Georgia Historic Newspapers

    <>M> SERIES, VOL. LXXVI.
Clue nick & Sentinel.
JliWllY moouk.
A. It. WltlfJIIT.
J* A THICK WAI.SH, Associate Editor.
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AUGUSTA. OA *
AEBMUIHY MIHtAIMi. AIW3T t».
Valuable Document*.
At a very considerable outlay of time
and money we have scoured and printed
accurate at.d fuM report* of the greet
speeches made by Messrs. Toombs, Cobb
and Hill at the Atlanta Mass Meeting.
'I hese speeches have been revised and
corrected l>y the distiaguiehed authors and
hence n:ay he lobeed on a faithful
representation of their views upon the
greet questions on whieh tLey treat.
Jbcscare the moat va liable Campaign
Documents which can be circulated among
the people during the present canvass.
1 hey contain all the information which
the people need to enable them to makua
wise decision upon the merits of the two
great part ie» now Lefore the country with
tl.cir respective candidates.
These speeches should have a wide cir
culation in every portion of the State.
W e have placed the./i at so low a price—
just enough to cover the oust of paper aud
limiting—that Democratic Clubs in all
the different counties cap procure them
with a very small outlay of money. We
invite orders from our friends throughout
the State, and our adjoining sister States.
Tint Athens and Clayton Kutlruad.
Wo direct the earnest attention of our
reader.-, and particularly the members of
the Legislature, to the communication, in
this day’s paper, ou the subject of State
aid to railroads. The writer is one of the
ablest and most experienced railroad men
in the South, and, as a financier and
statesman, stands second to none.
Nor housteru Georgia has been sadly
neglected heretofore by the Legislature.
The people of that suction have willingly
and freely contributed, by thier votes and
their taxes, to the improvement, aud
development of other sections of the State.
They now ask that something shall be done
to improve and dovolopo their own rich
and fertile and salubrious suction.
Our correspondent promises to return
again to this subject. We know that it is a
matter of absorbing interest to our readers
and wo shall endeavor to keep them well
posted.
Heath of Thaddeus Stevens.
The telegraph announces the death of
this individual Wednesday. Living, hewa,
abhorred by honorable tueu; duad, no
patriot’s tears will be shed for his memory.
Stovall's Warehouse.— Col. M. I’.
Stovall has secured the warehouse on
.Jackson street rtbar the river. It has the
advantage of being isoluted and lire proof.
With ample room and dll the necessary
facilities, the Colonel is entitled aud will,
doubtless, receive a liberal share of pat
ronage. Bee his card in another column.
From Texas. —From a private letter
received by an attache of this office, from
Ked River County, Texas, we extract the
following:
“We are having a very warm summer
here and seasonable. Our crops are line—
the host prospect for crops we have ever
had in tllisoountry, both cotton and corn.
If 1 wauted to buy corn now J could en
gage it at 15 to 20 cents per bushel. Fork
is plenty and will be worth at killing time
3) to 4 cents. Reef is fine and plenty,
and worth at this time 11 to 2 cents. The
health of the county is good.”
Fitterkr Fleming, Esq.— This gentle
man has been long and favorably known in
connection witli the mercantile interests of
our city. His many friends will be grati
tiiod to learn that, after an interval of
several years, ho has determined to re
sume his old business —the storage and sale
of cotton and other produce. He has
made arrungemdhts for storage iu the lire -
proof waichouse of Mr. A. Poullain,
corner Frond and Jackson streets. Mr.
Fleming will, in every instance, give his
personal attention to the business. Tho
attention of our planting friends aud the
public generally is respectfully invited to*
his card, which will be found in another
column.
Mercer University.— The Fall term
of this well and favorably known Institu
tion will op*n on 20th August. The
Uuiversity is ably presided over by the
llov. 11. H. Tucker, D. D.. who is assist
ed by a talented oorys of Professors. Pen
field, iu whieh the University is located, is
a very pleasant and refined village.
University High School, Athens,
La. —Wo invite attentiou to the adver
tisement of this school, to lie found in
another column. The High School is the
preparatory department of the University
of Georgia, in which .students are thor
oughly prepared to enter tiro higher classes
of the University. There will be a few
vacancies iu the llßh School ou the Ist
September, which will be filled by tho
first applicants. Hoard aud tuition are
very moderate.
Rapical Honestt. —We learn from
the Dahlonega Signal that mail agent P,
H. Woodward arrested the postmaster at
that place, W. 11. Price, oa the Ist inst.,
on tht> charge of abstraving certain cheeks
from ih > Post ffico. Price paid up the
value of the cheeks *ud was released,
lie left the place immediately. The <Sig
nal thinks he has stolen a considerable
amount. He is a Radical.
Planchettk.—This is an electrical toy,
something on the order of spirit rappings,
and is creating no little interest and ex
citemcnt wherever it is introduced. It
consists of a heart shaped piece of wood on
castors, with a lead pencil ran through it.
Parties using it place the tips of their
fingers on it, and as soon as it is sufficient
ly churned it perambulates on the paper
on which it is placed, answering any
question that may be asked it, in the most
facile and surprising way. The hand
writing is not very good, but rather better
than that of a "Philadelphia Lawyer " For
it can b 1 read very easily. It is indeed a
wouh : tl and amusing toy, and can be
bad at S, hreiuer’s in this city.
r.NHKD States Patent Laws.—We
have revived from Mtinu 4 IV, Solicitors
of Patents, 37 Park llow, New York, a
very ise.toy ptinted jawphlet with the
foregoing title. It emtaius full instruc
tions how to obtain Letters Patent for
new inventions, 4a, together with a
variety of useful information ooncerning
the rules aud practice of the patent offie>,
and valuable tables, calculations, problems,
4c.
