Newspaper Page Text
htouiclc & fcntintl.
nvasßii mim nmiii «.
Blodgett and Council Whitewashed.
Hdqr’s, Third Military District, ]
PEI’ARTMF.NT OF (}a., PIA., AND AIJL, l
Office op Ass’t. Adj't. Gen.. f
Atlanta, Georgia, Feb 12, 1868. J
To Messrs 11. H. Steiner, Michael Walsh
and others Petitioners, Augusta Gear
ffia ;
Gentlemen ' —Y’our petition represent
ing uiai-idministratioo on the part of the
present Mayor and Council of the city of
Augusta, Georgia, and requesting their
removal from office, <tc., having been care
fully investigated bya Board of officers, in
stituted for that purpose, who report that
the charges presented in your petition
have not been proved. I am instructed by
the Major General Commanding to say
t hat no further action will be taken in the
matter.
Very respectfully your obd t ser’t,
R. C. Drum.
Assistant Adjutant General
Wc suppose that no one at all familiar
with the manner of the investigation, or
the character of the “shoulder straps’’
which conducted it, are at all surprised
that they reported to Gen. Meade that the
charges made against the Mayor and
Council were “cot proved.’’ The original
charges made in the petition, were that
the Mayor’s salary had been increased
from two to five thousand dollars; that
the < ’ouricil had reduced the tolls on the Au
gusta Bridge so that the revenue from that
source was decreased nearly fifty per cent;
that they had contracted for the city print
ing at a rate more than three times greater
than the same individual did the work for
the preceding year; that the Mayor was
under bonds to appear and answer to a
charge of “perjury" preferred against him
by a grand jury in the United States
Court in Savannah. All of these charges
were admitted to be true by the Mayor
and Council, and yet the sapient “shoulder
straps” report them not proven!
JSotonly were the charges contained in
the memorial to Gen. Meade proven and
admitted to be true, but other charges
were sustained by competent proof, which
would have been sufficient in any court of
justice to produce conviction. These ad
ditional charges were of a grave and
damning character, and Gen. Meadeshould
have examined into the proofs himself. It
was due to the people of this city, it was
due to his character as an officer in high
position, that something more should have
been done by him than merely to refer the
matter to two such weak, inexperienced
and bitter partisans as he sent here to
conduct the investigation.
Gen. Meade should know what is abund*
antly known here, that one, at least, of
his examining board came here strongly
prejudiced in favor of the Mayor and
Council, and bitter in bis feelings against
the respectable citiscns of Augusta. lie |
should know, also, that while the in vestiga- ,
tion was pending and the Mayor and j
Council were on their mock trial, that these i
officers, composing the Court, were the |
guests of the accused —were feted and fed j
by them. Ho should know that it is cur- \
rently reported here, and can be proved ‘
that the hotel hill of one, at least, of these j
officers and perhaps the members of his
family were paid by the accused during
the time they were here.
Although Gen. Meade’s officers may fe
port the charges against Blodgett and his
Council not proven, thore is not a white
man in the State who has read the evi
dence, who does not know that they were
most fully and completely established by
evidence which admits of no doubt.
The evidence of the crimes audmisdeeds
of the military Mayor and Council is
before the public, and wo are content to
rest the decision of their guilt with those
who are most interested in the faithful ad
ministration of the city government. The
whitewashing of’General Meade’s commis
sion can do them no good. We were
fortunate in not being caught in the samo
trap which our Savannah friends have
fallen into, of having no report of the
evidence. We have preserved the record
—it has been spread before the public and
will pass into the history of these dark
and turbulent time*
More Radical Deviltry.
The recent attempt made by the Radical
majority to place the Capitol under the
“protection ” of a military force, to be de
tailed by, and subject to, the order of tho
Secretary of War, produced such a pro
found sensation among all right-thinking and
moderate men, that, to get rid of a direct
vote upon tho monstrous proposition, the
Chairman of the Committee on the Whole
(Mr. Wilson, Radical), ruled it out of
order, and saved his party from utter ruin.
If the l!ou“e had come to a vote upon the
such is the rigidity of party drill,
it would doubtless have passed, under the
lash and spur of the leaders—Stevens,
Bingham, Butler & Cos.
This attempt shows, however, the ex
treme length the Jacobin leaders are pre
pared to go, in order that their rule may be
continued. It is, perhaps, the most bare
faced and wicked of all their attempts upon
the lifeof the Government. I ('such propo
sitions do not wake the slumbering masses
at the North, we can hardly imagine any
outrage upon constitutional liberty that
would.
lion It Is Done.
As the House of Representatives is now
constituted it requires one hundred and
thirty votes in a full House to pass a bill
over the President’s veto. The last
amendatory Reconstruction Act passed
that body by a vote of one hundred and
twenty-three to forty-five. Seventeen of
these yeas were east by members repre
senting districts which, last fall, gave
Democratic majorities. If these seventeen
votes were taken from the yeas and added
to the nays the result would be—yeas
one hundred aud six, nays sixty-two.
This vote would defeat any Radical legis
lation which the Jacobins might attempt.
A further analysis of this vote shows
that in the seventeen districts misrepre
sented by Radical Jacobins the Democratic
majority was, last fall, 18,617. Thesefigures
show that seventeen members whose prin
ciples have been repudiated and condemned
by their constituents, have now the power,
and are daily using it, of making laws
which their own constituents loathe and
contemn.
The Excuse for Negro Suffrage.—
>Ye have repeatedly said that the desire
for negro suffrage existiug among the
Radicals was not prompted by any desire
to do what might be called justice to the
negroes, but by an opposition to the for
eigners who are allowed the elective fran
chise. We have given the declaration of
Senator Wade and other leading Radicals
upon this point, but none of them has
more distinctly presented the issue than
the New Albany (Indiana) Commercial, a
Radical sheet of the first water. It says:
‘‘The American black men, born in this
country, paying its taxes, obeying its laws,
lighting its battles, are thrust rudely from
the polls by the canaille of Europe, utterly
ignorant of one word of our language or a
single principle cf our Government.”
Ot course, the “ canaille ” in this State
will vote lor tho new Constitution and ne
gro suffrage, just to accommodate these
villifiers. — Detroit Free I\ess.
Declines. —Judge Andrews, of Wilke
has written a letter to the Atlanta Opinion,
in which he declines to run as a Radical
candidate for Governor —not because ho
disagrees with that party, but because
other gentlemen (?) spoken of for the
office are "more competent." The reason
is a good one, and the Judge should be
excused.
This reminds us of an anecdote told on
the J udge during his canvass for guberna
torial honors in ISCS, as the candidate for
the Know-Nothings- In one of his
harangues to the sovereigns—wo think it
was in Warreoton —he alluded to the fact
that he had very reluctantly complied with
the wishes of his party iu becoming a
■candidate ; that he did not wish the posi
tion ; that it had been forced upon him;
and, warming with the subject, he ex
claimed, iu the meekest and most perse
cutcd a;r imaginable—“ The truth is, gen
tlemen, gubernatorial have been
annoying and pursucing me for twenty
years. Ju-t then a tad, gawky, rawbooe
son of toil, wrb most provoking coolness,
cried out, “Well, old fellow, you are gain
ing mightily on her now. I can tell you.”
'The t-fiW;' of this reply can be better
imagined than described.
The Johnson and Brant Affair.—The
President’* Final letter
Although we published Wednesday n
comprehensive synopsis of the Cabinet
correspondence r*'!*tivp to tb» qoe«*ions
at (issue tietween the President and G«u
eral Grant, we give to-day the President’s
letter in fall. It is as follows :
Executive Mansion, )
February 10, 1868. j i
General— 'The extraordinary character of ;
▼our letter of the :td instant would seem
to preclude any reply on mv part, but the j
manner In which publicity has been given ;
to the correspondence of w hich that letter
forms a part, and the grave questions j
which are involved, induce me to take j
this mode of giving, as a proper sequel to j
the communications which have passed !
between us, the statements of the five j
members of the Cabinet who were present I
on the occasion of our conversation on the !
14th ultimo. Copies of the letters which I
they have addressed to me upon the sub
ject are, accordingly, herewith enclosed.
You speak of my letterof the 31st ultimo
as a reiteration of tbe “many and gross
representations” contained 'in certain
newspaper articles and re-assert the cor
redness of the statement contained in your j
communication of the 28th ultimo, adding*
(and here I give your own words;: “Any- j
thing in yours in'replvto it to the contrary
notwithstanding.” G'hen a controversy :
upon the matters of fact reaches the point
to -which this has been brought, further j
assertion or denial between the immediate
par Les should cease, especially when,
upon either sid. , it 10->es the character of
the respeeful discussion which is required
by tbe relatione in which the parties stand
to each other, and degenerates in tone and
temper. In such a case, if there is nothing
to rely upon but tho opposing statements,
conclusions must tie drawn from the state
ments alone, and from whatever intrinsic
probabilities they afford in favor of or
‘ against either of the parties. I should not
shrink from this test in this controversy;
! but fortunately it is not left to this test
| alone. There were five Cabinet officers
I present at the conversation, the details of
which in my letter of the 28lh ultimo, you
j allow yourself to say contains “many and
i gross "representations.” These gontle
j men heard that conversation, and have
read my statement. They speak for them
selves, and I leave the proof without a
word of comment.
I deem it proper, before concluding ,
Ibis communication, to notice some of the :
statements contained in your letter.
You nay that a performance of the
promise alleged to have been made by
1 you to tho President would have involved
it ‘-resistance to law and an inconsistency
with the whole history of my connection
with ’he suspension of Mr. Stanton.”
: You lu* n state that you had fears tho
President would, on the removal of Mr.
