Weekly chronicle & sentinel. (Augusta, Ga.) 1866-1877, November 20, 1867, Image 2

Weekly chronicle & sentinel., November 20, 1867, Image 2

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Newspaper Page Text■toniclc & f cntincl BIESDIX MOKSISS, NOVEMBER 20. ■ General Grant’s Opinions. He patriotic ma'-'sc? of the North have | B-ly condemned and rejected the par 1 Bi-fanatical and tyrannical measiir < of ! Hvi li -a!- • vrywh'-r-'. dir-ctivwheiiev ■prinoiplosand those measure- which arc ■orients of principle® came before them, I indirectly, whenever they were adroitly ■gedby either not voting at all or voting for ■noeratic nominees. This ensures a change Bhe leadership and control of thellcpuh- Kn party. It lias long been known that Iderate Republicans desired such a linge. Many of them have openly express their wish for such a change. Some to have endeavored to effect such a ange, have been tabooed and denounced th a viol, nee and virulence exceeding at inflicted upon “rebels’’ and “copper ed*. ' Among this class it is not .-taange at there should now Ire some emboldened j thrust late defeats in the face of their . bitrary rulers. It is not strange, then, that oh should put forward, even free and un ackled, either by political antecc :nts or by present avowal of principles, so stinguisbed a man as Gen. U. S. Grant, ut that Forney and his followers should >so is truly wonderful. It has heretofore ;en conceded that Gen. Grant, if he is clined to the Republican party at all, did >t endorse the rule or ruin policy of Radical ction, that there was nothing of the alawag about him. Reticent as the •ave upon political questions relating to leoricsof government, po'wersot Congress, itional rights and States rights, and the bole budget of questions which make up e politician’s horn-book, he has simply t the wire-workers and party-tricksters gather what they might from his public vices. He has not attempted to su>- ;ss, conceal or to explain these. lie has %r.-n hesitated to avow that his last ot was cast for James Buchanan. But tis not all. He makes no promises for future. Ho has not acknowledged the itical measures of the Rump as a tforin of political principles, and i never, cither by word or deed, sanc ned the cruel, heartless course, full of rardly, malignant revenge, which has racterizad the conduct of the Radical mp. On the contrary, he has always libited magna..unity toward the South enever individual discretion could be :rcised, and in this respect his conduct nds in strong contrast with that of the dicai Rump leaders. At Lee’s surrender was magnanimous. “Not conquered t overpowered,” said lie, when he re ned General Lee’s sword. “I will ict no conditions for tho mere purpose humiliation.” “They shall he undis bed by the United States authority so gas they observe their parolo and the r s where they reside. This was his lan ige. Such was his conduct. Theirs, what sit ? what is if? “The war is not over.” he rebels have no rights.” “All property mid be confiscated. ” “No rebel should trusted.” “Bettor trust loyal blacks in rebel soldiers.” These were and are ;ir declarations. They stand yet as the ex nents of their true purposes and policy, icy have been illustrated by every device partisanship. They are perpetuated th all the forms of law in Congres inal enactments. Wo sadly inisun rstand tho soldierly character of the sneral-in-Chiof .of tho United States my, if he will accept a nomination from o Radical negro party so long as the •esent infamous negro supremacy schemes ' tho Radical Rump are acknowledged i the policy of tho party. General rant will never insult the white soldiers f tho North whom ho led to victory, y forcing them to admit as equals, so lally and politically, and historically, tho literate descendants of Congo and Da omey. The Conservative state Convention. We heartily endorse the following prop litions fr< m the Macon Telegraph. The coplo of Georgia should organize at once > defeat the monstrosity of the Radical egro Convention. No good can come out tVhen tho project of a'State Convention >r the purpose of organizing a Conserva vo party was proposed hy several of our leorgia ootemporaries, some weeks ago, virile wo did uot oppose, we gave no sup mrt to tho movement. We regarded it as irernaturc, and preferred toawait a further evolopmentof events. Under the unfair iess of the Reconstruction Acts, to which nas added a most unjust apportionment of lection districts, we could see no possiblo hance ot carrying the late election, and onsidered all efforts to that end as time nd labor thrown away. General Pope fas bound to havo his Convention. That fas evident, and he had so fixed up mat ers that it was useless to struggle against t. We, therefore, concluded that the best tolicy for our people was to run candidates n those districts where the whites largely preponderated, so as to get some s ooJ men uto the Convention if it should be held, nd in tho districts where tho blacks had ho power, to give them an open field. 1 he time has now come, however, when ho whites of the State can possibly do omething for their own protection by con urrent, harmonious action, and it is our luty to prepare for the struggle. We hould defeat the Constitution to be formed >y the approaching Convention, if possible. l\ e tako it for granted, from the influences hat have triumphed at the polls, that jotting will be presented that we can rati y with honor and safety to the State. We lave no great confidence in the success of veil this campaign. With the ballot-box umipletely in the hands of the enemy, with lower to throw out ail objectionable votes, here is but little dependence to be placed u such a struggle. But the occasion is mo ot great moment, and the experiment vorthy of a trial. We may have a better ■hance than appearances now indicate, and t the election is conducted with any ap proach to fairness, as we shall not have the jerrymander to contend with, we may sue- ! •eed in defeating negro supremacy and tumorous other evils that are likely to be ■oncocted in the nogro Radical Convention. ” e shall be in a bapj condition enough if ve do not. In order to accomplish anything there nust bo thorough organisation of the Jonservative whites of the State, and this aimot be effected without a meeting ot lelegates from all parts of the State, at ouie early day to be agreed upon, by thorn the whole matter shall be discussed nd the plan of organisation and battle greed upon. \\ e therefore propose, and rust it will meet the approval of the Con ervatives generally, press and people, bat a State Conservative Convention be eld in this city, on Thursday, the sth day t December, to take into consideration he action proper for the people of Geor ia in the circumstances of tbe present and i the early future. YY e invite the 00-opera ion ot our Conservative friends through >ut the State iu this important matter. The Governor’s Proclamation. Wo transfer from the Milledgeville Federal Union of Thursday the following proclamation of Governor Jenkins recom mending that Thursday, the 23th instant, be observed as a day of public thanksgiv ing and prayer, and earnestly inviting hi fellow-eitirons, “during its brief space to close their places of business, and to open their -anetuaries—to lay aside their secular cares and engagements, and to celebrate it by communion with tied PROCLAMATION. It becomes all men, who individually recognize and adore the Supreme Ruler ot the Universe, Jaying aside, at times, their several av -uions, simultaneously to bow before His Throne—to render thanks for blessings 1 .red by all, and to supplicate protection and advancement for interests common to all. The people of Georgia have much to be thankful lor —and very much to pray for. To destitution, unparalleled in their his tory. the result ot protracted war. an abundant harvest has succeeded. Pesti lence which, among neighboring people, has slain its thousands, has been unknown within their b rders. Subjected to a form of government not of their own choosing, nor congenial to their cherished love of liberty, and menaced with social disorder, aud popular commotion, by the evil machinations of unofficial intruders, and agitators: yet, patiently awaiting the prevalence of better oounsels, they iind to day that apprehended tuinuJt and violence have thus far been averted by.au uns- n Power, greater than that of all earthly agents and potentates. These and many other blessings, ear nestly besought in the past, call for de voutly grateful acknowledgment of thtir present realization. Whatever of physical, social or spiritual good they may properly desire, it is their nriviiege, and their duty, to implore at the Mercy seat of Omnipotence. Therefore, I, Charles J. Jeukins, Gov .ruor of the State of Georgia, do issuejthis my proclamation, appointing Thursday, the 28th day of NovenM-w instant, as a day of public thanksgiving and prayer ; and do earnestly invite my fellow-citizens, during its brief space, to eiose tbeir places ofbusincss, and to open their sanctuaries —to lay aside their secular cares, and en gagements. and to celebrate it by commu nion with God. Given under my hand and the sea! of the Executive Department at the Capr tol in Milledgeville, this Sth day of November, A. !>., 1867. Chari.f.