Rt.\st Bitter in AroiJSTA —We Un
derstand that Beast Butler or one of his
disciples, entered the residence of Mr. P.
Stellings two or three uights since aud 6tole
all the Slicer spoons aud forks on the
premises, and, as if not satisfied with the
booty he had obtained, the silver castors
were also captured aud carried to the back
of the garden, where the eru ts were left
aud the silver carried off. This is another
warning to our citizens to he on their guard,
for if Beast Butler is absent in person, his
minions are around. Silver and gold com
mand a high premium at this time, and
every effort wifi be made to obtain them
either by fair or false preteuce. Again
we say look out for the Beast and his
cohorts.
Meeting hi the 2Bth 1 enatorlal Dis
trict.
We are glad to see that the Democrats
of the 29th Senatorial District, embracing
the counties of Walker, Columbia and Lin
coln, are agitating the propriety of holding,
at aB early day, a grand district mass meet
ing at some central and convenient point.
The Washington Lunette of the 7th con
tains the proceedings of a meeting held in
that place on Tuesday last, in whieh the
District meeting was discussed and a com
mittee appointed to act with the clubs of
j Columbia arid Lincoln as to the time and
I place for the Bia«s meeting.
AshtMirn’s Family,
she Philadelphia / ’rent (Forney’s) con
tain.! a letter from Macon, calling on the
Northern Radicals for contributions for the
support of Ash burn’s family. We should
not have noticed the matter but for the
fact i hat tLis aid is sought on the ground
that by Ashburn s death his family have
been deprived of the support which he
afforded them while in life, and because Lc
was a martyr to the Radical cause.
We wish to advise the Northern people
of the fact that Aoliburri, previous to his
death, had abandoned his family, and was j
living with a dirty negro strumpet in
Columbus. IJis wife and young children,
we are informed, were living with and
supported by Mr. J. M. Jones, of Macon,
whose wile was a cousin of Ashburn.
The letter to which we allude states, also,
that this gentleman had “fort all hi* prop
erly by the war," This will be news to
Mr. J. and his friends in Macon.
We do not wish to prevent the good and
charitable of the land from extending to
the needy family of Ashburn all the aid
whieh their means will allow. We do
insist, hpwever, that this should not be
sought for ou the grounds that, by Ash
burn’s death, they have been deprived of
the support which, as a husband and
father, he was bound to extend to them,
ife spent what money he could raise upon
negro women of the lowest class, and left
his wife and children to the care, and pro
tection, aud support, of strangers iu blood.
Negro Incendiary Arrested.
A negro calling himself Charley Jones
has been arrested an:i coufined ia jail in
Hancock County, to answer charges made
against him there, of an attempt to force
the negroes into a military organization
which he said he had instructions and or
ders to raise.
These forces were ordered to rendezvous
at Mayfield on tho 14th, from whence, he
said, they were to be transported to At
lanta to report to Gen. Meade for duty.
He claimed to have full authority to com
pel all able-bodied negro men to enlist;
and told the poor deluded negroes that he
received his orders through Rill Hale of
Augusta.
The object ot the army which ho was
raising, he gave the uegroes to understand,
was to kill all tho Democrats. Borne of
the Hancock negroes thought this was
rather too “ big a thing” and refused to
comply with Jones’order. They also re
ported his presence in the county and tho
objects and purposes he had in view, and
when warned of the very serious conse
quence which might follow his revolution
ary teachings and the violation of the laws
which ho was committing, they arrested
him end took him before a magistrate, by
whom ho was committed to jail.
The negroes who disclosed the incendia
ry teachings aud acts of this desperate
villain deserves the commendation of all
good men. We urge the colored people,
everywhere, to follow their example and
promptly report all men, whether they be
black or white, who attempt to stir up
strife or inaugurate a conflict between the
two races. Tho black people are deeply
interested in the preservation of the pub
lic peace. They know that in the cultiva
tion of friendly relations with the whites
lies their only true prosperity and happi
ness. They know, also, that if they pre
cepitate a coufiict with the white race they
must certainly go to the wall. Ia such a
eontiiot the result would be by ne means
doubtful.
Let us have peace—and not a peace only
whieh, floating on the surface, shows an
apixtreiH friendship between the races,hut
a peace in truth aud fact based upon those
j friendly, ieeliugs which ought to exist be
i tween us aud be preserved by mutual
I forbearance and kindness.
1 We have not heretofore regarded Bill
j Hale as an incendiary. It is true that his
i associates have lor some time past beeu
very bad. Ho has been in close affiliation
with Blodgett, Bryant aud Cos., and such
associates must injure any one. His name
l is given by Jones as tho person through
j whom he received his orders.
Keller—A Plan Suggested.
In previous articles which we have writ
ten upon this subject we think wo have
conclusively established the fact—if the
history of the past had not already de- i
monstrated it—that stay laws afford no j
adequate relief to the debtor class, while
they inflict most grievous wrong and in- j
jury upon the largo number of people in
the State known as the creditor class.
We have admitted, also, what no man
at all familiar with the condition of the
people of the State will attempt to deny,
that the losses sustained by the people
through the disastrous results of the war,
and their impoverished and almost uni
versally baukrupt condition now, appeals
not only to the generosity aud forbearance
of those who aro 60 favored by fortnrie
as to have a considerable balance in their
favor ou the credit side of the world’s
balance sheet, but to their sense of Justice
and Equity. If our people had become
bankrupt by indulging in wild afid inju
dicious speculations, by reckless over
trading, by injudicious investments, or any
of the various expedients usually resorted
i to by the hold, and reckless, and indiscreet
trader, toamass wealth quickly and heavily,
however much the community might have
sympathised in their mislbrtunes, the pub
lic mind, by common consent, would have
reached the conclusion that as they had
taken the chances to win great wealth aud
lost in the venture, they must patiently
submit to their fate—the fate of all who,
without due regard for their ultimate con
dition, take such rash and reckless chanous.