I Stanton, appoint someone in his place
who would embarrass the army in carry
ing out the Keoonstruction Acts, and add ;
“It was to prevent such an appointment
that I accepted the office of Secretary es
War ad interim, and not for the purpose
! o' enabling you to get rid of Mr. Stanton
I |,y niy withholding it from him in opposi
| ti'on to law, or, not doing so myself, sur
i tendering it to one who would, as the
j statement and assumption in your com
munication pleasantly indicate, was
I sought ”
| First of all, you here admit that from
j the very beginning of what you term “the
whole history” of your connection with j
Mr. Stanton’s suspension you intended to I
circumvent tbe President; it was to carry
out that intent that yon accepted the ap
pointment ; ibis was in your mind at the
time of your acceptance. It was not, then,
in obedience to the order of your superior,
as has heretofore been supposed, that you
assumed the duties of the office. You
knew it was the President's purpose to
prevent Mr. Stantou from resuming (the
| office of .Secretary of War), and you In
j tended to defeat that purpose. You ac-
I cepted tbe office not in the interest of the
i President, but of Mr Stanton If this
i purpose, so entertained by you, had been
| confined to yourself—if, when accepting
| the office, you had done so with a mental
j reservation to frustrate the President—it
i would have been a tacit deception. In the
J ethics of some persons, such a course is
j allowable; but you cannot stand even on
j that questionable ground. Tho “history”
of your connection with this transaction as
written by yourself places you in a differ
i out predicament, and shows that you not
only concealed your design from the Pres
ident, but induced him to suppose that
1 you would carry out his purpose to keep
! Mr. Stanton out of office by retaining it
yourself, after an attempt at restoration
i by the Senate, so as to require Mr. Stan
ton to establish his rigid by judicialdecis
| ion. I now give that part of this
j “history” as written by yourself in your
1 lettero'ftheSHHll ultimo:
' Some time after I assuo ed the duties
j of Secretary of War ad interim the Presi
i dent asked mo my views as to tbe course
i Mr. Stanton would have to pursue, in case
the Senate should not concur in his sus-
I pension, to obtain possession of his office.
> My reply was, in substance, that Mr.
Stanton would have to appeal to tho courts
to reinstate him; illustrating my position
] by citing tho ground I had taken in the
I case of the Baltimore Police Commission
ers.”
Now, at that time, as you admit in
your letter of the 3d instant, vou held the
office with the? very object of defeating an
appeal to the courts. In that letter you
say that in accepting tho office one motive
was to prevent the President from ap
pointing some other person who would
retain possession, and thus make judicial
proceedings necessary. You knew the
President was unwilling to trust the office
with any one who would not, by holding it,
compel Mr. Stanton to resort to the courts.
You perfectly understood that in this inter
view. “Some time” altor you accepted the
office, the President, not content with your
! silence, desired an expression of your
views, and you answered him that Mr.
Stanton “would have to appeal to the
courts.”
If the President had reposed confidence
before he knew yonr views, and that con
fidence had been violated, it might have
j been said he made a mistake; but a viola
j tion of confidence imposed after that con
versation was no mistake jof Lis nor
of vours. It is the fact only that
needs be stated, that at the date of this
I conversation you did not intend to hold
! the office with the purpose of forcing Mr.
j .Stanton into court, but did hold it
j then, and had accepted it, to prevent that
I course from being carried out. In other
words, you said to the President, “That
is the proper course and you said t
yourself, “I have accepted this office and
now hold it ut defeat that course.” The
excuse you make jn a subsequent para
graph (if the letter of the 28th ultimo, that
afterward you changed your views as to
wl at would be a proper course, hgs noth
ing to do with the point now under con
sideration. The point is, that before you
changed your views you had secretly de
termined to do Die very thing which at
last you did —surrender the office to Mr.
Stanton. You may have changed your
views as to the law, but you certainly <Ji,d
not change yous views as to the course
vou had marked out for yourself from tbe
beginning.
1 will only notice oue more statement in
your letter ot the 3d instant, that the per
formance of the pioiniso which it 13 alleged
was made by you would have iny.ojypd
you in the resistance of law. X know- of
"no statute that would have been violated
hau y./ii, carrying out your promise iu
good faith, tendered your resignation
when you concluded not to be made a
party in any legal proceedings.
You add: “I am, iu a measure, confirm
ed in this conclusion by your recent
orders directing me to disobey orders from
tbe Secretary of War, uiy superior and
your subordinate, without having eouu
"tcruiandcd his authority to issue the ordoi s
X am to disobey.”
011 the 21th ultimo you addressed a note
to the President requesting, in writing, an
order given to you verbally five days be
fore, to d.sregard orders from Mr. Stanton,
as Secretary of War, until you “kszcw- from
tbe President himself that they were fiis
orders.”
On the 28th, iu compliance with your
request, I did give you instructions in
writing “not to obey any order from the
War Department Assumed to be issued by
the direction of the President unless such
order is known by the General command
ing the armies of the United States to have
been authorized by tlw Executive.”—
Thore are some orders whw.fi a Secretary
of War may issue without the authority of
the President. There are others whieli he
issues simply as the agent of the President
and which purport to be “by direction” of
the President. For such orders the Presi-
dent is responsible, and he should, thore-
I fore, know and understand what they are
before giving such “directions.” Xir.
■ Stanton states iu his letter of the -Uh in at.,
j which accompanies the published eorre
j spoudeiue, that he “has had no corre
spondence a ;th the President since the 12th
■ of August last," and he farther says that
since he re-ntned the duties of the office
! he has continued to discharge them “with
out any personal or written ooinmunicft
i tion with the President.” And he adds :
“No orders have been issued frorp this
Department in the name of the President
j with my knowledge, aud I have received
' no orders from him.” It thus seems thas
Mr. Stanton now dischargee the duties of
■ the War Itepartment without any reference
to the President, and without using his
name. My order to you had only refer
ence to orders assumed to lie issued by tie ■
“direction ot thePresioent." It would ap
pear from Mr. Stamen's litter that you
have received no such orders from him.
However, in your note “to (im President,
ofthe 30th” ultimo, in which youucknow
ledge the receipt of the written order of
the 29th. you say that you have been in
formed by Mr. Stanton that he has not re
ceived any order limiting his authority to
issue orders to the army, according to the
I practice of tho Department, and state that
“while this authority to the War Depart
ment is not countermanded, it will be sat
isfactory evidence to me that any orders
j issued from tho War Department oydirec
tion ot the President are authorized by the
■ Executive." The President issues ah or
j dor to you to obey no order from the War
I Department purpoiUng to be made
; •• by the direction of U.e President" •
until you have refer.ed to inm for bis
approval. You reply that you have |
i received the President's order, and will
not obey it, but will obey an order pur- (
porting' to he given by his direction if it 1
1 comes from the War* Department. You j
I will not obey the dit act order of the Preoi
; dent, but wiil obey his indirect order, if,
us you say, there has beta a practice in
the War Department to issue orders in the
name ol the President without his direo- ;
uou, does not cli* precise order you ha vs j
requested, and ha*« received, change the
i practice ,as to the Uanaral of the Army ?
i.'ouui uotthe President countermand ahy
suc.i order issued to you from .the War
Department ? If you should recesvs an ,
order from that bspartweut, issued in tpe
name ol the President to do a special act,
and an order directly from tbs President
hitusalf not to do the act, is there a doubt
which are you to obey ? You answer the
qu, stion when you say Jo the President :
lu your latter .'the 3d instant the Secre
tary of War 1* “piy superior *nd yonr
subordinate,” and yeX you refuse Ooudi
ence to the «u[>orior --tit of deference to
the ssvbordinate. Without .further com
ment on the insubordinate attitude which ,
you have assumed, I am at a loss to know j
now you can relieve yourself from obedi
eooe to the orders of the President, who is
made by the Constitution the Command
er-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, and is
therefore The official superior as well of
the (leneral of the Army aa of the Secreta
ry of War.
Itespectfully yours,
Andrew Johnson.
General f. A' Grant, commanding Armies
of the United States, Washington, D. C.
COPY OF LETTER ADDRESSF.D TO EACH OF
THE XEKBERS OF THE CABINET PRESENT
AT THE CONVERSATION BETWEEN' THE
PRESIDENT AND OENF.RAL GRANT ON
THR 14T.-I JANUARY, 1868.
Executive Mansion, )
Washington, D. O. >
February 5, 1868. J
Sir : The Chronicle or this morning con
tain* a correspondence between the Pres
ident and General Grant, reported from
the War Department in answer to a
resolution of the House of Representatives.
I beg to call your attention to that cor
respondence,'and especially to that part of
it which refers to tbe conversation be
tween tbe President and General Grant at
the Cabinet meeting ou Tuesday, the 14th
of January, and to request you to state
what was said in that conversation.
Very respectfully, yours,
Andrew Johnson.
Hare follows the letters of the several
member* of the Cabinet in support of the
President's statement, a synopsis of which
we have already published.
The following is the conclusion of the
correspondence;
The accompanying letter, received from
Geu. Grant since the transmission to the
House of my communication of this date,
is submitted to the House a* part of the
correspondence referred to in the resolu
tion of the 10th.
[Signed] Andrew Johnson.
Washington, D. C., February 11, 1808.
H3adq’bs Army United States, i
Washington, D. C., Feb. 11, 1860, j
His Excellency Andrew Johnson, Presi
dent of the United Mates .
Sir—l have the honor to acknowledge
tho receipt of your communication of tue
10th lint., accompanied by tho statement
of live Cabiuet ninislers of tnoir recollec
tion of what occurred in the Cibinet meet
ing on the 14tfi of January. Without ad
mitting auylbing contained in these state
ments, where they differ from anything
heretofore stated by me, I propose to j
notice ouiy that portion 01 youreoinmuni- ■
cation wherein 1 am charged with insu- 1
bordinalion.