* J. Jenkins. Other papers are requested toocyy. A Conservative A call has been made for a Convention of Conservatives to be held in the city of Ma con, on thooth of December next, Wehave already endorsed and published that cali, bat we desire to impress upon our readers the great importance of prompt and ready compliance—of perfecting *n each county an active and discreet org *tion, and of sending to this conventioi r wisest and best men. In common with the wiwio South, the ; people of Georgia have been vilified j and traduced since the close of the war. Bureau men and Sheliabarger- | negrophilists, and scalawags, and anony- j mo us writers for the Radical press, have 1 invented and manufactured slanderous ; lies, and concocted all kinds of diabolical j enormities, and put them forth as true ' representations and pictures of our public 1 sentiment and social condition. Even our ' military Governor, in his report to the . Commander-in-Chief of the Army of the ; United States, asserts that within five years the negroes will be our superiors, and j has loaned his imprimatur to the six thou- 1 sand scalawags who sustained hia negro i supremacy schemes, as the “most respect- j able men in the State.” It is plain that ' the endorsement of these Hulbert-madc men of respectability is sought for to be placed before the North to sustain these atr clous schemes. It is equally plain that in tho absence of all action to the contrary, a protest, an authoritative affirmative expression of public sentiment, that they, j and they alone, can be made effective be | fore the people. Under official sanction, ! their expression of public will will be quoted as fit exponents of public opinion, and ! proper—marvellously proper —to farther ends of these designing partisans. It is due by the people of the State ; it is duo from tho eighty-five thousand white voters : —disfranchised by fraudulent gerryman dering; it is dno from the virtue and the intelligence of *ie State, that a temperate and dignified p 'test be entered against ; all tlie.se proceedings upon the records ol our State and the country, and that a calm, considerate, but manly affirmation should no giveu to the world of our trie position and condition, and of our honest ! sentiments. But this is not all that wo require. Our people need faith, confidence. The same unscrupulous partisans who have been so diligent in their efforts to fire and feed frenzy at the North, hare been equally as diligent and more successful in impressing tho people of tho State that the great heart of the Northern masses burns with unquenchable, implacable revenge, and seeks the utter destruction of every Southern right and interest. Half doubting— hair believing—the people, full of distrust, have either sunk into apathy or into sullen, stolid indifference. Now, the great honest masses of the North have spoken. They hare shown, with out distinction as to party, that they condemn and reject these Radieal-ns gro supremacy schemes. They hare proclaimed, everywhere, that this is the white man’s Government; that while every privilege of Republican freedom shall be extended to every race and color, the right to control and mould tho destiny of the greatest Republic tho world ever saw, shall now andforeverromain with the white race, who have created it, maintained it, and developed it. It is due from the people themselves, to their wives arid children, that they should again take heart and work for the coming better day. It is due to tho honest, patriotic masses of the North that wo should again shako hands, and oxtend to them a hearty response, fall of good will and sympathy. Furthermore, it is absolutely essential j fives throughout thoStato should be made; ; that wo should combine to uphold Con ! servative principles by a united, systematic j opposition to Radical misrule and the no- j furious schemes of a Radical faction; and ; when the time comes to vote, to consolidate i and to use effectually at the polls tho full ! strongth of the honest men of constitu- I tional principles. This is a work which should enlist tho energies and hearty co-operation of all men who desire the future poace an! prosperity of the State and country, and its release from a faction who are using the ignorant African to subvert all that is near anddear—to iuauguratea war of races and plunge the Government into a mon grelism which can only end in anarohy or despotism. We do not oounse! sensation or excitement Everything should bo done calmly, quietly, peacefully, but effectively. There should be no excitement either of speech or action. Rising high above mere party measures and party movements, all efforts should bo directed solely to the pur pose of serving tho best interest of the Government under which we live, and to the peace and welfare and prosperity of our noble old State. Thk Teeth—Their Health, Disease and Treatment. By J. F. H. Brown, Den tist, Augusta, Ga. With illustrations. Chronicle & Sentinel Steam Frio ting. 1867. The above is from the title page of an in teresting and ascftil volume, just issued by Dr. Brown. the well-known Dentist, of our city. It contains one hundred and twenty pages, bound in muslin, and presenting a neat appearance. Os its contonts, we take pleasure in saying that the author has done himself much credit, and the public a great benefit, in presenting “correct information concerning not only the development and structure of the teeth, but also the m. .are oi their decay, and the best means of pre venting its approach, and of remedying its ill effect*. Tho author respectfully in scribes hislittio volume to thoso who esteem sound, clean and beautiful teeth and healthy gums .as aids to comfort, health and beauty, and a? etsenMals to refinement. The work of Dr. Brown deserves a place in every household. T;t" State Road. —The following para graph from the Savannah A7 w- A Herald shows that the State Read has been a most efficient source of revenue since it has been under the management of Maj. C. T\ aliaee. The read is now out of debt, and its earnings, henceforth, will be turn ed to the advantage of the State : “Tho Government claim on the State of Georgia for rolling ;toek and other railroad machinery purchased by tha State at the close of the war, to re-stock and organize the IS estern and Atlantic Railroad, has been liquidated by a sight draft for the ul! amount of $370,000, drawn hy Gover nor Jenkins, at Milledgerilie, October 26, on tue National Rank ot the Republic, in New York, in favor of Brevet Colonel S. R. Hamifl, A. Q. M„ which has been promptly honored. Millepgevili.e and Augusta.— The railroad from Augusta to Milledgerilie will run through, it is said, by the 15th in stant. This is consummating an enter prise we have ever looked upon as all im portant to the public interest and for the good of Mi’ledgeville. We congratulate ourselves, a.- well as the public, on the re sult. It was customary in palmier days, on the marriage of two cities, via a railroad, to hold a festival suitable to the occasion, and though wo cannot in these times ex pect, and do not desire such an outlay, would it not be desirable to give a free ride to the citizens of Baldwin and Hancock on some early day most convenient to the officers of the road? It might, perhaps, be a pleasant recreation and relieve the monotomy of the hard times, besides, in crease the business interests of Augusta. —MiUedgevMe Recorder. Notary Public.—'We learn that P. S. Jacobs, Esq., of Hamburg, has been ap pointed Notary Public for Edgefield Dis trict, South Carolina. II ON. TH AD. STEVENS IN A NEW HOLE. 1118 FIRST PUBLIC APPEARANCE A8 A FINANCIER. Hi* Confession* as a Member of the Con gressional Committee of Ways and Means. His History of Congressional Finan ciering. THE NATIONAL BANK SYSTEM. The telegraph has repeatedly announced the declining health of the “great com moner”—the greatest of ail commoners. Public expectation has more than once been excited by the apprehension that the next flash along the wires would announce the departure to “that bourne from whence no traveller returns” of the great Radical of the Rump. But, in every instance, the telegraphic sensation has been followed by a letter, proclamation, promruciameato, “swinging all around the circle” of law, polities and religion, “Plain” ine-n, color ed men, Radicals, Copperheads and Rebels —military tactics, bureau tactics, constitu tional tinkering, and graveyards without distinction as to color. The last doleful telegram is followed by a brotherly letter to a beloved friend and national banker, in which he assumes the new role of public financier. Eliminating the tender expres sions of fraternal regard and distinguished considerations for the great abilities of Mr. John Gyger, national banker of Lancaster, Pa., Mr. Stevens boldly announces that j "he has not approved, and does not approve. , ' the financial policy of the Government for i the last six years.” Referring to the ! powers of the Government under the Con ! stitution, he proceeds: It provides that the General Govern ment shall coin money and regulate its : value. Under that clause I have never \ doubted that the General Government alone was competent to issue hills of credit, j or, in other words, to establish banks of issue, and to declare what should bo the money of the country and its value. We have fallen, I am sorry to say, into a differ ent practice, and States do that which, for the sake ol uniformity, the General Gov ernnn nt alone ought to control. 'The certain result of all large commer cial transactions under any system is, that sometimes the currency of a country will be expanded and sometimes contracted, ac cording to the supply and the business and the prudence of the people. This is what is called the expansion and contraction ot th currency, and denounced as a thing wl oh might have been avoided. That ex mriofi or contraction is in nowise ef fee Iby the kind of money which is used. If it be too abundant or too scarce, it is of no consequence whether it. be in coin or in paper. A hundred millions too much of gold is just as injurious in inflating prices as a hundred millions too much in green backs; but. in my judgment, whichever is used by the Govcrnm -it should ho prompt ly redeemable, according to the low of rs dempii . which shall be directed by the power 1 jilt authorized the issue, who should n?e :t without the payment ot in terest, and profit by the losses which *re incurred in its destruction. The law of redemption, regulating re demption, both as to the commodity ia widen it shall be redeemed and its intrinsic value compared with the money issued, is as much a part of the contract as the price of the article reduced to writing and sealed by the parties. Not because of the usage of the country, but because of the law which says so. When, therefore, you find that tho standard of the American dollar is one hundred cents, and you are in possession of such dollar, you know that you are entitled to just otic hundred cents for your money, and no more, whether that one hundred cents be made oflcather, tin, or greenbacks, and its mode of pay ment pointed out. And when the Supreme Court shall have decided such law to be constitutional and landing upon all, it being the highest tribunal to decide between man and man in all earthly affairs, it is not only legal, but is just, as part of the law of the contract, to pay your debt in that money, which, if the government was wise when it created it, cannot be a loss to the citizen. He may not be a fool who doubts this proposition, but he has »a excessive folly which all the world exoept himself ana his creditors will ridicule. It was your contract and it was your government, created hy yourßelf, that fixed its security and who is responsible, aa you are, partly for a foolish arrangement, if there be loss. If you do not like the legislation of your government and the provisions it makes for your welfare and that of all its oitieena, choose better men, or go elsewhere for protection ; but do not tell us that, when one-half of the community imp rmc laws upon that other half obey those laws, they are. swindlers and villain*. The is neither decorous nor such as gentlemen wonld use. M oney! What is raonev? If it be a fixed, unalterable thing of intrinsic and known value, why does the Constitution