Now if it be true that the debtor has lost
; by no fault of his own four fifths of his
ability to meet his obligations—and lost it
• by the destruction of that species of prop
i erty which both regarded as the founda
tion of the credit, we submit that
neither religion nor good morals, law nor
equity requires that ail the losses su-taiu
; ed by the war should be made to lail ex
-1 eiusively upon one class —the debtors of
the State. Uoturnon sense, equity and
: good conscience alike demand, that those
, losses, so without fault sustained, should
j be distributed and equalized so that they
may be borue equally by both classes who
j had traded in reference to the class of prop
j erty thus lost or destroyed by the results
j of the war.
Iu the absence of the precise figures
, furnished by the census statistics of 1860
the last taken —we can only approximate
i the relative values of the different kinds
of property owned by our people at the
: commencement aud close of the war. We
} believe that among the agricultural por
. tionofour population negro slaves consti
■ tuted tour-fifths in value of their whole
j property. This was swept away by a single
j dash of the pen, guided aud enforced by
| the point of the bayonet. By this loss
, the people became, to that extent, less
able to meet their obligations.
When credit had been extended to them
j previous to and daring the war, this spe-
I cies of property was looked to by the
! debtor as the means through which he
would be enabled to meet bis promise to
! pay, and by the creditor as the security
upon which he must rely to enforce pay
ment in case his debtor should prove
dilatory. Both debtor and creditor look
, ed almost exclusively to this ciass of prop
‘ orty as the foundation of the credit, and
both regarded it as the main reliance for
the future extinguishment of the debt.
Rut right hero lies the chief, the great
trouble in adjusting those losses. The
chief difficulty lies in the conception and
adoption of a mode of relief which shall,
while affording succor to the debtor, rec
ognize and guard the lull rights of the
creditor. And the difficulties increase as
we attempt to fix and define what those full
rights of the creditor are. The judgments
of mea differ on this question. While a
few would insist upon a full and liberal
compliance with the letter of the contract
independent ofi and free from, the effects of
emancipation, the large body of the peo
ple of tho State, including both debtor
and creditor, are anxious that some just
and equitable adjustment should bo made,
based upon die losses sustain.d by the acts
of Government. While we find this gen
eral agreement to exb)t among the people,
■it is discovered that great disagreements
arise upon the plans and theories 'which
have been suggested for carrying into j
effect, andgiviug practical operation to, the j
various modes of relief which from time to |
time have been proposed.
In the present Stato of uncertainty and j
disagreement as to a practical and just
plan of relief, we indulge the hope that
the promulgation of the following scheme,
proposed some months since by a distin
guished member of the J udiciary of the
State, the means of eliciting front
the thinking minds of the State some sug
gestions which may be incorporated in a
legal enactment giving vitality to relief and
relief to our people.
The leading outlines of the proposed
plan are few, simple, and, we believe, en
tirely practical. The grand conception of
the scheme is the equalization of losses so
that they may be borne equally, or nearly
so, by both debtor aud creditor. This
desirable feature 19 to be accomplished by
a process of sealing, or graduating debts,
somewhat similar to that established by
the Convention of 1805, in reference to
Confederate contracts.
Thus: If, in 1860, A owned property to
the value of $50,000, and owed debts to
the amount of SIO,OOO, it is clear that bis
indebtedness amounted to one-fifth of the
value of his estate. Such a proportion of
indebtedness to the amount of property
owned, was not large or burdensome. Now,
if, by theresultsof the war, Ahas losthis en
tire negro property, amounting to $40,000
in value, it becomes clear that the enforce
ment of the payment of all his debts will
leave him entirely without means. He
has now property to the amount ofslo,ooo
and he owes various debts amounting to
SIO,OOO. When his indebtedness was in
curred his ability to pay was five-fold
greater than the amount of hisobligations.
Now the sum of his indebtedness is equal
to the entire amount of all his property.
Here, then, is the basis for scaling. As
the debtor has lost four fifths of his ability
to pay in the destruction of that species of
property whioh was tho basis of the
credits extended to him, might not the
creditor share in these general losses by
abating four-fifths of the amount of his
claims! Justin tho proportion that the
debtor’sobiigations to pay stood, in relation
totho valueofhis property at thecommence
ment of the war, should they be scaled in
proportion to the value of the debtor’s
property after the war. These are the
main points in the proposition which has
been suggested. The plan appears to us
feasible. The details may be made to vary
somewhat front the ratio herein indicated.
We do not propose to-day to enter into the
miuutise of the proposition. We throw out
the leading points of the plan so that the
public attention may be arrested and di
rected to tbs subject.
We do not claim this as an original idea
with us. We have heard that it was
somewhat discussed, though privately,
during the session of the Legislature in
1866. Neither do we think it is'entirely
without difficulties or that it may not, in
some cases, work hardship or, perhaps,
injustice. It, however, approaches, in our
judgment, nearer to a fair and practical
solution of the groat question than any of
whieh we have heard.
This question of relief is one that must
be met by the good men of the State
in some way, and, in this view, we pre
sent the foregoing, not as a proposition of
our own which we desire to see adopted,
but more with the view of eliciting com
ment and discussion on this vital question.
Kentucky—The Prospect.
As the California election was the first
“cloud cap” which indicated tho ap- !
preaching political hurricane, so is the ’
Kentucky electiou last week, the first
grand billow thrown by tho great convul- i
sion behind upon the crumbling sands of j
the Radical party. The result of the '
Kentucky election is but the outward :
manifestation of .the deep and powerful
under-current of the popular condemna
tion of Radical Jacobinism.