I think, it will be plain to the reader of 1
my letter 0/the 30th January ihat I did
not propose to disobey any legal order of
the President distinctly given, but only
gave an interpretation of wuat would be
regaroed by mo as satisfactory evidence
ol the President’s sanction to orders by
the Secretary of War. I will say here that
your letter of the 10th inst. contains tUe
tirst intimation that I have had that you
did not accept that interpretation. Now
for my reasons for giving that interpreta
tion. It was clear to me before my letter
t of January 30th was written that 1 was tue
person having more public business to
transact with the .Secretary of War than
any other of the President’s subordinates;
1 was tue only one who had boenii structed
\ to disregard tho authority of .Vlr. Stautou
where his authority was derived as agent
of the President.
On the 27th of January I received a
j loiter from the Secretary of War (a copy of
i which is transmitted herewith) directing
me to furnish an escort to tho public
treasure from the Rio Grande to New Or
leans, at the request of the Secretary of the
Treasury to him. I also send two articles
showing recognition of Mr. Stauton as
Secretary of War by both the Secretary of
the Treasury and tne Postmaster-General,
in all of which cases tho Secretary of War
iiad to call upon mo to make the orders
requested or give the information desired,
and where his authority to do so is de
rived, in uiy view, as agent of the Presi
dent. With an order so clearly ambiguous
as that of tjo President here referred to, it
was my duty to inform the President of
my interpretation of it, and abide by that
interpretation until I received other
orders.
Disclaiming any intention now or here
tofore of disobeyiug any legal ordor of the
President distinctly communicated, 1 re
main, very respectfully, your obedient
i servant, U. S. Grant,
General.
The Campaign lit Mew Hampshire.
As the State election in New Hamp
shire, which takes place early next month, is
now attracting considerable attention, we
give the following information from that
State, which we find in a letter from Con
cord, to one of our Northern Republican
exchanges :
“Throughout the length and breadth of
New Hampshire, from Coos to the Massa
chusetts line, from the ocean to the Con
necticut valley, there is little thought of or
talked about except politics and the prob
able result of the coming State election.
The careful preparations of the Democrats'
and tho extensive arrangements of the Re
publicans which have been going on in
every city, town and hamlet for a month
and more past, have fiually culminated in
i the most vigorous campaign ever witness
ed in tho State, and during the four or
five wooks intervening between and
! electiou day the contest will be more
: lively, the struggle more fierce, and the
canvass generally more exciting even than
now. Public meetings are being Held
nightly in all sections of tho State, cam
paign documents flood the mail bags and
postoffices, Republican clubs, Democratic
clubs, Grant clubs, Constitutional clubs,
Equal Taxation clubs, Peoples’ Liberty
League clubs, and other clubs, too numer
ous to mention, have been formed, or are
in process of formation, everywhere.
“Here in Concord there is the utmost
| political activity. It seems to be the
| grand centre where all the leading politicians
of the different parties gather for con
j sultation. The Republican State Central
j Committee has its headquarters iu a suite
j of roouw m the Phoenix, as does also the
P. L. L. branch of the Republicans.
I The Democrats assemble ac the Eagle, a
] fen? doors below, and the Tammany
j Democrats have their headquarters
! with Mr. Auson S. Marshall, who
j is Chairman of the Democratic State
. Central Central Committee. The Mozart
wing of the democracy, composed of the
young »ud active politicians, are the most
conspicuous lor display. They have
1 secured the whole of the second floor in
j White’s new block, and from now until
j election tho room will be open day and
j evening for Democratic visitors. They
i h&va a UtZ° illuminated transparency and
1 other orpfffpjeqial toggery to attract atten
j tion outside, ana u!u:i 3 person enters they
I nave documents and sp.eqcha® pg convert
j him if he is of anti-DemocrstijC faith.—
I To-day there was 00 less than a, hundred
j leading Democrats iu the city from ail
j quarters of the State, their mission beiug
j to Mpoi't progress and consult upon the
I details necessary to push the campaign
through to 3 termination. They
are alt very sanguine fiF carrying the State,
and claim that every day tiiey arc gaining
accession to their ranks from disajfocted
Republicans. From ciose observations in
this and other sections of the State, I must
! con tens that I am not prepared to dissent
materially tbe confidence manifested
by the moderately Democrats. —
The work which is being accomplished by
tbe Democrats through the p. L L.'s wij
prove to be inOM, effective, and the other
organizations will anionb'ediy do some
-1 thiug toward swelling the vote.
: The reports received by the Democratic
State Committee to-day show that there
1 have been organized ninety-one P. L. L.
I councils throughout the State ; and twen
ty-four of this number were instituted
> during the present week. A great many
Republicans have, it fe> pk'med, been
brought over through this organization.—
The P. L. L-’s here differ from those in
Massachusetts. There the object aimed at
was u liquor license law ; heje tbe only end
sought is 3 triumph of Democraey. With
the accessions gained to their party from
this and other secret sources., the Demo
crats claim that they can elect Sinclair for
Governor by a majority nearly equal to that
by which they wore defeated last year.—
WfcjJLe the Republicans do not confess that
i defeat is p store for them, they mauifest
considerable uoufaipnss at the confidence
ami enthusiasm of their opponents.
1 ”In a former letter 1 made brie/gllpion
to the fact that in the ranks of both par
ties there is considerable grumbling about
high taxes. As the question is discussed
in public meetings the dissatisfaction is daiiy
increasing. Thestumpspcpjrersof the Rad
ical party take good care to avoid the subject,
but those of the Democratic persuasion en
large upoji it with great emphasis, and
the P. ll L’s are also industrous in arous
ing the people to a realizing sense .of the
1 burdens upon them. Gey. Harriman,
who is making a pilgrimage through the
States, only alludes to taxes and the na- 1
tiooal debt, when he charges the responsi- I
Ulity upon his opponents. What the |
I Democrats lay great stress upon is the |
l probability of a law taxing bonds and the ;
heavy taxes upon certain articles of j
j facture. As before stated, there are many i
Republicans who listen attentively when j
, tables things are talked about; and if they j
are assured that the election of a Demo
cratic Govern*- ;n this State will be step to- j
ward reform they piii be pretty likely to j
throw their vote according. Aside from
the national taxes, there is ako iqjsiier- i
able growling about the in which j
the State tax is levied, and the Demoe aey ’
promise * reform in this it they are given ;
the power. The obnoxious features of the
State tax are Each city or town ,
makes up its own and decides
wh*t the poll tax shall be; ann’thu higher
the poll Js* the ess will be the taxon prop- 1
erty. j3e<s in Conconi the poll tax ,
levied upon evpy vqqjr L between seven j
and eight doLajs, and p nome places it is ,
as high as twenty dollars. It fill be eqen
by this that the rich mcii and property '
holders are protected at the expecue of
the poorer class. If a man faLU to pay ;
this extraordinary poll tax he is of course
disfranchised from voting for the present ,
and each succeeding year until all past 1
arrearages are paid up. What the poorer |
classes ask for and what the opponents cf
the Radicals promise is a law similar to
that in Massachusetts, which provides that ,
in no case shall the poll tax exceed the
sum of $2. All other necessary funds to
be raised by taxation must accrue from
property. There are many adopted citizens
in New Hampshire who Lave for years re
fused to become naturalized on account of
the excessive poll tax, and the Democrats
are actively engaged in urging upon such
tbe certainty of a reduction next year, and
tbe result is that they have thus far suc
: ceeded in procuring the naturalization of
! about a thousand, and all of these will of
1 course go for (Sinclair. The largest num-
I ber naturalized in one place was in Man
chester.
“The Democrats are very silent on the
Presidential question, but the Republicans
are as enthusiastic as ever for Gen. Grant.
If reports are true, however, there will
soon be a powerful undercurrent at work
here against him. I learn from good au
thority that General Butler is preparing a
pamphlet, giving his military and political
history, and among the charges which it
will attempt to prove will be those ofre-
of drunkenness, backed up by
sworn affidavits of certain officers under
bitn. This document, it is said, win be
circulated prior to election, both in New
Hampshire and Connecticut. It is stated
that an application was made a few days
since to Senator _ Sprague, of Rhode
L-iand, for a contribution of funds to carry
on the campaign here, and that he refused
most emphatically; and it is further
alleged that both Sprague and Butler
would rather see the Democrats than the
| Republicans victorious in this State, for
! the reason that Grant’s chances for the
! Presidency would be diminished, and those
' of Chase increased correspondingly.
“Parker Ptllsbury, the old Abolitionist
and co-laborer with Phillips, Garrison and
Sumner, wiii shortly stump the State for
the Democrats, and also Henry Clay Dean,
of lowa, who arrived here yesterday.”
From the Dahloncga Signal.
Democratic Conservative Meeting In
Lumpkin.
According to previous notice, a large
and respectable number of the citizens of
Lumpkin county assembled at Dahlonega
on T uesday, February 4 r If.
Upon motion of Col \Y,ei Boyd, James 1
F Wood, Esq, was called to the chair and
the following gentlemen were appointed
Vice Presidents, to wit: Judge Jeroyai
Blackwell, Daniel Noisier, Esq, B II
Corbin, Esq, Henry Seitz, Esq, and John
Simons, Esq, who took their seats upon
the. stand with the President.
