they
will cultivate loss cotton and more bread
stuffs; raise for their own use and for sale
horses, mules and stock of all kinds; cure
their own hay, make their own butter, and
seii the surplus; if they will labor to fill
the land with plenty, they will, in a short
time, realize a change for the better in
their own condition and the condition of
the South ; at least they shall not have
debts and disappointments added to their
other calamities. And in raising our own
food and supplies South, wo should
also manufacture our own cloths and
implements, upon our own soil. There
can be no more auspicious moment th in
the - resent to begin, at the South, ihe
manufacture of goods front our owl raw
material. This was done to a great ex
tent during the war. No matter on bow
small a scale, let the work begin. Tu he
successful, we must begin at the beginning
and work upward, as our population and
wealth increase. We repeat, that we would
not now re-establish slavery at the South.
It is too late to correct the error of its Hid
den extinction. It is to our interest to
make the most of the circumstances by
which we are surrounded. We earn, t
recall the past. “Let the dead past bury its
dead.” But let us not be entirely hope
less of the future.
Little more than half a century ago, the
great commodity exported from this State
was indigo. It ceased to be profitable
here, because it could be more cheaply
cultivated elsewhere. Cotton was intro
duced in its stead, and was cultivated
with unparalleled success. Tobacco and
rice contributed to increase the wealth of
the South. If these staples cease to boas
remunerative in the future as they have
been in the past, we still have a great
country left to us, and, with something
like good government, our necessities will
give rise to new expedients. To conquer
our difficulties, we mug meet them with
patience, fortitude and courage. But shall
we have good government? Tha’t is the
great question presented in the next point
that we propose to consider.
To admit as a fact, as has been assumed
to be the result of the war, that the Gov
ernment of the United States is supreme,
and that the States have no rights; or, if
they have rights, that they are subordinate
to the Government of the United States;
or, which is the same thing, subordinate
to the will of a majority having control of
the Government, is to admit the abroga
tion cf the Constitution, and to ignore the
facts of history. In other words, it is to
acknowledge that we have a Government
of absolute powers instead of a Govern
ment of limited and delegated powers. It
is admitted that any Government, however
limited, may, for a time, usurp all power.
A single man may rise up and say “I am
the State.” Any assembly of men may,
for a season, arrogate to themselves all
1 power—executive, legislative and judicial.
NEW SERIES YOL. XXYI. NO. 46.
But the question recurs, is this law,, or is
this usurpation? Is this good government,
or is it revolution? Mere physical force is
not law. It may compel obedience, but it
cannot give to its acts the sanction of law)
unless it be in those countries where the
will of an absolute despot is the recognized
law of the land.
To admit that the war has established
such a power in the United States, is t 6
admit that constitutional government is at
an eDd, and that as States, or as individu
als, we held our life, liberty and property
at the will and pleasure of any majority,
which, for the time being, may hold the
power. Such, to-day, may be practically
the condition of ten States of the American
Union. But are we prepared to endorse
these proceedings, and engraft so mon
strous a proposition into our government
policy ? That is the question that the peo
ple of the North as weli as the South are
called upon to consider ! The great object
of laws, of constitutions, and of govern-
ment, is to protect the weak against the
strong—to shield minorities against the
encroachment of majorities. It is a politi
cal aphorism that a majority can protect
itself. Acting by tho sheer exercise of ar
bitrary power, a majority may, for a time,
set at naught all laws within these States
—it may enforce an obedience to military
decrees, from which there is no appeal—it
may administer a purely military govern
ment according to its own will, and, as.
such, it must be obeyed. But when we
are called upon to sanction such govern
ment, as being in accordance with the Con
stitution and the laws, wc have the right
to test the question according to the rule
proposed, and to withhold our assent. We
admit the fact that martial law exists in
South Carolina; but we do not admit the
principle that martial law has the right to
impose a civil government upon us without
our consent. Far be it from us to raise a
factious opposition to the Reconstruction
Acts of Congress. We believe that those
Acts and the measures they propose are
destructive, not only to our constitutional
rights but to our social peace. With us,
it is not a question of party, nor of politi
cal power. We care nothing for these
things. We are quite willing that others
should enjoy all the honors, all the emolu
ments of office, all the pomp and circum
stance of place. TV hat we desire is peace
—not the semblance of peace, but the sub
stance of peace—peace at our tiwn firesides
and througiiout ail our borders. We de
sire peace to enable us to build up our
waste places, our temples of worship, our
sacked and ruined cities, now lying in
ashes, our dismantled dwellings and our
prostrate credit. We desire peace for its
own sake; for its holy Christian influence,
and ior the civilization and refinement
which spring up in its path.