These sporadic manifestationsof changes
in the popular mind are but the mutter
ings of the general discontent of the coun
try which pervades all classes in all sec
tions, and which, like a great ground
swell, now -shakes the dry bones of
Radicalism from Maine to California, from
the G uif of Mexico to the Great Lakes.
Wherever and whenever the voice of the i
people can be heard through the ballot
box it speak- pointedlyand unmistakably in
condemnation of the tyraimieal and revo
lutionary action of the late Congress.
Wherever the Democratic speakers meet
the people and discuss the poliey and ex
pose the action of the Congressional Jaco
bins, the response from tho popular heart
shows that while bad, bold men may for a
time cheat and deceive the honest and con
fiding masses, they will, in the end, detect
! their deceiver and hurl from power those
who would eftfraud and betray them.—
Throughout the great Northwest the able
and peerless champions of Constitutional
, liberty.and the brave defenders of the Con
stitution of the United States, and the
equality of all the States in the Union, are
kindling the long smothered fires of the
true Democracy and planting the beacon
lights of liberty upon every hill top and in
every’ valley.
Pendleton, Pugh, Hendricks, Thurman
Doolittle. Vallandigham, Hanna, Palmer,
Kldridge, Ewing. Ward and a host of elo
quent and patriotic speakers are meeting
the people in every village and hamlet
and township aud city in those broad and
populous Northwestern States, and wher
ever they go they remove the scales of Radi
calism from the people’s eyes and they are
made to see and appreciate the great dan
gers which environ the body politic.
In the Eastern and Middle States the
propect is no less bright and promising.
The oil Keystone State is rocking in the
throes of the great conflict now being wag
ed within her borders against the traitor
ous and revolutionary teachings of her
seditious and unworthy sons Stevens, For
ney, Keliy and Cos. The Democracy of
Pennsylvania are in the field girded with
the bright and invincible armor of truth,
dealing deadly blows Jacobin leaders
and their Vmjust and unholy cause.
The New England States are neither
dilatory or lukewarm. Iu Maine, Massa
ehussetts, and Connecticut the cause of
j liberty is as progressive as aggression. The
(people are fully aroused and the hopes of
patriots are strengthened. Able speakers
are canvassing, aud an able press is soat
i tering broadcast throughout the eountry
I Strong and convincing campaign doc
: uraents. Changes are daily occurring in
j 'avor of the Democracy and we are not
without hope that Seymour and Blair will
! carry a majority of the New England
j States
Democrats of Georgia I buckle on your
armor and be ready for the struggle.
FUOM™AmNTA~
| The Senate and the Eligibility Question —
Ihe Bradley Imbroglio — Ben. Conley s
Patisnnship—Will the Senate Submit
to Bullock's Dictation? Hopkins to
Fi(l Bradley’s Place — Bullock's Injus
tice in Regard to the Elections , Sic. , Sic.
BPiC'AL C RaEiPoITDXNCX 07 TB* CB&‘ SICLK 4 6£jrTIN’SL.
• Atlanta, August 10. 1868.
Messrs. Editors :—The Legislature, of
whose doings I keep you posted daily, is
still grinding, pursuing, it is true, a
"festiaalente poliey. About one hundred
and fifty bilk have been introduced into
the House, and about one-third as many
in the Senate.
The action of the Senate on the eligi
bility question will hardly strike the coun
try with any surprise, when it is recollected
that it has a majority of nine or ten of
that same party who refused a seat to
Morgan, of Kentucky, in the Cotigress of
the United States. One Senator, at least,
who has been suffered to retain his seat,
was clearly not elected, lut, by military
authority was deelared elected, and the
Senate, contrary to its course, wheu test
ing the eligibility of members at the open
ing of the session, has decided that the de
cision of the military was final. In the
ease, however, of Bradley, the Senate,
Radical though it be. could not be brought
to “face the music.”
It is due to Mr. Nunnally, chairman of
Special Committee, to investigate the
eligibility of A. A. Bradley, negro, and"
Senator— so called — from the First Dis
trict, to say that he has made every
effort to bring this ease to a hearing. He
has called the committee together time and
again, has never failed to attend a meeting
of the committee—laying aside all other
business and pastime, he has striven to
do his duty and if any one is to blame for
the delay in this matter, he certainly is
not. No one who knows the proclivities
of the presiding officer of the Senate, but
will acknowledge that he always, in the
appointment of his committees, has an eye
singly to the promotion of the interests of
“the party of progress,” and nothing but j
a certainty that three can out vote two, I
ever induced the appointment of two
Democrats on this committee; these two
were always on hand, prepared, nay
auxious to do their duly, and in doing so
to mete out even-handed justice to one
who had been ignominiously thrust from
the late unconstitutionally Constitutional
Convention.
The Era this morning tells the tale that
Bradley, conscious shat the verdict of the
Senate would be against him, has tendered
his resignation-
It has been known here several days
that the party, tearful that his ineligibility
would tie established, advised this course.
It was necessary to defeat Col. Lester, and
to promote the schemes of some who are
anxious for confirmation by the Senate,
that Bradley should pursue the course he
has, notwithstanding he said, in a speech
yesterday, that his resignation would be
tantamount to a confession of his guilt.
It has now been thirty days since this
committee was appointed and, as before
remarked, no effort has been spared by the
chairman to have a report made. He
called a meeting of the committee the day
after its appointment, and every day
thereafter, except ODe or two, when the
committee was threatened with disorganiz
ation by the resignation or refusal to serve
of first one and then another of its mem
bers. It remains to be seen if the Senate
will submit to such an interference with its
legitimate business. Can a member of either
House resign while under charges, and
thus escape an investigation ? Where is
the law or precedent for such a procedure?