pnt it into the power of a legislative tribu nal to create it and reassess it anew? It is all fancy. Money is just what the law makes it, and you must take the chance that your Government makes it wisely, aud when made you fix your eye upon it and make your contract accordingly. I abhor repudiation or clipping tho coin; and yet this nation has twice, or, / think, three times, by its legislation reduced the price of silver and made it pass to every creditor as well as debtor at the anginal price. Who are these reasoners, who, with these facts in view, talk so learnedly of the laws of finance and tho morality of haman deal ings? Whose consciences are so raw, and stick out so far from their excited covering that no pharmaceutist can heal their inward wound; no poultice can cicatrize it sufficiently to take from it its lasting plague after the malefactor shall have lain himself down in tho hope of aooking rest ia another world ? Now let us come to the Government loan, and for a single moment consider it, which oven without the mon strous doctrine of Greeley and Cook, is the most profitable investment ever made by money lenders, and is a monstrous stvindlo on Americans, on tho port of European capitalists. In what 1 soy [. would not depress that loan by a single dollar, for all the profit which it were possible for me to make by it; for it has done its service, and no more than its service, to the American Government in the days of her need; and for ueh service it has been trebly reward ed ~:y tho nation. When I say this Ido uot begrudge the poor speculator or the rich capitalist who has entered the gold room a beggar and coins out. with a prince ly fortune, his earnings; that is not his folly, but the foily of t.he Government, which, though a hundred times warned, would never tako h.. L Would to God that my intellect mi vi. ,»rs might increase in proportion to my and .sc, tiiat [ might pro peril lereet thi > important subject to the A;, .ricau people! But such a phe nomenon r., never again be found to exist this side of Port IloyaL In 1860-61, when the war broke eat, it was found that the then administration — for what purpose I wiii not undertake to pronounce—had left tho country bare of all defensive weapons, and not only with an empty treasury, but $80,000,000 in debt. The first few millions needed to equip our army and: navy were easily bor rowed, for our had a very poor and shallow idea of the intensity of feeling of the independent belligerent with whom we had to deal. But it was soon found that all the energies of the nation were necessary to defend freedom from the plunderers, the robbers, the revolutionary cutthroats, our Southern brethren I think they are called, whom we had to deal with. The next loan of $250,000,000 was readily taken by the Philadelphia, New York and Boston banks. But when Congress as sembled the banks complained that the Treasury had so placed their loans, by aggregating them in the deposit banks, as to render them, the loaders, unable longer to pay coin for them. They, however, went on and paid themiacurroncyat some discount, which, I think, cost the Govern ment some millions of dollars. Still, the Treasury was soon emptied, such was the enormous draft upon it for war material. Inquiry was then made of bankers and brokers by the Committee of Ways and Means, of which I happened to be Chair man, as to the probability of obtaining a loan, and at what rate. The answer was discouraging, and did not give us reason to hope that we would be able to obtain sufficient money to carry on the war at more than eighty-five per cent., with interest at six per cent, on the loan. Tho Committee were unwilling to take eighty-five per cent, principal and receive the loan in a depreciated currency, wh.eh would have probably brought it to seventy-five per cent. This was borrowing millions at so ruinous a rate that we iooked around for other means. Two of us—Mr. Spaulding, of Buffalo, and myself—were in favor of issuing notes of the United States and making them a legal tender, but re ceiving them at par for all transactions with the Government, believing that they would pass at very nearly par Tor all the supplies of war material which the Govern ment might need, as all demand, both by the Government and individuals, for any thing but legal-tender, would thereby be taken away. No reason could be seen why, to the extent of the demand in this conn try, which proved to be nearly tho whole, thev should go much below par. They would answer every purpose for which the farmer, mechanic, merchant, and manu facturer desired to purchase material. IV e remember that in England for the most of the time that specie payment was suspend ed her bank notes were at about fourteen per cent, discount. After having repeat edly attempted to purchase loans at a less sum than what in coin would be about j forty on the one hundred dollars, we urged | the Secretary' of the Treasury to give his consent to offering a loan and issuing therefor United States notes, and making a legal tender. To this two members cf the committee agreed, but the others, together with the Secretary, decidedly refused their consent, as he (the Secre tary) had very consistently done in his report. The con,mittee waited, again con sulted the moneyed men of the country, and found that no large loan couid be obtained in coin except at a most ruinous price. They again importuned the Secre tary for his consent, the committee having become a tie. A bill for the issue of SIOO,- 000,000 of legal-tender had been drawn and offered by Mr. Spaulding, and was allowed to remain in that position till February, when a Democratic member of | the committee, reserving the right to vote against it, consented that it might be reported. In February, I after severe opposition, it passed the House, and was sent to the Senate, i Then nothing was said about the currency \ in which either principal, or interest were to Ibe paid. No one, i suppose, doubted that j the loans of the United States of every , description were payable in the money of | the United States of every description ; but to change that aspect as it regarded a por tion of the fund, the New York money changers again made their appearance , Jew and Gentile mingling in swet' com mon ion to discover tomeeunm%g ini ntion to snake in a day what it would take weeks for honest men to earn. They went directly to the Committee of Ways and Means, and asked that the interest should be made payable in coin, leaving the princi pal as it was. The committee utterly re jected the absurd proposition of two cur rencies—two legal-tenders—in the same empire and for the same commodities, i They had once heard of sucha transaction in Austrian bonds, which utterly destroyed their credit, The brokers then resorted to the Secretary of the Treasury. He wa - more easily persuaded, and, it is under stood. went with them to the committee o'” the Senate and pressed the change. The Finance Committee of the Senate agr ed to it, and sent it back to the House with that amendment. The House re jected it, and tho consequence was ft com mittee of conference, and as some bill was necessary it resulted in the present law, making the debts of the United States, so far as regarded their interest, payable in a different kind of currency from the debt itself. One of the House Committee pro j posed then, in order to raise a sum suffi [ oient for that purpose, that the on i imports should be paid in coin. That i proposition prevailed, and tho result was and is that the interest on the national loans, and the duties on importations, are payable in one kind of money called legal tender, and the principal in another kind I of monei/, calledlegal-tender, but mode of a different material, and of a different shape. Thus, as any one can see, the Con gress declared that while she created two kinds of money she had made them of un equal value and For different purposes. ‘For nearly two years the greenbacks wero the most popular currency that was ever used in the United States, and, had there been no other, would not have failed to buy every necessary commodity for ovary use, public and private, without the least complaint. And if it swelled the currency of the country it also swelled the business of every kind, foreign and do mestic, agricultural and manufacturing. So, also it swelled the income of business men, and thereby vastly increased the revenue of the Government. No man was ever known to refuse any article which he had to sell, during all that time, for one of the greenbacks or certificates of loan of tho nation. Under the easily-excited imagina tion of the American public, and seeing a system of finance which no human folly had ever before witnessed, hopes were excited much more rampant than the lottery deal ers or the faro players ; and, in the belief that a single turn of the card would bring up the holder’s fortune, palaces were opened for the purpose of inviting speculation and dealing in this new system or gambling. Some became rich, while others went to beggary—doubling and doubling their ventures to indemnify themselves ; every thing became excited and inflated, from the commonest fabric to the most valuable estate. Thus the articles necessary to sup ply the war ware vastly increased in price, while the honest Jews of the gold rooms, Shadracb, Meshack, and Abednego, came out unsinged. The violation of an undertaking to do or not do may be compensated in money. Sometimes the amount is liquidated by the parties and sometimes left to be fixed by a jury. In either event it is to be paid form the money cf the country —inthiseoun- try in dollars and cents. No one ever sup posed that the non-fulfillment of a contract is to be paid for in kind. A plaintiff re covers a verdict for SI,OOO, trie non-pay ment of a farm; execution issued for SI,OOO in money ; and tho. defendant can tender the sheriff SI,OOO of the legal-tender of the country and he is obliged to take it in full payment of the debt. How inc-on crecTilor can select his medium of payment A man sells his property for forty horses, worth SIOO each, amounting in cash to $4,000; if the purchaser do not pay and is sued for the debt, judgment is given against him for $4,000, nor, for forty horses. How would you execute a judgment given and an execution issued for forty horses? Indeed, there is no breach of contract, either sounding in damages or in contract, which oannot be paid by tendering tbe amount assessed in a legal-tender note. Aa to tho equity and morality of these transactions, 1 have never discussed them. A colleague of mine in Congress—an ex cellent man and rich—asked me whether i supposed the United States loan of ’Bl, made before tho passage of the act, would be paid js coin or currenoy. I toid him it might be paid in either by the