It was moved by Col A M Russell, that
Robert A Quiltiau, Esq., and Benjamin J
Davis, Esq, act as Secretaries of the meet
ing. Motion adopted
The President called upon Col W V
Price to explain the objects of the meeting,
| which he did in a. few brief remarks, and
| concluded by moving the appointment of
a committee to consist of eleven gentlemen
to prepare suitable resolutions for the
aotioh of the meeting; whereupon tho
; Chair appointed Col Vv P Price, Robert
tl Moore, Col YYier Boyd, T Henly
Wirnpy, C A Lesser, A M Russell, \Y" E
Beard, Esq, Gilbert F Parker, Joseph W
- Woodward, Esq, and W -Matt Leather
wood.
During the absence of the Committee
the meeting was addressed by Hon. James
W Landrum iu a most impressive and
telling speech, which was repeatedly ap
plauded.
The Committee returned, and through
its Chairman, Col. W P Price, reported
the following resolutions :
1. litsulvtd, That we approve the ae
i tion of the late Conservative Convention
| at Macon, and heartily endorse its address
J to the people of the State, believing as we
i that the time has come when every
county should be organized for the conflict
| with the enemies of the white race in the
j South.
2. Resolved, That we endorse tho action
of our late Chief Magistrate, Charles J
Jenkins, in boldly maintaining the honor
of his State and his own personal integ
ity. Posterity, at least, if not the present
generation, will proclaim him the “noblest
Roman of them all.” He carries with him
in his retirement the well wishes of all
who value honor, integrity and patriotism.
3. Resolved, That we approve the course
of our other State officers who have been
j removed from office for the faithful per
formance of their duty, and refusal to per
jure themselves, by yielding to the unlaw
ful demands of the Convention.
| 4. Resolved, That inasmuch as peace
j and political restoration can come to the
| South solely through the awakening of the
■ masses of the North to a sense of justice,
| we do hail with delight the evidences
which Ohio, Pennsylvania. New Jersey,
New York afid other Northern States
i have recently given of Uieir devotion to
the Constitution of our fathers, and a re
turn on their part to time-honored princ
ples—rprinciples which alono can restore
w>*waud perpetuate the bonds of a more
“perfect uniffu. ”
j 5. Resolved, That we will cheerfully co
operate with that party in tho country
which holds as a cardinal doctrine that
this Government was created by white men,
| tor white men, and to be handed Gown to
posterity by white men.
6. Resolved, That we never will, volun
tarily, accept any Constitution framed by
the mongrel Convention now in session in
Atlanta ; that we never will endorse, or
vote to ratify, a Constitution framed by
negroes, carpet-bag adventurers, and New
England negro-worshippers. YVe believe it
to be the duty of every man who values
the happiness of his children to register, if
allowed to do so, and vote down the odious
Radical Constitution now beir.g framed for
our degradation and humiliation.
7. Resolved, That the civil rights of the
nqgro as guaranteed by the existing laws
of this State, and which wc are determined
j shall be maintained, are sufficient for his
protection, both of person and of proper
! ty; and that bis demands for more and
I enlarged privileges bus endanger those
j w hich have been heretofore cheerfully ac
j corded to him. That, in our opinion, the
| Congressional acts conferring unlimited and
unqualified suffrage upon ti.-. negro, are
| unwise and dangerous, and were enacted
j more for the purpose of humiliating the
people of the Ssouth and aggrandizing the
Radical party than for the purpose of per
manently ameliorating the Condition of the
negro.
8. Resolved, That we are for eleyating
the negro, by encouraging him to honest
and useful pursuits, and enlightening his
mind, both by education and moral culture,
bidding him God speed in the march of
progress. But whilst thus declaring our
selves to be his frietius, we wish it distinct
ly understood that we 3re for keeping the
j yvbite man in the van, and making him
j tile pxclqsjve guardian of the nation’s
j honor, .civilization apd respectability.
9. Resolved, That wp cannot endorse
l any measure which coolers upon toe negro
1 the same political rights enjoyed by the
! whites, to wit; voting, sitting on juries
| and holding offices, believing as we do that
. the negro is incapacitated, if not by nature,
tjt ieest from want of culture, to occupy
spy pQsUio# jc the political iabri j of the
government. Hi) must fee yfftfP-1 to re
main in tho festering hands of the superi
or race if he would enjoy the blessings
which have already been conferred upon
him.
IJ. Resolved, That we are opposed to
aDy ani aii measures of relief which have
been proposed to or on'ered by the Con
vention now iu session at Atlanta. Be
cause, Ist. We believo they are violative
of all constitutional laws upon the subject,
both State and Federal. 2d. They arc to
be enacted for the benefit frf those who
have either bankrupted themselves, or
grown rich by speculation audfraud during
our late struggle aud since the surrender.
3d. They are enacted, if enacted at ail, by
the prxxspt Convention, to obtain the in
fluence of aii that class of persons now
seeking the repudiation tff their honest
debts, in order to carry the proposed Radi
cal constitution when it shaii have been re
ferred to the people for ratification; and
4th, there arc better and more honest ways
of arriving at relief’ than by wholesale ie
pudiation, to-wit: the bankrupt laws of
the United States offer a highway of es
cape for the wealthy debtor, whilst the
Legislature of the State, when allowed to
assemble, can, by enacting a liberal home
stead law, and expeditious insolvent
debtor's lews, relieve the poor honest
debtors of the ecunuy. Lastly, we oppose
the dishonest schemes of the friends of
relief because they enable the lull handed
to escape with the honest debtor. We
want “every tub to stand upon its own
betvoia.”
11. Resctliifrl, That the sterling and
trustworthy friends of the country who
are members of the Convention have our
sympathies in the unequal struggle for
wjiite men s rights and constitutional prin
ciples.
12. Resolved, That we recommend the
calling of a State Convention by the Execu
tive Committee, for the purpose, among
other things, of having the Conservative
people of Georgia represented at the ap
proaching National Democratic Nominat
ing Convention.
13. Resolved, That a Conservative Club
be organized in the county ofL'imtkin, to
co operate with other like organizations in j
the State.
; 14. Resolved, That a committee of throe
; persons in each militia district be appoint
; ed in said county, to constitute a Conserva
| live Clufc, to co-operate in advancing the
| interest of the party.
1 The following named gentiew.ee were
appointed under the above resolution .
Dahlonega —Wier Bovd, W P Price,
N P Howard.
liuro.v.—Kice Arendaie, Dr John Ball,
E B Wells, Esq.
Wahoo— John Mays, Si ideCargy, Wm
Abercrombie.
Ximhlewilie —John Seitz, K Bearden,
MHl’.riws
Martin s Ford —P Neisler, P Owenby,
John Jay.
Davis' —W E Beard, John Gamlin, J C 1
Clark.
Anderson's —MMeßrayer, W M Patton, 1
John M Moose.
Chesiater —B Ii Corbin. L E Adams. ;
Grinilh s —E M Edwards, John D Dick
erson, F M McGee.
Shoal Creek—A Seay, A Kennedy, Jno
31 Evans.
FqWa-W H Reed, W II Barber, W
B Halhim.
15. Resolved, That the proceedings of
this meeting and the foregoing resolutions
be puolished in the Mountain . Signal, and
other Democratic and Conservative papers
be requested to publish the same.
J. E. Wood, Pres’dt.
R. A. Quili-ian, I c
B. J. Davis, ) Secretaries.
national Politics.
GENERAL GRANT’S SURRENDER.
From the Round Table (independent).
It General Grant had been placed in 1
command of a fortress by the President,
he would hardly have considered it con
sistent with his honor to surrender the j
post, except to irresistible force, without i
first consulting his lawful Commander in-
Chief. Had he been in Major Anderson's !
place in Fort Sumter, would he have held I
the post any less tenaciously thau that
officer did ? Ilofr does his surrender of
the War Office, on the first summons,
differ from the surrender of any other
post without the consent, nay, against the j
known will, of his superior officer? Ihe
hopelessness of resistance alone j ustifies,
to a conscientious subordinate, the sur
render of any trust without consulting the
party from whom the trust has been re
i ceived. It would have been no excuse to
Major Anderson for surrendering Fort
Sumter that aii the lawyers in the land
told him the law required him to evacuate.
Process of the courts might have justified
his givingitup, but his own construction of
the law, or tho construction of any num
■ hero! lawyers whom he Lad chosen to con
sult, would not have cleared him from
dishonor if he had yielded the post with
out the order of the President. The duty of
' construing the scope and meaning of laws
! has never been developed ou the General
jof the army, 't he duty of interpreting
j tho iaw, when its meaning is / disputed
| between parties having an interest
lin the question that arises, is con-
I ferred on aud limited to tbe courts
: of justice. The President has the same
j right to appeal for protection to the courts
| as has the meanest man in the commuui
j ty. A subordinate in private business
! who should, by neglect or intention,
| sacrifice the legal rights of his principal;
| a clerk, an agent, or an attorney who
| should, of his own motion, deprive his
; principal of the opportunity of appealing
ito the courts; who should give up to the
| opponent of his principal anything the
1 possession of which was in dispute ’>3-
! tween that opponent and his principal,
I would be universally regarded as faithless,
i A subordinate of the President whounder
j takes to barter away any rights of the
; President must be equally regarded as
faithless to plain duty. We have detailed
1 accounts, on the one side, of express
| promises said to have been made by _ Gen
j eral Grant to retain the War Office in his
1 hands until the law, speaking through its
j proper agents, the courts, should force
j him out of it. We have, on the other
j side, a general, not aa authentic, denial of
I any such promise, but no detailed account
| of what General Grant is willing to admit
he did say. A verbal promise in the case
;Is mere surplusage. The statements about
I the promise and the denial of them are of
1 little consequence. The facts are well
kuown and undisputed—namely, that
| General Grant assumed the office in obe
i dience to orders from his military chief,
| just as he would have assumed any other
duty assigned to him, and that he gave up
the post without consulting his superior.