Who supposes for an instant that Bradley
would have pursued this course, had he
not perceived, from the developments in
the Senate on Saturday last, that his ex
pulsion was a certainty ? If ineligible, is
he entitled 10 the $25 t he drew as advance
payment on his per diem ? The irrepressi
ble Hopkins having failed in his aspira
tion for the United States Senate, and to
relieve his Excellency from embarrassment,
who, no doubt, promised him a good place,
has signified his intention of being a can
didate to fill Bradley’s vacancy. It is sug
gested that Bradley may contest with
Hopkins for the prize which certainly is
due to Col, Lester, and would have been
awarded to him in the Senate voting him
(Bradley) ineligible, aud if his own color
sustains him in the first, all of this work
of the Senate must be done over. For, be
it known, that before the ink, with which
his resignation was written, had become
dry, Governor Buliock’s proclamation was
issued, ordering anew election. How
promptly our Governor acts when he feels
satisfied that one of his own party is to be
served. Irwin and Telfair counties may
stay out in the cold always, because per
chance, Democrats may be returned—lor
in a conversation recently with a gentle
man, who was urging a writ of election to
be issued for members to tho Legislature
and county officers for these two counties,
his Excellency was exceedingly anxious to
know what would be the political status of
the probable representatives from them.
It is thought one of these counties will
return a Democrat and the other a Radi
cal. 1 1 a speech in the House a few days
since, Turner (negro) said he would cheer
fully vote for an order to hfive an election
in the latter, but he was fearful that in the
former a fair election could not be bad.
There was danger, said he, of riot and
bloodshed.
The appointmentsby the Governor, which
appeared in your Sunday’s paper, have
taken no one by surprise. Mr. Hulbert
may make an efficient officer on the State
Road, but every one knows that Major
Wallace has made one of the best officers
the road ever had—and both political par
ties iu the Legislature would have been
gratified at his detention. Dr. Wills, of
Hale county, has been appointed Assistant
Keeper and Physician of the Penitentiary;
C. Vaughan, of Baldwin county, Inspect
or. Constitution.
PhllUps’ Provision Exchange.
Cincinnati, August 7, 1868.
Editors Chronicle <fc Sentinel:
There has been a very firm market for
provisions throughout the week. Holders
in some eases succeeded in putting up
prices, though this checked operations,
and the transactions have been on a mod
erate scale only. The upward movement
in gold has given more confidence to the
trade, though so far, this has not iiad
much influence with buyers, as some
doubt is entert fined as to the stability of
the advance, Sh -uid the cattle disease,
which is now said to be prevailing to aa
alarming extent in seme portions of Illi
nois, extend its ravages, which is feared
by many, it will have a marked influence
on tiie market for hog product, and holders
partly on this account are more reserved
iu their offerings. The market to-day
closes quiet, but firm at my quotations.
Mess Pork has ruled firm all the week
and advanced; it is now held at s_!!, with
buyers per bbl less ; ue country
otieriug.
Lard has been in good demand all the
week, aud holders succeeded in establish
ing a further advance; it is firmly held at
ISJc for city kettled, with some sales.
Bn.v Meats are quiet but held firmly
at 12c for shoulders, sides 14@141e loose,
clear rib and clear nominal at 15t®15ie
loose.
Bacon has been in fair demand all the
week at prices reported iu my last,
13{c, 16f@l7c packed for shoulders, clear
rib and otear sides.
Hams remain quiet; sugar cured
secoud pickle 18{£l$ie, piaiu Li<a.l7io.
Prate Beef—sales §IS 50(«/19 50.
Dried Beef 18@19c and in fair demand.
W hisKEv in bond, held at 69c, buyers
55c.
Exports of the week were 796 bbls and
186 kegs lard, SOB hints, LUO tierces and
t>8.575 lbs bulk baeon, 2,056 bbls pork.
Imports—22l bbls lard and 172 bbls bulk
and bacon.
Freights are scarce. Card rates 65, 60,
55 and 50 ail rail to Boston, New York,
Philadelphia and Baltimore, or 5c less rail
aud water: on round lots concessions can
be had on these figures.
Very respectfully,
Geo. W. Philips, Jr.,
Provision aud Produce Broker.
After a long and thorough examination
before a board of five magistrates in Savan
nah, Mr. Isaac Russell has been discharg
ed. _ The evidence fully showed that the
killing was done in self-defence.
Connoisseurs say there is not a bottle of
pure wine in the United States, nor has
there been for twenty-five years.
Ex-Confederate Admiral Franklin Buch
anan, of Talbot county, ML, who com
manded the Confederate ram Merrimac in
the engagement with the Monitor, has been
elected President of the Maryland Agri
cultural College, by the trustees of that
[ institution.
Panama advices to the 28th ultimo,
state that bo collision between the govern
ment troops and the revolutionists had yet
taken place. Preparations on both sides
were active, though there was a prospect
of an amicable arrangement of the diffi
culties.
AUGUST A, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, AUGUST 59, 868
The Harlan Barbecue—Speech of Hen.
Howell Cubb.
After Messrs. CunmiDg and Hilliard
had addressed the assembly, the Chairman
1 announced General Cebb as the, next
J speaker, who arese and said:
j Mr. Chairman , Ladies and Gentlemen :
! —Very little mpre remains to be said; the
I argument has been exhausted, and now,
! if what has been so truly, ably and elo
quently said by rity friends, who have at 1
! ready addressed you, does not reach the j
heart of this people and arouse them from •
I their lethargy, sutely nothing that I can
j add will have that effect.