express terms of the law ; bnt that I did not know how the Secretary of Ike Treasury would tre-.t it. He told me the next clay that he had consulted the Secretary, who said he would pay it in coin, beinv then due. He had invested $30,000 in legal-tenders at a cost of $30,000, fat which he received $60,000 in greenbacks, or its equivalent in com. A constituent of mine, within two months after the adjournment of Congress that passed this law, informed me that he had guaranteed to a gentleman in Phila delphia, before, the passage of the laic, a judgment o/$28,000, expressly payable in gold. The creditor demanded the money. It teas than worth about two or three times its nominal value. He went to him and tendered the arm runt in greenbacks. He refused to accept, and issued execution, and the court, set it aside and compelled him to take, the laicful money of the United States which had been offered him. Whether the transaction was a moral or immoral one, every gentleman must judge for himself, and will judge according to his position. If a man be dealing for himself, with his own money, I can understand his right to be stow the half or the whole of the sum upon fits creditors, either under the fancy of generosity or honor. Bnt when he is act ing as trustee for others, anclpaying out the money of cestui qve trusts and wards, U seems to me that there may lye. in morals, although not in law, a question about the difference. It is but just to Mr. McCulloch here to say that he does not pretend that the principal of the five-twenties (as his letter shows) is payable in coin, ns the bonds are silent upon that subject, and as that con clusion is excluded by that very silence. It is just, also, to the. Democratic party to say that when the question has been dis cussed in the House, no lawyer among them fcas set up such a foolish pretension ; and wheu the bill was on its final passage, the question was expressly asked of the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, and as expressly answered by him, that only the interest was payable in coin. But every instrument speaks for itself, and when it is silent upon the subject of the cur rency, it is always made payable In money , which means the legal-tender of the coun try. I fear, however, I am elaborating tills point, ad nauseam, unless a news paper editor or a country broker can enact laws aud afterward enforce them. There is nothing short of the sheerest folly in this argument, and it will not be persevered in by those who have sufficient strength to carry then genteelly over the “asses’ bridge.” May, more, I fear that what I am going to state may set New York editors and brokers upon a danger ous rampage amid the fiowerr fields and golden images of Chiriqui and Golfonto; and_ yet I shall venture to say that if the United States chose to be faithless enough she could tender and pay not only the principal, but the interest, in legal-tenders, although the latter is expressly contracted to be paid in coin. The law of legal-tender means this, or it means nothing. Let not this aiarm any. one, for no nation snort of the. basest Asiatics would ever think of such an act, however capitalists might ask trustees, guardians, and administrators to violate the law and their sworn oaths to double the revenue which the public debtor is to pay them. , YY hat would be the difference in effect between the two modes of paying tbe public creditors—in greenbacks.’ as the loans fall due, or exclusively in coin— l once had a calculation made, when I brought in a bill to borrow greenbacks for that purpose (indeed, I brought in three bills, hoping to save two or three billions thereby). But each session that rattle of the gold room was much louder than what I was pleased to call the voice of reason, and what I still think deserved that appel lation. Take the number of million; which thr ugh six years of war have been ex pended. which is alarming, and count it. as I wish someone would do, on the prin ciple I have laid down, when, for some time the premium was at 2SI per s!<>>, and the sum will be appalling. Take SIOO and count it into greenbacks at the above rate ; it will produce you S2G. Now. so convertor use it every day f r one year, and you have at the end of the year a dif ference of $66,000, the gold-bearers costing the Government thalmuch fUcre than the I legal-tenders. Take“sloo,o' 1 0, and sup- 1 pose the legal-tenors to be worth at all times at iea-i hail ;* much as coin lor all articles which the Government may need, which no man can dqpbt, convert or use it daily for a year at that rate, and you have a difference of $36,500,000 in favor of greenbacks. Bat the business of the Government during the war amounted to more ihan $1 lUatKHJ per day, 1 presume. For one year it wjujd amount to $547,- 54u.O>Xi, an i jurirt the war, upon an average ot three yeils, it would amount to si,642,su‘v_,“uo ; anl this vast sum would also be the amount ia favor of greenbacks, for the same length’of time, rate of ex penditure and at tfie above difference in price. Mhy is this clamor against a legal tender, which answers all the purposes of solid metal, and which has never been complained of by the business men of the community ? Why is there such a head long desire for the” resumption of specie payment, much earlier than England re turned to it after her wars, which left her a 'less debt than ours ? She was not able to resume until more than eight years after cessation of hostilities, notwithstand ing her great commercial advantages over the rest of the world, and notwithstanding she had in circulation but a little over £2<),- 000,000. Is she deluded by the free trade quacks into the belief that SIOO,OOO paid out to her own industrial classes is more useful than $200,000 paid out to the in dustry of our own farmers, laborers, and mechanics ? Is she again to be taught that cotton—crippled, hump-backed, ercok-shouldered as she is—is still to be king? • lHere follows somihing upon the work ings of tariffs upoiffiational industry and | property.] | Various methods arc suggested to re | deem the five-twenties in currency. One very able writer suggests a loan in green backs to their am unt, so that afterward , the greenbacks may be redeemed with the 1 others. If we are satisfied that there is j not more than a sufficient currency to do ’ the business of the country, together with its probable increase, then that would ho the proper method, without inflating prices as a counterbalance to the saving ; but if it is believed that resent ami prospect ive business of country would fully absorb an amount Srge enough to redeem these become due, and not injuriously increase the business, then the true way would be for the Government to issue legal-tenders equal to the amount to be redeemed, and thus save the interest both of the old and anew loan. Indeed, but a small portion might be issued month ly—say $4,000,000—50 as to imperceptibly affect the currency. The business men here complain that the retiring of $4,000,000 a month without any substitute causes a stringency in the money market very injurious to business operations. I doubt not. that that addi tional issue would in some way bo taken up in the course of business without being injuriously felt as on expansion. I may here state that I do not see why nearly a $100,000,000 in coin has been constant ly lying idle in the Treasury, when it might have paid at least twice that amount of the national debt. Ido not attribute any undue motives to the Secretary of the Treasury, whom I believe to bes very honest man. But I think he err*. How specie payment is to be resumed wjtl in the i time spoken of by the Department I can not conjecture. Before the banks can be expected to resume, the Government must resume the payment of legal-tenders. What means has it ofraising $500,000,000, and besides paying its ordinary expenses in coin, which must be done at the same time, thereby adding one hundred and fifty or two hundred millions more, thus requiring three quarters of a billion ? The interest Upon tho public loan, about $123,000,000, added to the ordinary and foreign expenses of the Government, about $300,000,000, make aa aggregate of $323,000,000, which must first be paid in coin. Os that sum $120,000,000 would bo paid in coin from foreign importations, and with the then contracted business of the country about a like sum by internal taxes, making in aii $240,000,000, which, taken from the aggregate of interest and ex penses, leaves a balance of $83,000,000. So it will be seen that the coin revenue raised by the ordinary means of the Gov ernment will be insufficient to meet)what is required to be paid in coin before. resump tion ia touched—the difference being $83,- 000,000. But if all the gold bearing bonds were out of tho way, the legal-tenders would undoubtedly be absorbed to a very large amount by other equivalents, which the Government could furnish, and which the holders would he willing to receive ; but tho process would be a slow one, and any attempt to hasten it would be ruinous to the business men of the community. My notion, therefore, is tbat the sooner the Government converts a!! its indebted ness into a paper currency, which the peo ple will be willing to accept at a long loan and to a considerable amount, the sooner it will be able to resume specie payment. I observe that respectable New York papers have, for the last year or two, ,oWc«vi mo w*r>’ -r-*- 1 - • '•■■‘c re sumption or specie payment. This is wholly false.' I have been anxious to resume the use of coin as a legal-tender exclusively, not because it is any bettor as a token of debt, but because it has been adopted by most of the other civilized nations. .But, Ido not wish to resume by breaking the bones of every manufacturer, mechanic, and agriculturist for the benefit of foreign operators, who have now tbeir fixed capital. 1 think that even tho $4,- 000,000 a month which the Treasurer is retiring will be found quite as stringent as they can endure. 