! This iact it is which has damaged Gen
eral Grant’s repute as a straightfor-
ward man. Whether the words connected
with this fact were many or lew, or none,
is a matter of no consequence, unless
words from the President can be shown
giving his consent to General Grant’s
abandonment of the post. The certificate
of a vote of tho Senate is not the form in
which military men receive their orders.
The vote of the Senate may have been an
order binding upon the President, making
it his duty to restore Mr. Stanton, but it
was for the President to promulgate this
order to his subordinates, and to enforce
obedience to it, If the President was con
tumacious. Congress had its remedy in
impeachment. General Grant has deserved
well of his country ; and the people have
not been backward in conferring upon him
substantial tokens t hat they recognize his
merit. Men of all parties admired his
manifestations of good sense and simple
adherence to truth and duty when he was
before the Impeachment Committee. We
believe him strong enough to break through
all tho snares which wily politicians might
set. They have tripped him at last. If he
does not hold himself bound to surrender
back to the President Tiowers wliieh he
derived solely from the President, 110 may
not be ready at the proper time to sur
render to the people powers which they
may intrust to him. Instead ot being a safe
man, he may be tho most dangerous man
in the country to whom the people could
confide their interests.
"■■WlMfc- aKP«»—
From the Charleston Nevis.
The new Impeachment Scheme.
Washington, February 12. —The in
terest in the new impeachment movement
continues unabated, but there is less ex
citement to-day on the subject than there
was yesterday and day before. There is
not so much mystery either involved in
the acts and purposes of the parties who
prosecute the scheme. v Mr. Bingham,
who was announced as beimr committed
and outspoken for immediate impeach
ment, does not appear to have said or done
anything to warrant so positive a statement
of his position. Upon inquiry it was found
that the so-called “stormy discussion” of
the committee last week upon the Johu
son-Grant correspondence was compara
tively mild.and dispassionate, and it is
suggested that there” was in the considera
tion of this correspondence by the commit
tee among the extreme Radicals secretly as
much a desire to show Grant up in an un
favorable light as to hunt up grounds for
impeaching the President. Having Grant
already committed to Radicalism, the pres
tige of his name is secured to the Radical
party, and they can new afford to nomi
nate someone else of their original favorites.
The fury against Mr. Johnson has, to
some extent, moderated. On Monday the
sentiments of the extremists was, '‘lm
peachment, at 1! hazards.” To-day the
same party modify by - saying, “We will
impeach Johnson if we findhe has violated
any law.” Sober, reflective Republicans
are undisturbed, and say confidently that,
in spite of all the existing clamor, there
will be no impeachment merely for what
has, up to this time, transpired ; that, the
plan of deposition or suspension of the
President immediately upon the adoption
of articles of impeachment cannot be
carried by a two-thirds vote in the Senate,
ncr can the 'bill be passed in that body
under two months, on account of latitude
allowed in debate, so that the scheme of
the impeachers must fail, since, in order to
perfect their plan, an immediate removal
or suspension of Mr. Johnson must take
place.
j Thu H. G. Mystery Explained.—
j Those who have attended the receptions at
! the White House within the past two
weeks have noticed a tail, handsome young
man, with au eye as black as a coal, heavy
blaek eye-brows, sjp'i a luxuriance of Ins
curling black hair, who dresses in perfect
1 taste, and is followed by the admiring
glances of women as he moves through
the throng. This is J. B. S., the latest of
the correspondents honored with the confi
dence of the Executive. He is about the
last man in the world who would be taken
as the depository ofthe State secrets, and
about the first-thit women would fall in
love with.— lnbune.
Those who attended the entertainments
at Cheever’s Church, and the Abolition
-1 ist, Free Love, Fourierite Woman's
Right s, Agricultural, _ Social Science,
. Spiritualist, Anti-Gambling, Give-Rvery
body-everything-and-Lift-Yourself-by the-
Slack-of-Your-Trowsers Conventions for
the past two hundred year# have noticed a
tail, repulsive old man with an eye as blue
as New England milk, light white eye
brows, a sickly mess of straight white hair
of the eolor-o? preserved ginger, and a face
like a pumpkin and of the same color, Wnp ,
dresses in execrably bad taste, with the
hat worn by Methuselah and pantaloons of
different age and nativity, who keeps one
leg of his inconsistent trowsers hidden in a
boot and the other unblushingly exposed
to view, who wears seven overcoats repre
senting all the cardinal colors, and careful- ;
ly keeps his neckstnng uutied, anu is fol- |
lowed by the shuddering glances of fright
ened women as he moves through the
throng. This is F. G., the first man that
ever tried to make h.msslfj and the earliest ,
honored with the confidence of Executive
field-hands and runaway' contrabands.
He is about the last man in the world who .
would be taken as the depository of com
mon zeate and beefsteaks, and about the;
first man tu_t women would fly from in
terror. — World.
The Hebrew Messenger states that the
city of New Y’ork contains fully seventy
thousand Israelites. In one Congressional
district there must be no: far from twenty
thousand- Iu this locality the Jewish
Sabbath is faithfqily and stricriy observed,
and on Sunday blocks of itores, occupied
by Jewish tradesmen, are open for the
transaction of business. The police are
yigilant in enforcing the Sunday laws
against wl! whose stores are not closed ou
Saturday. The Israelites in Maryland
are meeting with considerable opposition
in their efforts to obtain in that State a
Saturday law as liberal as the one in New
York.
Forty-Third Day's Proceedings of the J
Georgia Unconstitutional Convention. !
CONDENSED FROM THE ATLANTA DAILY j
INTELLIGENCER.
Wednesday, Febuary 1-th, 1808. :
The Convention opeced with prayer
Parrott in the Chair.
The Journal was read.
TUE NEGRO BRADLEY.
A most lamentable and never to be for
gotten calamity took place this morning,
by which our obituary, written a tew days
ago. has been proved prophetic. We
refer to the expulsion of A A Bradley.—
When we take into consideration the lusty
efforts which had been made by Bryant,
Clift k Cos. to keep him in his seat, we
. cannot fail to be very much surprised.
How proud the men must feel who labored
with so much energy to retain him as a
1 member of the Georgia State Unconstitu
tional Convention !
The space which we devoted yesterday
i to the eloquent and wonderful. speech of
j H M Turner (negro), prevented us from
| paying due attention to other parties, but
we hasten to make an amende this morn
ing. ;
W L Clift, an individual from “parts un
known,’’ took it upon himself to stigma- ;
tize, while vindicating the character of the j
negro Bradley on Tuesday, the lntelligen - 1
cer as an irresponsible paper. We can
sympathize with insignificant creatures j
when they have sense enough to behave J
themselves and act with propriety, but our ■
loathing for the pusillanimity which ai vays j
exhibits itself iu scurrility and contempti- i
ble effrontery we can scarcely measure.
The above named parson had the as
surance to speak iu this manner while he
was on the floor attempting, in his own
| puerile way, to vindicate the character of
a convict, a liar, and a thief—need we ask
i why he coveted such, company? We say
thief, and we wish to be understood when
i we say so, tHat we consider any persou a
| thief who stealsaway that greatest of all
! boons to woman—virtue.
We will now return to the proceedings,
i Bradley made, or attempted to make, an
appeal from the action of the Convention
the preceding day, tut in doing so he,
Judas-like, murdered himself. He refer
red to a letter which he had received some
| time ago from an unknown quarter,.
: charging that there was a man in the
Convention who had been guilty of the
crime of seducing his own sister-in-law.
While referring to this i'act he cast some
reflections on J ft Parrott and N L Tram
meil. Whereupon N L Trammell rose to
a point of order. He wanted to know if
the scoundrel meant to insinuate any
charges against him or hi3 family.
/ The Chair thought the point well taken.
The delegate was out of order, and had
been exceedingly personal in his remarks.
Bradley denied all reference to either.
Here a scene of the wildest confusion
ensued. Bryant and Seeley and Clift
looked dubious. They saw that the dread
ed moment had come, when their idol was
about to be snatched from their fond and
loving embrace, and for the first time
during the entire period of the disgraceful
| proceedings they sat down and hung their
j beads. Why this was we cannot tell. The
! crimes charged against the negro had not
] been increased in magnitude since the pre
i vious day. The met that he attempted to
i slander in a most maiicious manner the re
spectable gentlemen and their families
above named, could not have militated
against him, because what ha could say
about them would fall harmless upon the.
ears of all who knew them.
Iu speaking thus we refer to their pri
vate moral respectability, discarding po
litical differences altogether, and we do
say that if the vile slanderer deserved ex
pulsion this day, he deceived it equally as
much on the previous one, or in lact, any
day while he held a seat in the Convention.
He worked hard by his conduct to get
kicked out, but, those good and faithful
servanta or friends of his would not let
him have his way.
A W Holcombe moved that the man be
expelled from the floor.
J E Blount thought that they had been
very patient, and he could not bear it any
longer. Their feelings had been aroused
to the highest pitch of indignation from
repeated insults, and now they were com
pelled to put an end to the matter right
here. He would move the expulsion of
the delegate, since he could nor. be borne
with any longer, and he (Blount) insisted
that they act upon it instanter. They had
discussed the matter calmly, and reasona
bly, and legally, until they had exausted it
altogether, and ho did not sec any other
alternative left them.
1111 Whiteley wanted to know what the
, parliamentary course was in such cases. He
wanted the offensive words read.
A W Holcombe b#gged the words would
not be read. They did pot want to have
the families of honorable gentlemen as
persed by a man like that, lie, therefore,
renewed his motion that the party bo ex
'peiled from the room and forever.