My feSew-citizens, I an a plain man; I
talk plainly, and I propose, in a plain way,
to address you on some common-place i
i truths, which I wish you to bear in mind.
; And if what I have to say tp you does no
; good.it will certainly dono harm. Theobject
j of all that I shall say to you to-day will be
jto unite together,as a band of brothers, the
j white meD of Georgia; and I might as well
say publicly at the outset oT my remarks, j
: that the burden of my song shall be that this
j is a white man’s goyernment; and I will ,
| endeavor to satisfy the people who favor j
j me.with their presence to-day that the
property, safety, honor, peace, quiet, bap
! piness and prosperity of our country are j
I all, all, involved in this approaching Preei
] dential election. Heretofore, my friends, ;
on occasion' like this, you have heard
eloquently sustained the views of the re
spective .political parties in Georgia, as
their advoeui es or a pojogists addressed you;
and the time „ba.< been when my friend
who has just taken his seat (Mr. Hilliard)
and I measured our swords upon the field
of political contest; when, seated side by
side in the halls of Congress, with.our
hearts, doubtless, beating for Georgia’s I
truest interests, we were, in a measure,
the representatives of the great political
parties which divided the country —he a
Whig, Ia Democrat—he an American, I j
a Democrat; now he and I stand together
upon the same platform, battling together
for the same great principles. And so
Whigs, Democrats, and Americans of
Columbia County, I want you to stand
together and be united as one man in this
great contest; for the issues which have
divided you and me in the past are passed
and gone,and others of momentous interest
to all of us have come up in their places.
And then,l shall be followed by my friend,
General Wright, General Wright!—why
the last time we met upon the hustings he
was lathering nie like all wrath 1 (Laugh- j
ter.] If we were in the same_ fix to-day j
—in the same political condition—l cer- !
tainly wouldn’t yield him the conclusion,as j
I do now ; I wouldn’t trust him to wind
up the debate. LLaughter.] Why not,
then, all come to us — to the Democratic j
party? to that Democratic party whieh
good and true men, North and South, can
all freely and fully sustai > —in which all
good and true men stand side by side, like
Millard Fillmore,whom, if I had my choice,
you would have an opportunity of voting
for at the next election. Thus, let us all
stand together, no longer divided in party
spirit, but, united in purpose and action,
meet the issues of the day. Late issues
have sprung up; and these issues were
divided into Reconstruction, Relief and the
Constitutional Amendment. Are these is
sues to divide you yet, my friends? I trust i
not. I have differed with some of you
on these points. I have,differed with you
on the question of reconstruction. Some
of you believed it for the best interests of
Georgia. I have thought differently, acted
differentlyand would have voted differently,
but it so happened that L did not vote at
all. As my friend Mtajo? Gumming has
said, we differ, too, in, regard, to the Con
stitutional Amendment. I opposed it; ’
some of you favored it. t Let? that differ
ence be forgotten Btit there was still
another question of more importance yet.
That was the Question, of Relief. ■ And
men became excited, deeply, earnestly ex
cited on that question. I felt that from
the position whieh I occupied, I could ex
press a disinterested opinion, as I owed
nobody and nobody cowed nap anything.
There I stood, a disinterested man. Well,
my friends, being thus disinterested, I
will tell yon how I would have acted had
I been permitted to vote. 1 did feel suf
ficiently how grievously and terribly our
people were oppressed; I did feel then for
the many who were reduced from affluence
to want, from ease to suffering. All the
: sympathies of my heart went out to such
a people ; but I. could only plant myself'
on the Constitution of my country and
upon its htW9; while my heart qnd my
judglnent said that all ought to be done
that could-be done to give these people
relief from their sufferings. Give me a plan
that will afford this relief, and I will sup
port it with all my heart.- But it must be
a plan in accordance with the Constitu
tion and with law.
Let us then, my fellow-citizens, forget
past differences. Iwillnotcomplainofyour
action, though I would have voted other
wise than you did ; but let us here, to-day,
standing around the altars of Liberty; con
secrated by tho eloquence of her gifted sons,
bring up the issues of the past no longer.
With my hand upon my heart, I pledge
you all the feeble influences of my body
and mind, without any regard whatever to
any or all of these issues, if you are to-day
prepared io come around this altar, and.
here promise to devote yourselves to the
perservation of this as a white man’s Gov
vernment. If yo.u do this I am ready to
greet you as my friends and brothers. This
is the spirit I want to see here to day—no
more quarreling and wrangling ; for your
State, your mother, as she has been so
eloquently pictured, stands bleeding at
every wound, and she calls upon her sons
and says to them; “Quit your wrangling ;
have done with your quarreling—come
and serve me, as I have served you and
your fathers.” The man who does not,
come, who will not respond to this appeal
of his mother, with swelling heart and
beating bosom, is no true son of Georgia.
My friends, we are living to-day under a
Government forced upon us. What is it ?
What its purpose ? If you will allow me
I propose to picture its evils before you.
Does that Government command your
best and most earnest approval and efforts
to support it ? If so then 1 have got read
aright the people of Georgia. A Governor
now sits in the chair once filled by Clark,
Lumpkin, Forsyth, Crawford and Others,
honored and honorable names iu the history
of the State ; and right here let me say,
that I shall have no delicacy in speaking
iof wen like the present occupant of the
gubernatorial chair as I think they de”
serve. How came he there? By whose
voice? Yours ? Not so. By the choice of
the puople.of Georgia* Not so, What
1 claims had he upon you.? None. Why,
in all this vast * crowd assembled
j around me here to-day there is not
a single human being who is not bet
ter qualified ior the position than this
man elected by scalawags and negroes at/
the late election. And under advicer
iis he acting ? Under that of a man who
I has never been known to eDtertain an
I honest sentiment or ever to do an act froth
|an honest motive. Do you want an iilus
| tration of this ? Well, I’ll give you one.