1 admit that such re striction might, beneficially cramp for a short time foreign importations, because they noware introduced beyond the means of payment. To my mind that is a rec ommendation instead of an objection to resumption; but it would be an objection to many who think that coin alone should be used in the business of the country. It has been said that the present national banking system, instead of being a loss to the Government, has been a iarge gain, because, in addition to the amount of money paid to the National Government by individuals, the banks also have con tributed their taxes. It has been said also that tbe establishment of national banks contributed to the sale of bonds. Now, I do not suppose that one sane man in America believes this. Those bonds were taken with an avidity never before known in a national loan. True, it required agents and promises, as do all efforts of the kind. But point out the man who had any money to lend, and, preferring interest to its lying idle, ever refused to entrust the Govern ment with it on account of the security, and then I will admit that they assisted in the sale of the bonds. The banks were estab lished to absorb the bonds already held, rather than the bonds purchased to estab lish the banks. But why would they help to sell bonds cf the Government and certifi cates of loan bearing six per cent, unless those kinds of securities were worth less than six per cent, interest ? If they were worth lest, who made up the difference ? But it is said that, besides the banks pay ing taxes, the capital itself pays gome taxes in the hands of the holders. I: these banks had not erected vaults fdr tho pro tection of this wrong, where would it have been hidden away to escape taxation? Could it have been put in any other form less likely to be protected ? They must deduct these and other just as absurd items, not one of which can bo chargeable as an increase to the taxation of the country. YVhat should have been done after the establishment of this system to relieve the country of its burden? By its provisions, if the national banks deposited six per cent! bonds of the Government, redeemable in coin or its. equivalent, the Government became liable to the note-holders of the bank to which it made its circulation, to guarantee all such circulation, and to make good any loss which the holders might sus tain in case of insolvency. Those bonds were to be deposited in the banks, not to lie idle, so far as tho owner was concerned, but to bear the highest rate of six per cent, interest, payable just tbe same as the bonds remained in the hands of the original holder. Did the Government gain any thing in the way of interest by this deposit ? On the other hand, it withdrew a portion of them from the taxation of th; country, so far as Btat» and municipal corporations were concerned. It gained nothing in any other way that I can perceive, but the chance of law suits, vexation aud costs, in ease of the failure of the banks to redeem their notes; and tor this chance thus. to deposit for safe keeping and. distribution the $300,000,000, the national banks were to receive $18,000,000 —rather a high re ward for such a duty. It any gentleman can show me any other advantage, either in the loss of notes or in the diminution of interest, it is yet to be pointed out to me. After the establishment of these banks, and their palpable injury to the country, I brought in, as I have already said, iwo or three bills at different sessions of Con gress to borrow a sufficient quantity o; money in greenbacks, and as fa-t as ti e five-twenties fell due to redeem these bonds whose interest was payable in com and principal in money. That day has now arrived, and had that law been enactedtheontstanding five-twenties would have been paid, not purchased, at the rata of their lowest figure, and might have Icon bought, I have ; doubt, at a much less sum some time back. Here, then won I have been the paymsn- of the nation' debt at the rate of S3OO for what is now worth $143. The amount aved to the nation would have been $737,045,729. Had the bill prevailed at the time, with leave to borrow the money and make the tender, the probability is a half million more might ' have been saved, making ten or twelve hundred minions. But t :acler conscicn .e.- i.ave compelled the nation to 4 pay this sum in addition to her !•.: •>! debt, because Mr. Jay Cooke and the Trdjune bad pledged their word that it should be paid. I have ; no objections to their paying it, but I dis like to take the balance left me by the rebels to pay my part, unless the law re quires that my trustee should do it. flow does the European creditor stand with relation to these bonds? I have no devilments here to tell me where they are held; but most of them, I presume, are held in Frankfort and London ; for the money lenders there are more sharp-scent ed than those who were cudgelled out'of the Temple. At the time they were bought in gold was 281, or rather green backs were at that discount hy the arrange ment of the market. Gold was made to purchase greenbacks at the rate of2Bo to a dollar. But suppose them to have sold at that time for 40 per cent —which was the highest, I think, commanded—what was the operation ? The purchaser paid to-day SIOO in gold for SI,OOO, and next Monday, quarter day, re ceived interest on SI,OOO in gold, and so ever since ; and now claims that when the principal fallsdue in a year or two it shall ce paid in com. This is what they call honor, conscience, justice, through the custom of the country, and tell the farmers of America that they were bound to pay the money dealers o f ’ Europe this enor mous rate to save their property from de struction, and the moral men of New York denounce you and me and others as dis honorable robbers and swindlers if we do not in forty years quadruple the capital of the Rothschilds, Goldsmiths, and other large money dealers. I must beg leave to judge for myself of this monstrous propo sition, and to see whether I am bound to pay any more than he demands who, with pistol at my breast, commands me to stand and deliver. I do not blame the European and Ameri can holders, at whatever price the loan was fairly obtained ; but I scorn the de nunciation which would drive me to pay such enormous rates, most probably to those who never advanced the money, and which I was never legally bound to pay. I find, my dear friend, lam likely never to stop—the sure symptom of chronic old age. But it is sweet, when you have dis covered an old friend or made anew one, to be permitte 1 to hold unrestrained inter course with him. Garrulity is one of the enticements to old age, if any inducement were necessary to carry you to that point which should always be mentioned as sweetest of them all. I advise Cicero, when he again at tempts to instruct us upon the chief solace of old age, like Demosthenes, who pro claimed “action, action” as the chief merit of au orator, if he has not already done it —for it is long since I read De Senectute —to insert garrulity' 1 garrulity! garrulity! Yours, Thai) decs Stevens. (communicated. ) Conservatism. Messrs. Editors: Your advocacy, last summer, of the thorough organization of the Conservative element in Georgia, met mi' hearty, though humble concurrence. Taking up your paper of yesterday, I was glad to read the earnest appeal you there made to the patriots of the Empire State. I am persuaded that the results of tho “Five Days’ Farce,” have taught our people one thing, at least, viz: Perfect organization, which generally presents uniform plans—the assurance of success. Let the people meet together, and calmly fix upon the course which wisdom suggests should hereafter be pursued. But you may continue to write eloquent ap peals all in vain, unless someone moves in due form. There is a wonderful influ ence in date and signature. The masses will not take a lively interest in this mat ter unless someone or more venture to lead. Why should not Richmond County be (he first to inaugurate the movement? Where are our young men ? It is time they were getting in the traces. Georgia. Augusta, Ga., November 11th, 1867. The Labor Question. Hancock Count?, Georgia, 1 November 15th, 1867. j Editors Chronicle cfc Sentinel: The future of the planter is a matter of great solicitude to us all just now. The labor question is one which the present low price of cotton renders it very difficult for him to solve. From all quarters wo hear that he cannot afford to pay wages as heretofore, that the risk is too great, &c., and something—but in a very indefi nite way—is said about its being safest to give an interest in the crop, and here I find most of my brother planters drop the subject. _ They have not thoroughly con sidered it. They jump at a conclusion and there they remain; unless there is some concert among them —some conclusion as to the best plan for both the employer and the laborer to pursue another year, Janu ry will come and scare them up like a flock of partridges, when they will scatter with far less judgment for their interests than those birds do for theirs, and, as a conse quence, all parties will suffer. Let the planters begin in time to discuss this labor question, let them compare views through the newspapers, and by Christmas some plan will be generally adopted which will be far more judicious than will be possible otherwise. Please publish tho enclosed communica -1.1011 nuui a pmneer wmen i take from a Columbus paper. Although I do not concur with him fully, I think his views worthy ox consideration, and may elicit a reply that will give us further light upon a subject which, at present, is shrouded in darkness to the suffering planter. Let the labor question be thoroughly discussed both by editors and planters. Respectfully, yours, Hancock. PAY MONEY WAGES. Bditors Hun:— The labor question is paramount in importance. General starva tion seems likely to supersede universal suffrage, but it cannot be doctored so readily as political illness An exhaustive article for one of our reviews on the subject would be profitable, but in a newspaper, out of place and un at isfactory, from lack of space. I propose simply to make a few statements without .Adducing proof. _An examination of the labor system of the world, as exhibited in Uie writings of Loudon, Babbage, Wade and ether authors, will confirm these state ments. IsL The mctaze.r system, which is the “joint system’’ or copartnership arrange ment, is an evidence of the very low agri cultural conuition of the country where it obtains, and is a bar to any improvement. Poland, Portugal, tho poorest districts of France, illustrate its failure. 2d. Where agriculture is most profitable the universal rule is to pay money toages, which keeps labor and capital ' distinct. England, Scotland, Belgium, Austria and Prussia, are familiar instances of its splen did success. 3d. Workmen cannot force wages up nor employers force them down by com binations, but :f let alone wages will find their level. 4th. The employer, that is capital, must take the risk, whether wages be paid in money or in kind. He plans, risks, manages. _ If his plans do not suc ceed, be alone is accountable, and aione pays the penalty of his miscalculations. If you admit the laborer to share in the profits, he can assume but a very small share of ih" risk. It is & principle of partnership text neither law nor reason recognizes ; in tr.'V is at variance with common sense. , .