G VV Asliburn moved to send for Gen
Meade and his army, if necessary, to pre
serve order.
Several members exclaimed against this
course.
The Chairman made several attempts
to restore order, but all were ineffectual.
After some discussion, J R Parrott read
the objectionable words.
The accused denied them in part.
The question was put to the house, when
it was decided that they were reaiiy the
objectionable words useu by Bradley.
Bradley (negro)—The ruie is—the rule
says I may explain it if 1 am misunder
stood.
J Atkins objected to a part of the ob
jectionable sentence, and was disposed to
defend the defendant to the last.
W T Crane spoke at some length in
favor of immediate expulsion.
D G Coding offered a resolution to the
effect that the delegate, for various insults
offered to the Convention, be forthwith ex
pelled from the body.
H \ M Miller hoped the Chair would
oblige every delegate to take bis seat. He
trusted the rule would be rigidly euforced,
as members were out of their seats in all
parts of the house, and it was impossible
to conduct business in such a state of con
fusion.
After repeated calls from the Chair,
order was to some extent restored, when
A AJpeoria Bradley (negro) arose and
said : Mr. President and gentlemen of
the Convention : I rose here for the pur
pose of moving a reconsideration, and so
far as I had any allusion to the gentleman,
I have been entirely misunderstood. I
have the best possible feeling in my heart
toward him (IN. L. Trammell), and in
stead of intending this for any offence, I
intended light the other way. I expected
he would say to me, “Let me see the let
ter,” and then I intended to tell him
where it was, and it is in the hands of
Col. Farrow. I have the best possible
feelings toward the President—the very
best in every sense of the word. I intend
ed to teli hin. that his name was mention
ed in a letter that referred to somebody
here of which he had some knowledge ; 1
intended to show the letter to the member
from Gordon (Trammell). lie is not
mentioned in it at all. The party that sent j
me the letter referred me to the President '
and to other parties, because they wanted
to help Die out of this matter ; and if I
used language that did not convey that
idea, it was particularly unfortunate for j
me.
Bradley proceeded at seme length, and
we give the above verbatim , as we consid
er it contains the entire drift of his vindi
' cation. He then retired from the half,
i and sooth to say, many mournful and dis
appointed faces remained behind. When
he had left the hall,
| UV M Miller rose and addressed the
1 Convention :
! He did not rise to discuss the merits of
the resolution just laid on the table. His
: object was to bear testimony to the high
| moral and social reputation of the family
jof the delegate from Gordon. He had
| known his father aDd all the younger mem
i hereof his family, and knew that the slan
ders attempted to be cast upon them might
; be attributed with equal justice to any
other family in Geargia.
A T Akerman endorsed most heartily
the sentiments of the last speaker.
Several members who had supported
Bradley up torihe last moment, expressed
their disapprobation of his conduct—many
1 of them Gtltorsiti. They were willing to vote
; for his expttteion, but if the pressure had
not-beeome so great, they would have sup
ported him still. It is well to make a
virtue of necessity.
On motion of R B Bullock, the follow
ing resolution was ordered to be spread
1 upon the minutes:
Resolved, That in the outrageous insinu
’ ations and charges made by the delegate
from Chatham, A A Bradley, who has
been expelled from this Convention, we
recognize only the malicious mouthing? of
\ an irresponsible person, and it is the
unanimous opinion of this body that
nothing in the falsehoods which the dele
gate has uttered can be regarded as detract
ing from the high social position and stand
ing of the gentlemen and their families
who were thus assailed.
The resolution of expulsion was put and
the ayes and ngys called, when it was pass
ed by a unanimous vote of the house.
On motion the Sergeant-at-Arras was di
rected to escort the negro before the bar of
the house for the purpose of hearing the
judgment of the house.
FRANCHISE.
The report of the Franchise Committee
was taken up, when the substitute of ;
H v M Miller was read, and, alter some
discussion, adopted as follows :
Section 3. The General Asseihbly may
provide, from time to time, lor the regis- j
(ration of ail electors, but the following
ciuiseg of persons shall not be permitted to !
register, or vote, or hold office r First—
Those who shad _ have been convicted of j
treason, embezzlement of public funds, j
malfeasance in office, crime punishable by
Gw with imprisonmen' in the penitentiary, ;
or bribery. Second—Those who are idiots
or insane. 1 i
The Sergeant-at-Arms arrived and re
ported that a search had been made for A
Alpeoria Bradley, but he!was nowhere to
be found.
ihe Convention soon after, on motion,
adjourned.
Iho following is the letter referred to in
the Bradley case, and was forwarded,
with the accompanying, to L N Tram
mell :
Atlanta, February 12.1868.
A L Irauuneii:
Bear Sir I herewith enclose ycu the i
letter alluded to this motning by the ex
pelled member Bradley. It has no date as
to the lime or place, nor has it any signa- 1
alludes to the President < f the Convention,
as a person from whom Mr. Bradley could,
perhaps, gain information concerning the
libel therein contained. The said Bradley
was exhibiting it around,: and upon exhibit
ing itto me, I informed! him that I once
lived in the same county with the Presi
dent, and that it in no way made any in
sinuations against him. Believing I recog
nized the handwriting,' and believing I
knew who the writer was maliciously en
, deavoring to injure, I immediately procur
ed possession of the document, with a view
to its suppression. About two weeks after
I thus suppressed the mischievous letter,
the said Bradley called pn me lor it—last
i Monday—but I refused to let him have it,
' as I knew he wished to ! produce mischief.
From the time it came [nto my possession
! until after the allusion tio it this morniug,
i it remained in my law office, and no oue
.-•aw it. You are at libejrty to make such
i use of this letter and thje enclosed as you
may think proper.
Very respectfully, etc.,
Henry P. Farrow.
: A. R. Bradley, Esq.:
Sir : Some men are frying to expel you
i from the Convention. Tiiey have no right
to do' it. It you are guilty, as charged,
j you are better than others who have not
i been convicted. There is one delegate io
i the Convention who, it is reported. se
| dueed his wife’s sister und got a child by
; her, and if they try to expel you, bring
this up; call on them to expel all who
have seduced negro and white women too.
i Ask your President, J R Parrott, if he
: does not know a delegate who has seduced
his sister-in-law. I suggest that you in
| troduce a resolution to appoint a commit
| tec to inquire iuto and ileport all delegates
who have been guilty of seduction of
either black or white '.tomen 1 refer you
to A M Franklin, W II Pritchett, j A
Howard and J J Jones, all of Cartersville,
Ga., as witnesses.
The motion to spread upon the minutes
prevailed.
forty-fourth day.
Thursday, Feb. 13th, 1868.
The Convention opened with prayer—
Parrott in the Chair.
The journal was read.
The following resoiut,on, offered on the
previous evening by B. G. Cotting, was
taken up and read :
Whereas, Some unauthorized person
has undertaken to inatitjate proceedings in
the Supreme Court of the United Stntes,
in the name of [the State of Georgia vs.
General Grant and Myade, and others :
therefore
Resolved , By this Convention, repre
senting the people and sovereignty of the
State of Georgia, that n) person has been
empowered, by any statute of this State,
or by any ordinance of this Convention, to
commence or prosecute any such suit, and
that the people of Georgia, as plaintiffs,
will not litigate said suit, and demand that
it be dismissed from said Court.
Resolved, That as it Imay be necessary
that an attorney should be employed to
represent the State of Georgia in said
suit, the Hon. B II Bigham, of Troup
county, be authorized and empowered to
represent the State in tfle above mention
ed ease before the Supreme Court, and
procure the dismissal of the same.
A T Akertnan thought it would bo im
prudent on the part of the Convention to
take any action in the matter. They might
send a lawyer to Washington, and he
would go into court and say that he rep
resented the State o|f Georgia. The
Judge would ask him by what authority
he represented the State of Georgia. He
would say that he roc lived his authority
from the Convention, a,nd then- he would
be told that that was the very question in
volved in the trial pending, and it was tor
that court to decide on the constitution
ality of that Convention. The real issue
in the case lav between the President and
Congress, and it would not be well for
them to interfere.
1111 Whiteley thought that as Congress
had taken the matter into its own hands,
the Convention ought not to interfere.
C II Prince moved t[ie -previous ques
tion. The motion was ,sustained.
The rules were suspended and the main
question put; lost —yeas 48, nays 55.
franchise.
The 4th section was fakcAup, and read
as follows: , |
Ail persons before registering must take
and subscribe to the following oath : “I,
will support and maintain the Constitution
and laws of the United! States, and the
Constitution and laws of Georgia; that I
am not excluded from registering by any
of the clauses of section 3, article —, of
the Constitution of Gebrgia; that I will
never countenance or aid in the secession
of this State from the United States. So
help me God.” I
R II Whiteley moved that the whole
section be btrieken out. !
F Blodgett hoped the [notion would not
prevail.
J E Bryant could not see any good
reason why the section should be stricken
out.
J E Blount supported the motion to
strike out. He thought they should not
be legislating for the past, but for the
future. He thought thejy should legislate
for posterity, lie was uu prophet, but if
there was one thing he knew better than
another, it was the minds of the people,
and he knew there was nt> ground for fear
in the future that certain men would get
into office if they did not put restrictions on
the organic law. He regretted that such
fears should get into the hearts of states
men who come there for the purpose of
framing good laws. He was satisfied the
Union spirit was sound in Georgia, and
they did not ask any ode s so long as they
acted as honest and patriotic men. lie
did not want the people of Georgia to be
dragged into the Union by the hair of the
head, but like men deserving a place in
that great and glorious Union.