Do the Reconstruction Acts of Congress
propose to give us this peace ? No, they
give us war and anarchy, rather. Tjicy j
sow the seeds of discord in our midst, and
place the best interest of society into the
hands of an ignorant mob. They disfran
chise the white citizen and enfranchise the
newly emancipated slave. The slave of
yesterday, who knew. no law but the will
of the master, is to-day about to be invest
ed with the control of the Government.
In all popular Governments, the two great
sources of power may he traced : Ist.
To the exercise of the ballot. 2d. To the
franchise of' the jury-box. Invest any peo
ple with these two great powers, and they
have at once the government of the coun
try in their hands. By the Reconstruc
tion Acts of Congress, these powers are
conferred upon the negro—he can make
and unmake the Constitution and the laws,
which he will administer according to the
dictates of others, or his own caprice.
Wc are not unfriendly to the negro ; on
the contrary, we know wc aro his best
friends. W hiie he occupied tho position
of a slave, ho was protected by the laws,
according to Iris condition in liie. And
now that he has been made free, we are
not only willing to confer upon him every
civil right, but to protect him in the full
and free enjoyment of those rights. In his
property, in his life, and in Ills person, we
are willing that I he black man and the white
man -shall stand together upon the same
platform, and bo shielded by the same
equal laws. We venture the opinion that
the people of South Carolina are prepared
to adopt, as their own, the Constitution of
any New England or other Northern Stale,
wherein it is supposed that the civil rights
of the negro are most fully aud amply
secured. But upon a question involving
oar opponents were we to withhold the
frank and fuli expression of our opinions.
We, therefore, feeling the responsibility
of the subject and the occasion, enter our
most solemn protest against the policy of
investing the negro with political rights.
The black man is what God and nature
and circumstances have made him. That
he is not fit to be invested with these im
portant rights, may be no iault of his. But
the fact is patent to all that tho negro is
utterly unfitted to exercise the highest
functions of the citizen. The government
of the country should not lie permitted to
pass from the hands of tho white man into
the hands of the negro. The enforcement
of the Reconstruction Acts by Military
power, under the guise of negro voters
and negro conventions, cannot lawfully re
establish civil government «in South Car
olina. It may, for a time, hold us in sub
jection to a quasi civil government, backed
by military force, but it can do no more.
As citizens of the United States, wc
should not consent to live under riegro
supremacy, nor should we acquiesce in ne
gro equality. Nqt for ourselves only, but
on behalf of the Anglo-Saxon race and
blood in this country, do we protest against
this subversion of the great social law,
whereby an ignorant and depraved race is
placed in power and influenced above tiie
virtuous, the educated and the refined.
By these Acts of Congress, intelligence and
virtue are put under foot, while ignorance
and vice are lifted into power.
In South Carolina tho negro majority,
under the Reconstruction Acts, is much
more than two to one. In most of the
other Southern States, the negro majori
ties, if not so great, are almost as decided.
In those States where the white vote is in
the ascendant, the election districts have
been so arranged as to take the political
; power from the white vote and cast it in
■ favor of the negro vote. What, then, is
! tile inevitable result? It invests the
negro with absolute political power in each
oi the ten Southern States, and at the
same time invests him with the balance of
power in the United States. Nor is this
all. The reconstruction scheme closes the
ballot-box against the best informed and
educated classes in the community, and
opens it to the negro, of whom not more
than one in a hundred can r ad a word,
and not more than one in five hundred can
write his name; and multitudes of whom
are so profoundly ignorant as to be unable
to remember the name by which they Lave
been registered. Verily, this seems to be
converting a popular government, of whom
we have been justly proud, into a popular
farce; and we would be content so to con
sider it if it did not involve the issue of
life and death to the form of government
established by cur fathers for the benefit
of themselves and their'posterity. If th
object of the framers of the Reconstruction
Acts was to degrade the Southern people,
it is time for them to consider whether the
degradation may not be brought to their
own doors—wh ,'tlier the poisoned cup may
not be returned to their own lips. But it
may be asked, why do not the Southern
people accept the situation and control the
negro element? This question is much
more easily asked than answered. In the
first place, it may be said that the influ
ence of the corrupt and intriguing dema
gogue, who wil at,peal to passion and
prejudice, has always been found to be
more powerful with excited and ignorant
mobs, than the wisest counsels of the best
friends. Besides, the foundation stone
upon which Republican Government rests
is, that the elective franchise is to be ex
ercised by a free, intelligent and unbiassed
judgment; and whenever it is admitted
that this franchise is to be controlled, or, in
other words, to bo made the subject of
undue influences and of bribes, then, too,
it must be admitted that Republican
Government is at an end. and must, sooner
or later, give way to such other govern
ment as ruaybe forced upon a depraved
and already corrupted people.