-^ no crop plan” has already tailed with the negro, after two years trial —thereby demonstrating the truth that | vnat the whole world has long since set- j tied is not exceptional in our free negro labor. The hired laborer docs cheerfully any job to which ho is assigned, while your free negro partner objects to your mode of planting, tilling and harvesting; waters your cotton bales, appropriates corn and potatoes, peas, pigs, and other small grain, and _ absolutely refuses to do" work upon fencing and farm buildings, but fails not to commit waste everywhere. The negro partner got, in 1865, one tenth: in 1860, one quarter; in 1867, one third; for 18G8 he demands one half. How long nis native modesty will prevent him from claiming the other half depends upon his w;:;te partner. I. conclude by requesting an examination o. two plantations, with resident owners, under the two : ystems of paying laborers, it will settle the matter in favor of money wages. - the next year, if you have your corn maoe on hand you cat: pay sixty dollars wages and "board lurnished, for first class laborers. If you have corn and meat to quy, you cannot afford to pay forty dollars. Pay money wages. < Alabama. Visit to Our Town of Very Rey. Hr. Berjsingham. —During the past week, his many warm friends in Edgefield were delighted to once more greet and welcome : to their midst the Very Rev. Dr. Ber mingham, the author and builder of that 1 Church which is tho greatest architectural j ornament of our town. And apropos, we I congratulate Dr. Bermingham upon find ing the sacred edifice as solid, as‘clean, as j right, as beautiful as on the day when I tiie artistic Gothic Cross first rested upon j its tower. Though at first intending to make only a very short visit, yet, at the solicitation of many friends, Dr. Bermingham remain ed over Sunday; and on that day preached to a large and cultivated audience, and administered the rite of baptism to three children. The subject of his discourse on this occasion was Auricular Confession ; and instead of assuming a controversial tone, he calmly and learnedly showed the reason why Roman Catholics believe and practice this doctrine. Du Bi rmingham, who-, home is at present in Charleston, is well beloved in Edgefield, and will, we feel assured, never lack a kindly welcome i ,ai her eitizm Edgefield Advertiser, hth. ? “leading ; mere” and’ “sich- ' in Atlanta on Tuesday. Likewise all the candidates for •Tj ,e in Pope's odoriferous Convention, including the carpet-sack bummers, and blubber-lipped niggers from Jirowrilow’s kingdom.—Jeer, dc Mas. Meeting of tlie Convention- Personnel of the Convention-An Extraordinary Con gregation. (From the Sprciil Correspondent oj the a. r. IVa tJ > Montgomery, Ai.a., Not. 5,1807. To-day the Congressional plan of recon structing the South on n negro b«sis was formally Inaugurated here. The Alabama convention met at noon and was terepo rauly organized by the appointment a- Chairman of Albert Griffin, of Ohio, now editor of the negro paper, the Nationalist, ; P ro, ninent actor in the .Celiy riot. Ol the 100 delegates elect, S-l l'nfiX pre: '2f t ’ 15 ol ' that number being blacks. The one single Conservative elected was in Ms seat, and thus, with a Kimieal majority of 83, the initial conven tion of the Sherman-Shellabarger plan began. Let mo describe the personnel of that convention, tßking its members in alphabetic order. First comes Thomas Adams, of Clay county, a plain farmer-like looking man, some 60 years" of age, and so obscure as to have no discover able political antecedents. After him, Ben Alexander, of Ilale, a negro of the ordinary type of field hand. J. L. Alexander, of Elmore, a native Alabamian, who served for a time as a privatein Company “K,” First Alabama Infantry, C. S. A., a commonplace char acter and not over highly spoken of bv his comrades, though nothing to his actual discredit is alleged. A. J. Applegate, of Madison, a North Alabamian, chiefly know n for a squabble with Figures, a tenth rate demagogue, of Huntsville, who in some way put him (Applegate) to the rout with two negroes. Wm. A. Austin, of Jackson, a plain countryman, native Alabamian, who has been for some twenty years back in the State Senate, and was "a member of the Secession Convention in ’6l. J. H. Autry, of Calhoun, is a till worn looking person, dressed in rude homespun and bearing au air of general mental and habilimentary dilapidation. Arthur Bingham, of Talladega, is a small man with a chin beard, who seems possessed of some sprightliness, which he normally diffuses on the Freedmen's Bu reau, whereof he is an official. I). H. Bingham, of Lauderdale, would answer to Spencer’s "old, old man, with beard as white as snow,” but for the fact i that this beard is dyed of a preternatural [ black, with tho while only appearing in a ! thin line next to the face that it adorns. 1 Mr. or Captain Bingham is, however, of ; indubitable age, the oldest man by per haps fifteen year u of any in tho conven tion, and the intensity of his Radicalism is entirely co-ordinato with his lengthened span of life. It is a pitiable sight to be hold this ancient wit!: his poor, old, dyed beard and his glazin, ye and quivering mouth, rise tremulously in his seat to mumble out tho oxtremest doctrine of his sect. Like fivo-and-twenty of his col leagues, the captain has a constitution in liis pocket, and tho chief points in this document are the disfranchisement of “all rebels” and theenforced settlement, in tho present currency, of all trust estates lost ia Alabama during the war by fiduciary in vestment, under Stato acts, in confederate securities. \V. 11. Black is a Northern man of small size and little note. W. T. Blackford is likewise a Northern man, a Ihireau official, and the wearer of one of th™ two really clean shirts visible in the Convention. Altogether, Mr. Blackford is a reputable looking person, and would not be ont of place in tho legis lature of his own State in the North. Mark 11. Brainard, of New York, is a yerv, very young man with florid cheek ami a coming moustache. He is a post office clerk, lias sdmrthing to do with llio Bureau, and is said, when elected, in ac cordance with the programme for Monroe, not to have known exactly where “his county” lay. Alfred E. Buck, of Maine, is not other wise noticeable than for the singularity of liis soubriquet in Mobile, which he "ropi:;- sents.” Charles W. Buckley, of Massachusetts, is a clergyman who ministers to the spirit ual needs of tho Bureau, and is an educa tional superintendent also of that organi zation. ilis brother 4 W. M. Buckley, likewise of Massachus etts, of course, “represents” the wealthy county of Lowndes, and is thought to bear a facial resemblance to tho late lamented John Brown of peripatetic soul. J. H. Burdick, of lowa, speaks the senti ments of Wilcox, which sentiments, in this rendition, are fiercely Radical. Pierce Burton, of Massachusetts, was removed from the Bureau for writing a let ter to the Springfield Republican, advoca ting a repeal of the cotton tax, but as too negroes favor that view the breach has been healed, and Mr. B. is the delegate from Marengo. C. M. Cabot is a Northern man, who was in the reconstruction convention of 1 >, which he is now, in ’67, seeking to recon struct in turn. John Carroway is a light mulatto with “back hair” of magnificent proportions. At its supreme altitude this ornament ex tends fully fire inches straight out from tho nape of tho neck, forming a right angle very comely to the eye. Mr. Carroway is assistant editor of the Mobile Nationalist, and it is a matter of professional courtesy to thus record his distinguishing attri butes. Alfred Collins is a plain, clean-shaved, middle aged divine, who was in the Legis lature of ’65. 13. E. Coon, of lowa, and lately a briga dier in the United States army, is a small man of a rather Jewish look. He “repre sents” Balias, and gave the convention quite a turn to-day by introducing a reso lution about oaths. Joseph H. Davis, of Randolph, is an Alabamian, saidto h*vo served *» Surgeon in tho United States army and to have re constructed Alabama once before, to wit: in the convention of ’65. u. m.i, nru.io, ia Also onnor iiwtoS wJ»o did the work negligently in 1865. He is x Baptist preacher, and let ushope has better success in reconstructing souls than sov ereignties. Thomas Diggs is a negro whoso head is grizzled and whose hue is brown. Ho “represents” Barbour and makes a beau tilul cross mark when signing his name. Charles H. Dustan, of Illinois, is an ox - geueraljofficor of the United States army. No particular antecedents. George J. Dykes, of Cherokee, is an Ala bamian and a Radical, not Conservative, as at first reported. There W'as some dis pute as to this gentleman’s views and th* contention seems to have left, him exceed ingly red in the face. “Radical heat,” per haps, as Uncle Toby would say. George Ely, of Massachusetts, is a snug littleman, with neat whiskers axd “nice,” smooth hair. He lives here and represents Russell county. Mr. E. is brother of that Congressman Ely who came to grief at tiic first Manassas. W. t: Ewing is one of tho original Moul ton Leaguers, who in 1855 first organized the Radical party of Alabama. He has stiff, badgery-grey hair, that shoots fierce ly upward, like Andrew Jackson’s; and, like Jackson, will hoar of no compromises. James Fainter is James F&irner, which is obscurity itself. Peyton F’inley is n city negro who once held the door open, for members in that very chamber where be now sits ass. dele gate, and, if memory do not fail I have for my poor self paid him, on “ a full day” tribute to the extent of thirtv-five cents currency for a chair. Mr. Finley being of huge size, I forbear further reminiscence, lest in th# exalted position to which tbs wisdom of my country has assigned him, it should strike him as desirable to anni hilate the recorder of unwelcome annals. Samuel S, Gardner, of Massachusetts, is a Bureau official. W. C. Garrison is a rough-looking old Alabamian, heretofore unknown. Two editors, two reporters, and a Secretary of .State looked at him and could not make him out. G. W. Graves is a Virginian, was first a carpenter and then taught himself medi cine, which he now practices. Early Greathouse is a Baptist preacher, but a preacher after such fashion cw would make the well-kidded and neat necktied ecclesiastics cf Gotham gasp and stare. His appearance and political “views,” and, doubtless, theological tenets also, are comprised in one word, and that word in rough. There is but one thing about Elder Greathouse that i* at all smooth ancl that I is bis tongue, but apt a* this is, it is at ! least problematical whether a knack at “exposition” is exactly the thing whereby to restore the heaviest cotton producing State in the Union, as Alabama is, prosper ity and peace. James K. Green ia a negro who takes tire name of the master v.