J L Dunning offered tho following
amendment :
All electors, if required to register, must
take and subscribe the following oath:
“I, ,do solemnly swear (or affirm)
that I will support and maintain the Con
stitution and laws of the United States,
and the Constitution and laws of Georgia ;
and that I will never countenance nor aid
in the secession of this State from the
United States. So help me God.”
After some discussion, J L Dunning
begged leave to withdraw the above
amendment, which was granted. He rhen
moved to strike out the words “persona” i
and “before” in the first jline, and insert
the words “electors, if required. ”
11 H Whiteley moved the previous ;
question, when the amendment of J L I
Dunning was lost—yeas 69, nays 25.
The motion of It H Whiueley to strike j
out was next put, when it prevailed—yeas
72. nays .60. j
The sth section was taken up, which
read as follows:
Electors shall in all cases, except treason,
felony or breach of the pence, be privileged
from arrest by civil process for five days
before the first day of elec don, on the day
of election, and two days subsequent to the
last day of election.
C H Prince moved' the section be
adopted. _
R H Whiteley moved to strike out the
words “and civil process.’ .
The ayes and nays were called for,,, and
rescltcd as follows: ayei 71, nays CO.
Carried.
The section was adopted as amended.
Section 6th was read, as follows:
It shall be the duty of the General As
sembly to enact adequate laws giving pro
tection against the evils arising from the
use of intoxicating liquors at elections.
J Murphy'moved the following ;üb-ti
tu*e:
The sale of intoxicating liquors on elec
tion days in this State is hereby forever
j prohibited.
The substitute was adopted.
Section 7th was read, as follows :
Returns of elections for {all civil officers
I elected by the people, who fare to be com
! missioned by the Governor], and also for
i the members of the Genjeral Assembly,.
| shall be made to the Secretary of State,
; unless otherwise provided by the General
j Assembly.
1 The section was adopted Without amend
• ment. i
■ Section is. It shall be tfie duty of the
; General Assembly to enactl adequate laws
1 giving protection to electors, before, dur
i ing and subsequent to elections.
I Adopted without amendment.
_ Section 9. The election of Governor,
: Senators and Representatives shall be on
i Tuesday after the first Monday in Novem
ber, unless otherwise provided by the
Genera] Assembly.
<f E Biount moved that the word
“November” be stricken oijitand the word
“October” inserted.
Some discussion ensued, after which the
previous question was moved and the
section adopted as amendet, as follows : j
The election of Governor, members of’
Congress, Senators and Representatives,
after the year 186a, shaK commence on
the Tuesday after the first Monday in -
November, unless otherwise provided" by
the General Assembly.
Section 10th was next taken tip and
read, as follows : . gtrr
All qualified electors and none others,
shall be pligib-.e to any office in this State j
unless du-quaiified by the Constitution of
of this State, or by the Constitution of the |
United States.
W T Crane moved to injsert after the ;
word “electors” the words “who have
been citizens of the United States- for
seven vokrs "
H \ M Miller called for the ayes anl
nays on the amendment.
The ayes and nays were called and re
sulted, ayes 31, nays 89. Lost.
Mr. Harris, of Newton, moved to strike
out the section.
H K McKay moved to arneud by insert- 1
ing after the “electors” the words :
"citizens of the United States who can
read and subscribe the oath of office.”
L N Trammell said: lie would address !
hiruself to the main question, which Was to
strike out the 10th section. He came to '
the Convention for the purpose of adopting
the requirements of the acts of Congress—■
not that he considered them just, or wise,
or constitutional —on the contrary, he
thought them illegal, unjust, UDwise, and
unconstitutional—but for the purpose of
restoring peace, quietude, and order to his
distracted country. He had ever held that
this is a Whiteman’s government; that it
was made by the white man, and that, it
should be governed by the white man ; but
as hi-s State bad been overpowered in its
revolution, and was suffering all tl>e calami
ties attendantupon defeat and subjugation,
he had made up his mind to comply with
the requirements of the laws of the con
queror.
The Republican party would be com
pelled to do this, because it was a matter
of self preservation, and if it was incor
porated iu the Constitution it was certain
to be defeated. This was a matter of ne
cessity with the Republican party. They
had knocked that plank out of the plat
form iu Ohio when Hayes was a candidate,
and they were certain to do it iu the Presi
dential campaign. He denied that it was
General Grant's intention to give them
offices, or the control of the Southern
States, of making of them St. Domingos.
Chase's position would be qualified suf
frage, and it would be so with tho Re
publican party, because _ necessity com
pelled that party to make if so.
T P Saffold wanted to know for informa
tion sake where the speaker got his au
thority from regarding Grant’s position.
Mr. Trammell said he had got it, from
the public prints, and what the general
belief was as regarded General Grant’s
opinions.
J E Bryant would like to know from
what public prints he had derived his in
formation.
Mr. Trammell hadnot time to enumerate.
He had never read the Loyal Georgian
but once, and consequently he had not got
it from that paper. (Laughter.)
Mr. Trammell dwelt with much force
and at considerable length on the horrors
that must inevitably result from the placing
of tho blacks in office, and he warned them
to be careful and to weigh well what they
were doing belbre they consummated such
an outrage.
We regret that we cannot give a length
ened report of his speech, which was pow
erful, and did not fall in vain upou the
ears of those who heard it.
The Convention, on motion, adjourned.
FORTY-FIFTH DAY.
Friday’, February 14th, 1868.
The Convention opened with prayer—
Parrott, in the Chair.
The Journal was read.
P Martin offered the following resolu
tion :
Be it ordained by the People of Georgia
in Convention Assembled , That the bill re
cently filed by ex-Govcrnor C J Jenkins
in the United States Supreme Court,
against Generals Grant, Meade and others,
officers of the United States, does not re
ceive the approbation of this Convention,
but on the contrary its unqualified con
demnation.
The rules were not suspended.
FRANCHISE.
The consideration of the 10th section
was resumed this morning, and
A T Akermau addressed the Conven
tion.
11 Iv McCay withdrew his amendment
offered the ptevious day, and the main
question, oil motion, was takeu up, which
was that of Mr. Harris, of Newton, to
strike out the entire section.
The ayes and nays were called, when the
motion to strike out was carried —ayes
125, nays 12.
On motion the report of the Committee
on Franchise was referred to the Commit
tee ou Revision.
On motion, the resolution of BG Cot
ting, published in our issue of yesterday,
was taken up, amended and adopted as
follows:
Whereas, Some unauthorized person
has undertaken to institute proceedings in
the Supreme Court of the United States
in the name of the State of Georgia vs.
Generals Grant, Meade, and other officers
of the United States: therefore
Resolved by this Convention, representing
the people, and sovereignty of Georgia,
That no person has been authorized by the
State of Georgia to commence or prosecute
any such suit, and that the people will not
litigate such suit.
And be it further resolved, That a copy
of this resolution be forwarded by the
President of this Convention to the Mili
tary Governor of this State, with instruc
tions to have the great seal of the State
placed upon it, and to have the same for
warded to the Secretary of War of the
United States.
On motion of Foster Blodgett, the rules
were suspended and the following resolu
tion taken up:
Resolved, That a committee of seven be
appointed by the President to prepare and
report for the consideration of this Conven
tion a substitute for the 32d section of the
Bill of Rights, in relation to the home
stead.
The following were appointed as the
Committee: Blodgett, Blount, Hotchkiss,
Grove, Crane, Bedford and Miller.
LEGISLATIVE DEPARTMENT.
R II Whiteley moved that the report
of the Committee of the Legislative De
partment be taken up. The motion was
seconded, and the report taken up, It
read as follows:
Sec I. 1. The Legislative, Executive
I and J udicial Departments shall be distinct;
and each department shall be confided to
a separate body of magistracy. No per
son or collection of persons, being of one
department, shall exercise any power
properly attached to either of the others,
except in cases herein expressly provided.
2. The Legislative power shall be vested
in a General Assembly, which consists of
a Senate aud House of Representatives,
the members whereof shall lie elected, and
the returns of the election made as now
i prescribed by law, until changed by the
General Assembly.
1 3. The members of the Senate shall be
elected for four years, except that the
members elected at the first election, from
the tweuly-two Senatorial Districts, num
bered in this constitution with old numbers
shall only hold their office for two years.
The members of the Home of Representa
tives shall be elected for two years. The
election for members of the General
Assembly shall he on the first vVednesday
in October of every second year, except
the first election, whichshall be within
days after the adjournment es this Con
vention, but the Legislature may, by law,
change the day of election, and the mem
bers shall each hold until their successors
are elected and qualified.
4. The first meeting of the General As
sembly shall be within days after the
adjournment of this Convention, after
which it shall meet annually on the first
Thursday in November, or on such other
day as the General Assembly may prescribe.
A majority of each .House shall constitute
a quorum to transact business, but a
smaller number may adjourn from day to ,
day and compel the presence of its absent
members, .as each House may providy. No
session of the General Assembly, after the 1
first above mentioned, shall continue longer
than forty days, unless prolonguedby avote j
of two-thirds of cacli branch thereof.
5. No person holding any military com
mission or other appointment of office,
having any emolument or compensation
annexed thereto, under this State or the
United States, or either of them, except
Justices of the Inferior Court, J ustices of
tho I’eace, and officers of the Militia, not
any defaulter for public money, or for any
legal taxes required of him, shall have a
seat in either House. Nor shall any Sena
tor or Representative, after hi? qualifica
tion as such, be elected by the General As
sembly or appointed by the Governor,
either with or without the advice and con
sent of two-thirds of the Senate, to any
office or appointment,- having any emolu
ment annexed thereto, during the time ftp
which he shall have been elected.