But if it is proposed in advance to place
the enfranchised negro under control, why
confer the franchise at all? Surely, the
part of wise government is to prevent the
evil, and not open the door to the mischief
which others are admonished they must
be prepared, by trick or management, to
avert. Bat why press the subject further?
It is enough for us to know that this wild
and reckless experiment comes home to
the hearth-stone of every citizen, and in
volves family and property, society, liber
ty, and even life itself. Nor is this all.
The courts of justice are dragged into the
mire from their high position; our most
intelligent white citizens are excluded from
the jury, while the ignorant negro is
elevated to that responsible position; the
jury lists are made up from the lists of
registered voters, which, as we have said,
are more than two to one in favor of the
negro. Not only, be it remembered, is
the negro admitted to the jury box, but
the white man is excluded therefrom.
Think you that when the great masters of
the common law of England pronounced
their encomium upon the trial by jury,
that they contemplated for a moment such
an instrument as an ignorant negro panel?
Think you, that when the framers of the
Constitution of the United States incor
porated into that instrument the provision
that the trial by jury should always bo
held inviolate, that they intended to en
graft upon it such an enormity as negro
jurymen, fresh from the cotton and rice
fields of the South ? Think you, that
when John . Rutledge and his illustrious
compeers signed that instrument on the
part of South Carolina, that they intended
to forge a chain which, in a period no
longer than ordinary life-time, would drag
their grandchildren (who were then play
ing around their knees, and some of whom
are now living), lor trial before a jury of
their own slaves ?
Talk oi’additional humiliation, talk of
confiscation, complain of clemency* to
rebels, after this ! God forbid ! The
Government of the United States has en
forced against the Southern people the
most stupendous act of confiscation that
has ever been enlbreed injtlic history of na
tions ; their property in slaves has been
confiscated to the amount'of three thou
sand millions of dollars ; other personal
property, in the shape of cottou, pro
visions, stock, plate and money, has been
captured or destroyed, to the value of one
thousand millions of dollars ; aud from
these causes their land has deteriorated to
the extent of one thousand millions of dol
lars—making in the aggregate tiie enor
mous sum of five thousand millions of
dollars. .. 1 hese overwhelming pecuniary
losses fall exclusively upou the Southern
people. The political evils complained of
will, of course, ia.ll chiefly upou the people
of the South, but not exclusively upon
them. Fasten negro supremacy upon tho
South, and it must be felt through all of her
relations with the North—whether com
mercial, political or social. Should a
Northern man, and how often must such
necessarily be the case—he brought to
trial in the State or Federal Courts at the
South, his. life or liberty must be passed
upon by ignoraut negro jurors. Should
the most difficult and complicated ques
tions of property arise in Southern Courts
—and how often must such be the case,
arising from intermarriage, inheritance-or
trade?--the cause ol the Northern man must
bo decided by tho same ignorant tribunal.
Nor is this yotall. Tho highest preroga
tive of Government is the taxing power,
and the efforts oi the Wisest statesmen have
been expended to guard this great power
against abuse. No power has been more
zealously watched than this. No power lias
given rise to so much strife and bloodshed
in the history of the world. The contest
between the mother country and the colo
nies originated in her assumption of the
right to tax without representation.
By the Reconstruction Acts of'Congress,
the taxing power is placed in the hands ot
those who own no property*, and is' taken
away from those who hold the property
aud must pay the taxes. The war that
has always existed between capital and
labor is decided in favor of the latter, and
the wealth of the country is prostrated at
the loot of those who have nothing at stake
but their daily wages and their daily
bread. . Ilow will this power he exercised ?
Can it be supposed for a moment that it
will be exercised iu any otlier way than to
impose such burdens upon the tax-payers
as will amount, in the end, to practical
confiscation of the small remaining sub
stance of our people? But we must for
bear. Such are some of the immediate
consequences oi the Reconstruction Acts
upon the people of the South and upon
the whole country.
Wo have said, and we repeat, that wo
desire peace; but ihe policy* now proposed
cannot give us peace. It is contrary to
the voice of reason and. the law of nature.