-hose carriage he once drove. The name of this statesman does not appear on the signed list, from a modesty which withhold liissole signature, an y, mark. Ovide Oregon is a light mulatto from Mobile, whose thin lips, Keen cut jaws, and furtive eyes seem to body forth a Malay type of man. It was this Ovide who, as the phrase goes, “busted Busteed,” withdrawing the favor of Ethiopia, on ono occasion, from that sagacious and ad mirable Judge. Albert Griffin, of Ohio, is the editor of the Mobile negro organ, and, as stated, had the honor of primarily presiding over the “Convention.” But for a trifle more youth and a trifle less nnctuonsnes3, A. G. might well betaken for Mr. Chadband, and, like tbnt good man, hides by a certain outward greasitp’ss much inward venom. He is a bitter Radical, and ha*, perhaps, a majority in convention to back him. Thomas Haughey has no name. Jordan Hatcher, of Dallas, is a grizzled negro of lightish hue, who, after a not un usual fashion, takes his former master’s name. J. F. Herst is a white man of no note. James H. Howard, of Crenshaw, the only Conservative in the Convention, is a fine sohlipry-iooking young man, and native Alabamian. Jas. A. Jackson is an unknown. R. M. Johnson, of Illinois, misrepresents Coffee County. ! Wash Johnson has tho very blackest skin and the very worst signature of any patriot of the wholeeigbty-three. His hue | is, without jest, a jet black, and his auto graph, the sura total of his writing abili ties, mijjht stand equally well for Smith, or Van Landt, or Schermerhorn. John C. Jolly is a large unknown. A. W. Jones is a ghost. That is to say he is the gentleman who was barbarous ly murdered by a “rebel outrage” which originated here in Montgomery and kill ed him oil" successively iu every truly loyal sheet in the country. Mr. J. writes a very rnspectre like hand and misrepro ; gents Conecuh. C. Jones is a yellow negro, who, on be ing called up to the Secretary's desk to register his name, expectorated with a re freshing abandon that provoked a general smile and then made his mark. John C. Keffor, of Pennsylvania, is chair man of the Radical Executive State Com mittee, and is known to the malignants as the “head devil” of the Loyal League. He is a protege of Forney’s, has been con nected with the Philadelphia Press, and by virtue of strict patriotism, has put i money in his purse. lie was a candidate I for President ot the Convention, but with- i drew. S. F. Kinnemene is a North Alabama in- j notability. Thomas I.»e, of Perry, is a negro who ! finds that it assist?* him very much in signing his name to lean hi head auite on ■ one side, and not be in a hurry about it. j lip is very black. Samuel B. Landon unknown. David Lore unknown, W. McCown comes iroin habitat of Simon Suggs, whom McCown resembles. Otherwise unknown. J. IV. Mahan, a rougli-iookii% un known. J. J v Martin is a military appointeepro bate judge. A Southern man. B. O. Masterson, unknown. Charles A. Miller, of Maine, wears the second of the two clean shirts In the Con vention. He was for six years clerk of the Maine House of Representatives, and is an ex-Federal army officer, a majqr. Stephen Moore, of Baldwin, is an old man little known. An Alabamian. A. C. Morgan la from the North, very extreme in his politics, but personally pre sentable. J. T. Morton was in the United States army, also in the reconstruction conven tion of 1865. P. W. Norris, of Maine, is a truly loyal man. no was a United Slates Commis sary, has bought a large plantation, and is a iarge man, with a iarge beard and a high forehead, ami a wide nostril—two of them —that scent treason in every gale. Major Norris cannot abide rebel "preachers, but the savor of a Union cleric is sweet upon bis soul. Therefore, he vigorouslv insist eu to—day that none but a “safe” chaplain should be elected, and on this rock the eonven.ion split into adjournment. L. \\ . leek, of Tuscaloosa, is an old Alabama lawyer, and a good one. He is the permanent President of the Convention : but, never having been in public life be fore, is sadly at a loss -for parliamentary law. Tilings will snarl, ami the old advo cate was ten times more weazened and adust and atrabilious wheu to-day’s ses sion closed than when it began. Thomas S. Peters, of Lawrence, is an Alabamian of some tertiary note. ’ R. M. Reynolds, of lowa, has been six months in Alabama, and very naturally “knows fdl about it.” Hois an ardent loyalist.. Lafayette Robinson and Benjamin Rolfo are either whites or blacks, and it is im possible at date of writing to say which, things are so mixed in convention, the races sitting cheek by jowl and evert-body being Mr. H. C. Russell, of Barbour, is said to have been at the close of the war under sentence of death for mutiny. Ho is now a truly loyal man, and purposes to have llio name of Bullock county changed lo Lincoln. T. J. Russell, of Cham” ■ i, is a nimblo preacher who took advantage of a military order forbidding the running of a Conser vative ticket in his county to secure n:i election. The Rev. gentleman was in the secession convention of ’CI, but now favors a strict adherence to that precious and searching testimony, tho tost oath. B. F. Baffold is a Virginian. Was a Major in tho Confederate States army, and is now military mayor of Selma and a truly loyai man. Henry C. Semple is a Virginian and nephew of ex-Presldent Tyler, whose private Secretary he was. J. Silsby, of Massachusetts, is a Bureau reverend. C, P. Simmons is an unknown. William Skinner is the best speaker so far heard in Convention. He is rapid and furious, which met hearty applause, one shrill cry of exultation bursting forth at a peculiarly severe assault ou the white population of the State. .) oseph 11. Speed, of Virginia, in a cousin of Attorney General Speed, was a Captain, C. S. A., and afterward C. 8. Salt Agent of Alabama. M. J. Springfield, of Alabama, un known. * M. D. Stanwood defies effort to locat c him. It is thought, however, that ho is from Massachesetts, whore he has a brother. He has beep a cattle drover to California and is credited with several negro disturbances more or less serious in this State. Littlo Bury Strangle unknown. J. P. Stow is a Northern man, resident hero for some years. Alfred Strother is a negro of intense blackness and would have gono to sleep at one time in convention, but for a timely witticism which woke a laugh in the hall. Taliaferro Towles is an origiual Union man. Was in the ’65 convention. A tenth rate. J. R. Walker, an unknown. N. A, Walk or, an cx-United States officer. B. L. Whelan, Irish, ex-Captain C. B. A. C. O. Whitney, unknown. J. VV . Vi ilhite was in the ’65 Legislature. Prior to that, ’tis said, a U. S. sutler. J. A. Yordy, an unknown, closes the list, and of ucli obscurities, nonentities, ad venturers, negroes, officials, amlfanaties is this sovereign convention composed. Pro ceedings must be deferred to another let ter. s. D. so tho People os’ the South. Manassas, Va., Oct., 1867. The Ladies’ Memorial Association of Manassas appeal to .you to aid them in collecting and suitably interring tjic re mains of tho gallant men who fell fighting gloriously for you and yours on this over memorable field. The victories gained have sent a thrill of joy through every Southern heart and home; but still the bones of those who gave their lives to gain then, lie uncared for and unnoticed. Our immediate section was so devastated by the war that we are not able, unaided, to perform the work before ns. A site has been donated for the Manassas Cemetery, and we propose to gather the remains of all who lell in this region. We ask every one who lost a friend here not only to render us all the aid possible, but to com municate with the Association end give ali the information they can about" where thoir friends arc buried, their brigade, regiment, company, Ac. We do not deem it necessary to make a stirring or eloquent appeal to the friends of the brave boys, whose bones now whiten the “plains of Manassas.” The fact that numbers from every county in the tioutli fell here should be enough to wake every one give his. mite in aid of so noble a work on so proud a field. Mrs. Sara E. Fewell, President. Colored Candidates for Congress." The New York Times says : “We trust tbat the Southern blacks wil see to it that those candidates for Congress of their own color whom they may support are men of ability, reason, sense and char acter. Ws consider this warning neces sary because we notice that the white ru.en whom they have most prominently sus tained in the recent elections arc not oftjiis kind. The foremost of them are wild, raving, incendiary demagogues. On the other hand many of the black members of the Convention are very sc: - ble, respecta ble persons—not. much versed, perhaps, in Constitutional law, or the arid of govern ment, or the philosophy of statesmanship, but yet possessed of a fair amount of com mon souse. The colored voters may per haps think that men of thi* kind have less chance of being favorably received ia Con gress than black Hunnicutts ; but even if this were the case, these voters would do themselves honor by electing reasonable and sensible representatives. ’ ’ Excellent advice, and we only wish the colored men of the South could be induced to heed it The Times utters a truth that the Southern people have long ago pro claimed, and that is, that the colored can didates running for offices and dependent upon the votes of their own race for their ■ election, nre almost universally better men j ln evenr respect than the dirty, illiterate I white demagogues who court the ballots of | the black men for office. We hut utter | the sentiments of every honest birr re— i siding in the South, be they Northerner or i Southerner, when we assort that nine cut of ten would greatly prefer to vote for tiio worst kind of a black ewu than these dri reputable whites, whose bruited arrogance and presumption is disgusting to a man of ordinary respectability and intelligence. We would remind the Times that had it not been for the curse of Universal Suf frage the South would not bo annoyed, her citizens inauited, and her peace and nros perity destroyed by the presence of these same “wild, raving, incendiary dema gogues. W ill the Times, knowing that these evils are upon tho South, and, unless checked, threaten to engulph her in one common ruin, unite its voice in protest of enfranchising ignorance and disfranchising intelligence. — Havannah Republican. ComUtution Raking in the South—Jig. ger Buie n::a Nigger Ruin. By the proceedings of the Alabama Con i vein ion the nation may -n the results of l Radical rule—first, to drive from the gov j orning councils of p. community all leara j ihg, all discretion, all regard for the | stability of society, aii qualities that men | respect; and, second, to replace these 1 qualities by