6. No person convicted of any felony or
larceny before any court of this State, or
of or in the United'Btates, shall be eligi
ble to any office or appointment of honor
or trust within; this State, unless he shall
"have been pardoned. ;
- 7. No person who is the holder of any
public moneys shall be eligible to any
office in this State, until the same is ac
counted for and paid into the Treasury.
8. The seat of a memberof either House
shall be vacated on his removal from the
district from which he was elected.
Sec. 11. ]. There shall be lorty-four
Senatorial Districts in this State, com
posed each of three contiguous counties,
from each of which Districts one Senator
shall be chosen. Until they are otherwise
arranged as hereinafter provided, the said
Districts shall be constituted of counties as
follows : (Re-establishes present military
districts.)
If anew county it shall
be added to a district which it adjoins and
from which the larger portion of its terri
tory is taken. The Senatorial Districts
may be changed by the Genial Assembly,
but only at the firttsession after the taking
qf each census by the United States Gov
ernment, and their number shall never be
increased.
2. No person shall be Senator who shall
not have attained the age of 24 years, be a
citizen of tho United States, and tor three
years a citizen of this State, and for one
year a resident of the district from which
he is chosen.
3. The presiding officer shall be styled
tho President of the Senate, aud shall be
elected viva nee from (he body. - ■
4. The Senate shall have i lie sole pow
er to try all impeachments. When -itting
lor that purpose, the members shall Le on
oath or affirmation, and shall be presided
over by one of the Judges of the Supreme
Court, selected lor that purpose by a vita
7 0te Ser f te ; and no person
shall be convicted without the concurrence
of two-thirds cl the members present
Judgment in cases of impeachment shall
not extend further than aft oval' from
! otneound disqualification to hold and en
| joy .my office of honor, trus t or profit with
: in this State, but the party convicted shall
! nevertheless be liable and subject to in
| diettuent, trial, judgment aud punishment
according to law.
Sec. 111. 1. The House of Represent
atives shall be composed of one member
lrom each county in this Slate.
2. No person shall be a Representative
who shall not have attained the age of
twenty-one years, be a citizen of the
United State.- , and has been for three years
a citizen of this State, aud for one year a
resident ol the county which he represents,
immediately preceding his election -
J. The presiding officer of the House of
Representatives shall be styled the speaker
and shall be elected Viva voce from the
body.
4. l'he House of Representatives shall
have the sole power to impeach all persons
who shall have been or may be in office.
5. All bills for raising revenue or ap
propriating money shah originate in the
House of Representatives, but the Senate
mav propose or concur in amendments
as in other bills.
Sec. IV. l. Each House shall be the
judge of the election returns and qualifica
tions ol its members, and shall have power
to_ punish them for disorderly behavior or
misconduct by censure, line, imprisonment
or expulsion, hut no member shall be ex
pelled except by a vote of two thirds of the
House from which he is expelled.
2. Each House may punish by imprison
ment, not extending beyond the session,
any person not a member who shall be
guilty of a contempt by any disorderly be
havior in its presence, or who during the
session shall threaten injury to the person
or e-tate of any member for anything said
or done in either House, or who shall as
sault any members going to or returning
therefrom, or who shall rescue or attempt
to rescue any person arrested by order of
either House.
3. Tito members of both Houses shail
be tree item arrest during their attendance
oa the General Assembly, aud in going to
or returning therefrom, except for treason,
felony, larceny, or breach of the peace ;
and no member shail be liable to answer in
any other place for anything spoken iu de
bate in either House.
4. Each 1 louse shall keep a journal of
Us proceedings, and publish them imme
diately alter its adjournment. The yeas
and nays of tho members ou any question
shall, at the desire of one-fifth of its mem
bers present, be entered on the journals.
The original journals shall be preserved,
after publication, in the office of the Sec
retary of State; but there shall be no
other record thereof.
5. Every bill, before it shall pass, shall
be read three times, and on three and dis
tinct days in each House, unless in eases
of actual invasion or insurrection. Not
shall any law or ordinance pass which re
fers to more than one subject-matter, or
contains niatter didefeat from what is ex
pressed iu the title thereof
C. Ail acts shall be signed by the Presi
dent of the Senate and the Speaker of
the House of Representatives; and no bill,
ordinance, or resolution, intended to have
the effect of a law, which shall have been
rejected by either House, shall bs again
proposed under the same or any other
title, without the consent of two-thirds of
the House by which the same was re
jected.
7. Neither House bhall adjourn for more
than three days, nor to any other place,
without the consent of the other; and in
case of disagreement between the two
Houses on a question of adjournment, the
Governor may adjourn either or both of
them.
8. The officers of the two Houses,
other than the President and Speaker,
shall be a Secretary of the Senate and
Clerk of tho House, and an Assistant for
each, a Journalizing Clerk, two Jingross
ing and two Enrolling Clerks for each
House ; and the number shall not be in
creased, except by a two-thirds vote of the
House. And their per diem pay, as well
as the pay and mileage of the members,
shall be fixed by law, in the passage of
which two-thirds of the members of each
House shall concur. Whenever -this Con
stitution requires a vote of two-thirds of
either or both Houses iot the passing of
an act or resolution, the yeas and nays on
tho passage therfif shall he entered on the
journal or journals. And ail votes on con
firmations or refusals to confirm nomina
’ tions to office by the Governor shall be by
yeas and nays ; and the yeas and nays
shall be recorded on the Journal. Every
Senator and Representative, before taking
his seat, shall take an oath or affirmation
to support the Constitution of tire United
States ; that he has not practiced any un
lawful means, directly or indirectly, to
procure his election, and that he has not
given, or offered, or promised, or caused
to be given, or offered, or promised, to
any person, any morey, treat, or thing, ot
value, with intent to affect any vote, or to
prevent any per son voting at the election
at which he was elected.
Sec. V.—i. The General Assembly shall
have power to make ail laws and ordi
nances, consistent with the Constitution
and not repugnant to the Constitution ot
the United States, which they shall deem
necessary and proper for the welfare of tho
State.
2. Hie General Assembly may alter the
boundaries of. or lay off and establish new
counties, attaching the territory thereof to
contiguous counties, but no new counties
sUaii be os tab ,-he-i but by a vote of two
thirds ol each House, nor shall any county
be abolished except ova vote of two-thirds
of each House, anu after the qua tied
voters Ci the county shall, at an election
held for the purpose, de-ire.
3. ’The General Assembly shall have
K>wer, by a vote of two-thirds of each
ouse, to grant pardons in cast sos final
conviction for treason, and ta pardon or
commute after final conviction in capital
cases, but the Governor may veto, as in
other cases, and if he should do so, the
pardon shall have no force unless re-passed
by a two thirds vote, as is provided in
other cases of vetoes.
4. The General Assembly shall have
power to repeal or modify any charter
granted cither by tho Genera! Assembly or
by the courts.
Sec. \ I 1. No money shall be drawn
from the Treasury, except by appropriation
made by law, and a regular statement and
account of the receipt and expenditure of
all public money shail be published from
time to time.
2. No vote, resolution, law or order shall
pass, granting a donation or gratuity in
favor of any person, except by the concur
rence of two-thirds of each mat eh of the
General Assembly.
3. No law or section of the Code shall be
aunulied or repealed by mere reference to
its title or to the number of the section in
the Code, but the amending or repealing
act shall distinctly and fully describe the
law to he amended or repealed :o well as
the alteration to be made.
4. No law shall be passed by which a
citizen shall be comp- lied, against his con
sent, directly or indirectly, to become a
stockholder in or contribute to any railroad
or work of public improvement ixecpt in
tho case of the inhabitants of a corporate
town or oity. In such cases the General
Assembly way permit the corporate au
thorities to take such stock, or make such
contribution, or engage in such work after
two-thirds of the qualified voters of such
town or city shall, at any election held for
the purpose, have voted in favor of the
same, but not otherwise.
0. The General Assembly shall Lave
power to grant corporate powers and
1 privileges to private companies, except to
banking, insurance, railroad, canal, navi
. gation, mining, lumber, manufacturing
and telegraph companies; nor to make or
: change election precincts; nor to establish
! bridges and ferries; nor io change names
of legitimate emtdreo; but ii sbaii p, ibe,
by law, the manner in wnich suen powers
i shall be exercised by the courts. But no
charter for any company shall be granted
j or extended, and no_ act passed authoriz
i lag. the suspension of specie payments by
! any bank, except by a vote of two-thirds
;of the General Assembly. The General
1 Assembly shall Lave no power to grant any
{'charter without a provision therein for tho
personal liability of the stockholders for
the ultimate-payment of the debts of the
same, and with a specific, speedy and
effectual mode therein pointed out by
which that liability may be enforced. The
General Assembly shall pass no law
, making the State a stockholder in any
■ corporate eompany ; nor shall the credit
; of the State be granted or loaned to aid
any company without the concurrence of
two-thirds of both Houses; nor without a
provision that the whole property of the
! company shall be bound for the security of
: the State prior to any other debt or lien;
nor to any company in which there is not
already aD equal amount invested by pri
vate persons; nor for any other object
than a work of public improvement. The
General Assembly shall gram no charter
or permission for any Lottery, and shall,
by law, provide adequate penalties to pro
hibit the salp of lottery tickets iu this ritate.
The General Assembly shall have no power
to appropriate money, except for the
support of the government, the perserva
tioii and repair of the public property, tho
payment of the public debt, provision for
the common defence, ana such other pur
poses us the Geueral Assembly is specially’
required or empowered to accomplish by
the Constitution. No provision in this
Constitution for a two-thirds vote of both
Bouse* of the General Assembly shall
be construed to waive the necessity of the
signature of the Governor, as in any other
cases, except in the case ot the two-third