Joe Brown is Chairman of the Grant and
Colfax Executive Committee of this State.
As such he issued an address recently,
which you have, doubtless, read. In that
address he advises Bullock, in substance,
to organize the Superior Court upon prin
ciples of corruption, and then to put cor
rupt men upon the bertch. Bullock, that
! he might make no mistake in following
| the advice, chose Joe himself! He then
j looked all through the State to see if he
could find any one who would be perfectly
i equal to the Grand Mpgul'himself, to sit
there with him. Well, he louked allround
as I have said, and came as near i as he
could to it when he chose Kent McCoy to
sit on the bench with Joe ! Here, then, is
the theoetricai and practical operation of
Georgia politics now—selecting in every
instance and from each district the very
worst men to fill their appointments to
office and place. Yet I trust that here
and there they will put an honest man in
office to save the State from entire dis
honor and degradation. These are facts
which you should carry home with you in
your and ponder them well.
Proud old Georgia, where is she now ?
More than a century ago her Supreme
Bench was organized. She tien
; called from among her citizens, to sit
upon that Bench, men whose names will
be ever honored by the good and true men
of the State. I will not stop to speak here
of Lumpkin, of Warner, of Nisbet —I will
Dot stop here to speak of the good men
and true who_ successively occupied that
position—of Starnes, who now sleeps with
| his fathers—of Benning, and of other men,
| honored, true men, whose seats are dow
i filled by such creatures as Joe Brown and
I Kent McCoy.
Young men, who hear me to-day, go
j and ask your lathers to tell you of these
! illustrious _ Georgians— to tell you of their
virtues ana their fame, their greatness and
their renown and you, fathers, respond
to your --as —paint for them the true
characters os these good men who once
filled the honored positions of Governors
and Judges of your State ; and when you
have done this tell them, too, of the
wickedness and corruption which is new
prevalent in these high places of your
State. If to tell these things publicly has
no effect upon the Lardened, it will upon
j these young men. And you who have
’ followed me under the banner of the
South, in that late struggle for
i Southern independence, come with me
. now where waves another banner—a peace
ful banner—the banner of Democracy,
j Conte, young men of Georgia, rally around
i that banner, and aid us to carry it on to
: glorious victory 1
I My friends, what you want is the restor
j ation in Georgia, as in the whole eouutry,
i of those great principles of constitutional
| liberty of which my friend (Mr. Hilliard)
i has so eloquently spoken. We must,
! therefore, take up our country, as it were,
j and carry it back to its better days. It
has been a great country, and the world
j has never afforded better men, truer hearts,
wiser statesmanship, or more enlarged
liberality. The time was, too, when men
I were measured by the brain. In those
' days Olay, Calhoun, Webster, Forsyth, and
McDuffie sat in the council chambers of
th<3 nation. But now, alas 1 how changed
the scene 1 Now men are measured by
the number of silver spoons and other
valuables which they have stolen
from the people of the South.
Shall we mention, in one breath,
with such men as these, day in one
breath, Webster in one breath, Calhoun
in one breath? And as name by name is
called, and we rise up to the same stand
ard of statesmanship, what a fall there is
from those honored names when you come
down to Beast Butler and Joe Brown 1
Fellow-citizens of Columbia county—
Would you restore your country to those
better and brighter days ? It is worth an
effort. Tell mo not that I am a dis
unionist, that Ido not love my country.
I have loved her in the past, and I love
her yet; but Ido bate that degradation
to which she has been brought by the
contemptible men now in power. Nor
am I wanting in reverence for the Consti
tution when its protection is placed over
all our people. Tell me not that 1 am to
be mistrusted because I hurl anathemas
upon these bad men who would reduce us
j to the same level of iufarny as they them
selves occupy.
Butiet us turn now to the contempla
tion of the occasion whieh has called us
together to-day. I present to you the
honored names of Seymour and Blair, as
the candidates of the Democratic Party
for the Presidency and Vice Presidency of
the United States. My countrymen, Ido
not seek to deceive you. These men were
not with us in our late contest. They did
not stand by our flag. On the coutrary,
they fought us. Aud I do not support
j them to day because they did tight us, but
in spite of it! When the war ceased,
when the struggle ended, they came for
j ward, and offered, in the spirit of kindness
and generosity, to stand by you and with
j you in a Constitutional brotherhood. On
I the other hand, Gen. Grant, with Colfax,
! stands upon a platform supported by a
, party whieh gives to perjury and pLunder
the sanction of its judgment, and which
seeks to corrupt men. These men would
butcher you to-day as men butcher
each other on the battle-field. You
stand disarmed; the musket has fallen
from your shoulder—the cannon has
ceased to roar—no battle flag now'waves
above your heads summoning you to the
battle-field; yet disarmed, shackled, ruined,
helpless as you are, they would bayonet
you, or carry you to the scaffold. Deny
| iog you every right guaranteed by the
Constitution of your country, you are
asked to love them for all this. ' I have
love, but not for those who would oppress
aud ruin my people. I have love--but it
is for Georgia, the memories of her past,
her mountains, her rivers and her rivulets.
Beneath her soil rest the bones of my
fathers, and those of my own offspring;
and, sooner or later, I expect to lay down
by tbeir side. All the affections of my
heart cling around this grand old State,
and yet, I thank God that I have a heart big
enough to love every land over which
waves the banner of Constitutional Lib
erty.
The men representing Grant and -Colfax
met at Chicago. I have no time now to
lay down here the principles whieh they
put before the country ; but I want to rep
resent one or two of them to you, and I
wish it understood here that 1 don’t want
one single white man left out in the cold.