ignorance, savagery and the | most intense spirit of revenge. An asscru | bly to make & State constitution is eom | posed of men unknown to the people of that State, or where known “known to be men of indifferent character.” Its promi nent white men are political adventurers, who were the scum of Northern politics’ arid commended themselves to nigger voters by the extravagance with which they expressed hatreds with which the nigger felt an active sympathy. In some degree the Convention is made up of that class whose principal qualifications is that it has always been under the white man’s foot and been content with the place; Wiiosc qualification for taw-making is its former slavery, because it is supposed that slavery has filled it with a bittersess that it will put into the law. Here are constitution-makers who not only cannot write their names but cannot al ways tell what their names arc. Moses, possessed of ail the learning of the Egypt ians, and divinely inspired, made a consti tution for ms people, and why should not Sambo make a constitution wheu he gets Urn chance? Plato was a constitution maker also; nations of antiquity sent their delegates a year’s journey to have their constitutions shaped by tho wisdom of the ,3tagyrite; Menu, Solon, Lycurgus were constitution makers; Rome, before the time of the Twelve Tables, feeling the necessity for a con titution, sent wise men into all tho cities of Greece to study the forms of government and frame her law ; all the barons of England became constitu tion makers in another age; and now all the niggers of Alabama are to give the subject their lofty consideration. Madi son, Hamilton, Jefferson, Jav were con- : stitntion makers, and they have their j successors. Sambo, C'uffee and Pomp are ' the names that our ege adU to the illus trious .ist that, beginning with Solon 1 comes down to Story. Cocolitution mak- j ers were the wisest men of a nation, and j now they are the men whose learning con- j sists in the ability to distinguish between : pork and possum. Happy age 1 —A r . Y. [ Herald. j Jessie Fremont An Englishman means to ascend Mount isianc in a balloon. , Bj»cides for the last eight years in Eng land average 1,300 a year. There are 700,000 drunkards in the U. b. That s all ? Lgyptian cotton is being introduced into couth CaroiiM. L iu Brougham can neither remember nor see. The sons of Bismarck are described as being a bit dull. al^ ding ?’ thc !atcst Nation, come on the 40th anniversary uJ&SL 12 ' 000 “" d *“* »«»• In Jamaica coolies are sold for seventy dollars apiece. J One ol tbe papers in Madrid is 175 years old. The negro Republic of San Domingo has begun to issue postage stamps. 1 ort wine leaves its mark on the nose * water —on a bank note. ’ A susceptible youth says he would rath er go to church to see the hers than to read the hymns. Tiie capiiol at Washington will cost, beiore it is com, icted, twelve million dol lars. There is one thing among many in this life to try men more than any other. It is a jury. Washington is soon to boast of a zoolo gical garden, after the plan of the Jardin des Plantes. The taxes on tobacco in France yield 84 5,000,000, while our Government re ceives $17,000,000 revenue from this source. sixty pounds of cents were deposited in the contribution boxes of a church in a neighboring city a tew Sundays ago. There were over 3,000 of them. _ Louis Napoleon and Eugenie speak Engo-ii to each other when they quarrel, because it has such strength of expression A Mormon missionary has been trying to make proselytes among the people of Columbus, Icnn. Petroleum V. Nasby and Brick Pom roy were employed together on th- Corn ing (New York) Journal in 1860, the former as foreman, and the latter ae devil. An old lady who was recently admiring the picture called “Saved,” remarked “It’s no wonder that the poor child fainted after pulling the great dog out of the water. . Miss Helen E. Vance, * sohcol-teacher in New York, died on Friday from the ef fects of a dose of cyanide of poiaesum. which she had mistaken for snature of rhubarb. , Tile spire of the French Cathedral in Montreal, whoa etruek by lightning tho other day. was lifted perpendicularly in tho air, and then tumbled through’ the roof. A daughter of Phinea* Loun*bu*y, of Bridgeport, Ct.. who wr< *:arricd October Oth, became a widow in !■ • s than two weeks, by tbe death of her husband, at the Cata ract House, Niagara, while ou their brida' tour. Henry Bishop’s little ?c.«, while playing in his latncr s yard at Bridgeport, Ct., on Friday, fell into the fountain a„d W!l3 drowned. The hoy was » grand,.* of S. b. Mallory, of i iorida, Secretary of the Sate Confederate *avy. An editor says his attention was first drawn to matrimoxy by the skillful man ner m which a pretty girl handled a broom, whereat a brother editor says the manner m which his wife handies a broom ia not so very pleasant. Tho private papers ol Achille Fould, the French Minister of Finance, were seized by order of the Emperor Napoleon a few hours alter he had rhed. The eime thing was done alter me death oi Morey and Billault. . A Western paper thus notices a mar riage: “Spliced—on the Bth, the resi dence of the old cock, Sal. Chowder to Fobyn Darnit. ' May their mug of happi ness bo filled to me tip, and the gliui of their merriness never be doused 1” The wife of Mr. Frederick Easier, a shoemaker, residing in Park Avenue, near Cumberland street, Brooklyn, gave birth to four infants <m Thursday morning last. They weigh on an average eight pounds each. Two arc males and two females. Mother and children ell doing well. , “I say, boy, is there anything to shoot about here!” inquired a sportsman oi a boy he met. “Well,” replied the boy, “nothing just shout hero, but our schoolmaster is just over the hill there cuttine birch rods; you might walk up and pop him over." Tho Pag, whoso stars o'er distant aeaa Bright beams of freedom stunt, Now flutters listless in the breeze With half its glory fled. That noble flag has lost its pride, But half its stars are there ; And hearts ihat would for it have diod, Arc breaking in despair. Everybody SUfriwcMiefl Except fflgs. Bingham end his follow hounds pulled down the noble stag on Monday. A majority of the Committee on Franchise reported to the menagerie an ordinance disfranchising everybody in the State ex cept 179 imported Radical Yanks, 362 so called loyalists and 93,000 registered ne groes. The animals who reported the dis franchising ordinance were four noude sCTiptp; John C. Keeffer, of Pennsylvania, who was a Democrat at home, who swindled his landlady oat of board, *„d who slandered the ladies of Alabama ; Albert Griffin, recently from Chicago, a printer who was run ofi if oft Macon many year , ago when his name was Alonso ; B. Yv. Norris, from Stsowhegan, Maine, who was ejected by the Maine Legislature from the land offioe for crediting himself with “charges not authorized by law,” and a man by the name of Davis, from Randolph county, whom nobody overheard of HI ore. These tourrare birds reported an ordinance from the Committee, disfranchising : L All who cannot swear that they will henceforth cease believing a poLitical doc trine in which they believe. 2. All those who violated the usages of war during the late content. 3. Ail who have been g jiity of felony. 4. Ali who prefer not to vote upon tho question of ratifying the work es the Pi-a bald Menagerie ; and— 5. AJI who have been guilty of treason. It will be observed that the first ostra cised class includes every boaest believer in the right of weoessios, and the last class will practically mclude every Alabamian who served in the Confederate army or gave aid and eamfort to Confederate sol diers. W eraay conclude, therefore, that theim ported humbugs of suspicious character, like Keffer, Nome tnd ict*n<l to *iiow no one to vote ia this State except the negroes and a few score of consistent In iou men—that is to my 120,000 male white adults are to be placed baac-atii the heel of 80,000 aogro male adults. Proceed menagerie, with year work, if you do not believe ia a hereafter ! — Montgomery Mail. Bisrop Qintarl Indulges in a Joke. —The following, relative to Bishop Quin tard, wilt be relished by hi? friends here. A correspondent writes from London under date of the 9th inst.: Among tho ‘‘fresh and racy” American prelate? at tho Church Congress was the Bishop of Ten nessee, who brought down the house with a nigger story he told of Uncle Toney; a plantation preacher. The Bishop asked him some Questions about Christian doctrines, ana finally said, “and what about the resurrection?” With a very solemn face ho replied, “iousee, mr .er, intmeat isintment.” “Yes.” “Weil, you see, dere is a speretual body, and dis here body made out of dust.” “Yes.” “Well, you see, when do angel Gabgricl comes down from heaben, and going up and down the fiber Jor coin, a blowin of his trumpet, and do birds of heaben * ingin and dc bells of lies: ai nngin, an ri -■ milk tn dc hooey raicin down on all de hills of heaben, he will bring de speretual body wid him down from heaben, and take iU, here body out of the dust, tad take the ioiarect an 1 rub it on, den *tioA uu, togr.ii.er -tufo Luedey is,” Had Him There. —Not long since a middle-aged gentleman and a young lady happened to Be the only passengers start ing that morning in the stage for T— . They were strangers to each other. The j lady was carrying a large white rabbit —a pet. J ust before the stage stopped at a toll gate the lady asked the gentleman to hold the rabbit a moment while she arranged some of her packages. He took it, cover ed it noth his shawl, and snugged it up in a manner quite fatherly. Thegate-kceper noticing it asked if it was their child and unjyell. The geulleman replied : “Yes, our firstborn, the poor thing!” After the vehicle had resumed its journey, the gentleman handed back the pet, saying: “What beautiful eyes ! just like its moth er’s !” “Yes,” responded the damsel, “and ears just like its father’s 1” Got it Ye Cripples.—There is a big buck negro up iij the Piebald Con;, action, who when called upon to register his name, touched the top ot the pen and made a cross marksomething like thegallows upon which John Brown was hung. His face is so black that charcoal would make a dis tinct white mark upon it. lie sits in as prominent seat, and goes to sleep as soon as Bingham or any other ass commences to bray. The Bergeant-at-arms has to wrke him up when voting time comes and tel! him which way to vote. He repre sents one of the wealthiest counties of the 3tate and will hand his name down to history as a memberof the Committee on Amendments to the .Constitution. He is said to be preparing an elaborate treatise upon Constitutional law in refutation of some of the abstractions of Puffendorf and Wheaton I —Montgomery MM.