Instead of peace, under the Reconstruc
tion Acts, we shall hav e strife aud bitter
ness. Instead oi the South recover
ing from her poverty, and contribu
ting her share to the common prosperity
of the country, she will become more anil
more impoverished. Tho blight of mis
rule will cut short her harvests and dry
up her resources. The law of violence,
which has prevailed for more than two
years in reconstructed Tennessee, will ex
tend its sway throughout the entire South,
and wc shall reap, like her, the harvest of
crime and blood multipled two-fold.
Wc have shown that free negro labor,
under the sudden emancipation policy of
the Government is a disaster from which,
will require years to recover. Add to this
the policy which the reconstruction acts
propose lo enforce, and you place the South,
politically* and socially, under tiie heel of
the negro; these influences combined would
drag to hopeless ruin the most prosperous
community in the world. What do these
reconstruction acts propose ? Not negro
equality merely, but negro supremacy.
In the name, then,- of humanity to both
races —in the name of citizenship under the
Constitution —in the name of a common
history in the past —in the name of our
Anglo Saxon race and blood—in the name
of the civilization of the nineteenth cen
tury—in the name of magnanimity and the
noble instincts of manhood —in the name
of God and nature, we protest against these
acts, as destructive to the peace of society,
the prosperity of the country, and the
greatness and grandeur of our common
future.
The people of the South are powerless
to avert the' impending ruin. Wo have
been overborne, and the responsibility to
posterity and to the world Las passed into
other hands.
“A Man and a Brother. ’’—The infa
mous and atrocious meanness to which the
Radicals resort to carry the elections in the
South should awaken, with a lively earnest
ness, the deluded followers of that organ
ization in the North.
In many instances the negroes were
given tickets by the Radicals, and were
told that if they voted them it would in
sure them so much land. Others were
told that the ticket when safety deposited
entitled them to onojiundred dollars, to a
mule, or to anything in fact, which would
operate as an inducement to the' voting of
such a ticket.
Some of the negroes in their lamentable
ignorance, actuated by Republican wisdom
—not much better—even brought baiters
and ropes to carry away their acquisitions
which the Government was to give them
for voting, and some brought baskets in
which to take home their “suffrage.” Ah!
- the times have been
That, when the brains were out, the man
would die,
And there an end.”
But now, instead of rising with “forty
mortal murders on their crowns,” they
come out baptized with all their sublimat
ed wisdom and the climax capped by the
stupidity of their Yankee god-fathers.—
Doylcslown ( i’a.) Democrat.
The Forthcoming Message.— A'nc
York, A. uv ember 9. —A special dispatch tr
the Dost from Washington, Oth, says: Ii
is understood that the larger portion of th<
President’s forthcoming message will la
devoted to the consideration of nationa
finances. In conversation with a, gentle
man a few evenings since, Mr. Johnsor
said he regarded the financial question af
the most important one before the country.
He has no sympathy with the views recent
ly set forth by either Butler nr Pendleton
on this subject, but agrees with the opinion
of Secretary McCulloch, and believes in
the contraction of' the currency, and a
speedy return to specie payments.
A Paris letter of October 18 th sajs:
Next week there is to be a trial of the cele
brated Ferris Cannon, which is exhibited
in the American Department, and which is
manufactured at Utica, New. York. It is
a small field piece, and is constructed upon
! somewhat the same plan as Krupp’a Prus
; sian gun, being put together with a suc
i cession of iron and steel rings. Mr. Ferris
i determined first, the quantity of' powder
| he will use, and then built the guu to resist
all the bursting force of the quantity of
powder, and regulates the weight of the
shot to the most destructive ranges of force.
Mr. Ferris claims that with forty pounds
of powder he can throw a twenty-four
pound shot, or shell, ten miles. At a trial
teld in America last winter, a shot was
picked up at a distance of nine miles. It
will not be surprising if this gun beats the
world.
Impeachment Reports. —The Judi
ciary Committee, both majority and mi
nority, will have their reports ready to
submit to Congress on Thursday, the “Ist
instant. The majority report will be against
impeachment, and will be signed by the
same members who voted nay in the Com
mittee on the Bth of June lust. The
minority will be Messrs. Boutwell, Law
rence, Williams, and Thomas, as hereto
fore. Both sections of the Committee are
agreed upon one point—that this question
must be immediately decided, and it will
probably be the only business of the. few
days that will remain of the first session cf
the Fortieth Congress. lieu. James M.
Ashley, the chief of the impeachment
movement, arrived in the city to-day.—
Wash. Cor. of the Neio York Times.
There arc fifteen thousand printers in
this country, of'which about six thousand!
belong to the unions. I