I want you all to come with me ; and,
therefore, before you give your vote to
Grant and Colfax, let me call your atten
tion to one of the principles of their plat
form to which I have just alluded. It is
this.: That .Georgia shall not occupy a po
sition of equality with the States of the
North ; that the people of the North can
pass their own lays-say who shall vo.te, and
who shall not—who shall hold office, and
who shall not —who shall mingle together
on priciples of equality. Grant and Colfax
say that this is right. If you believe them,
and say it’s risrht, why vote for it. They
say that New York, Ohio, and all the New
England States shall have this right, but
you shant. Grant and Colfax, Brown and
McCoy argue and plead for it before the
people of Georgia. What noble son of
Georgia would stand up before these peo
ple, and tell you that it is right that those
States shall have these privileges, but
yours shall not ? And that is not all. In
that platform they say, so far as
the negro is concerned, he is good
enough for Georgia—it is right for
him go to the polls—to hold office —and to
sit in your Legislatures. Yes, and you
people of Columbia and Richmond too, I
believe, know something of the effects of
this already. The seats once honored by
Miller, by Jenkins, by Crawford, now fill
ed by negroes and worse than negroes—by
Sherman (of Columbia county), a name of
the worst record.
This is, I must admit, plain talk, but I
am a plain man; and if I sometimes tread
on people’s toes the fault is not mine, but
theirs—they’ve no business getting in my
way. ILaughter.] I ask the people of
Georgia if they believe that the negroes
are good enough for Georgia and South
Carolina, and not good enough for Massa
chusetts ? If you do, then you deserve
your fate. The man that says he be
lieves so deserves do better fate. And my
advice to you, black man, is, after we
white people have kicked him out of our
way, do you kick him again. [Liughte?.]
He won’t do—he can’t bo trusted.
My countrymen, I again plead the cause
of Georgia. Is there one, doubting
heart here, one single man who will not he
true to his State and to his country,
who is willing to let himself down
to the utter degradation and infamy,
which these*men have marked out for
themselves ? I hope not.
Talk about ostracism. I ostracise no
one. I have opened wide the door, and
invited good and true men to eorne to
gether, and urged you to bury the issues
of the past. But when I see a creeping,
slimy creature coming back from Chicago,
and standing up here, advocating that cor
rupt platiorm, I foci toward Limas I would
toward some villain attempting to force his
way into my own domicil. I would fight
him to the death. I don’t ostracise any
body. I never told my negroes not to as
sociate with these men. I only don’t
want them to bring them on ray premises
—that’s all. I don't forbid them associat
ing with them ; bul l think the negro is
the greatest sufferer by the association,
[laughter. 1
Men ask me about the negro—how to
act in regard to him. I reply : Treat him
justly, generously, kindly. Undeceive
him. When the thieving, cunning, miser
able wretches who are travelling through
the country, try to deceive him, go to
him, and tell him the truth. Tell him that
the charge that you want to put him into
slavery again is false. Tell him that you
are now, as you have always been, his best
and truest friends. Tell him to inquire
who were his worst enemies in the days of
slavery—and he will find that they were
these miserable scalawags who are now
pretending to he his best friends. Their
masters were their best friends in those
days, and those who were their masters
then are their best lriends now, and will
continue to be good to them. I never talk
politics with my negroes, and j-et they
voted with me, and will do it again. The
Only argument that I offered them was
i four pounds of bacon, one peck of meal, a
quart of potatoes, a good doctor when
sick, and one-fourth Os my crop. That’s
the very best argument that you can offer
them. Try it. You will find that it will
cod vince all sensible negroes. I don’t in
tend to deceive_ these negroes. I don't
want to put the idea into your heads that
you can control this country. _ You cannot
doit If you don’t know this, you ought
to. The white people will control it
If they should treat you wrong in aDy way,
or attempt to deprive you of any of your
legal rights, I will standby you and defend
you—at the Court House, here,everywhere,
in protecting you in the enjoyment of all
your civil rights. These people wilt vote
with you, my friends, if you will be candid
with them and tell them these truths.
But suppose that the present state of
things continues —suppose that negro rule
becomes feisted upon this State, what will
be our condition ? I would ask the good
men at the North to reflect upon the result;
to look upon these mothers, these daugh
ters, these little children, these good men
and true; and Iwouldsay to them: ‘‘Ho you
think that these women and children and
good men ought to be placed under Begro
rule ? I)o you believe that the negro
ought to be elevated to a social equality
with them ? Bo you believe that our
; parlors and our dining rooms should be
' thrown open and the negro invited to come
into them, into the society of our families? |
Tell me, you men of the North, have you
mothers, daughters, and sisters? Look at
that little one kneeling around its mother's
knee; see the tear drop glistening in that
mother’s eye; see that sister clinging
to her parents and asking for protection
from these outrages. Oh 1 meu of the
North, would to God that you could staud
here and, see these women, in their tears
growing prettier and prettier, these chil
dren,:n their suppiications,growing sweeter
and sweeter. Tell me, oould you, seeing
this, bring them down to the degradation
of negro equality ?” They could not but
respond to such an appeal in your behalf
my friends. And if they could not resist
it, oh, my countrymen, how can you resist
it? I call upon you, then, not to over
throw your Government, but to preserve
your Constitution, and the institutions of
your eountry; and in ambition’s wildest
hour, never forget these women and chil
dren. You and lean bear all the suffer
ings whieh can be heaped upon us ; we
can be driven into dungeons, and dragged
into bastdes ; but what will become of the
women and children, if negro supremacy
is to be foisted upon us ? Oh 1 my coun
trymen, sleep not, then, upon your posts ;
be vigilant and watchful, from the rising
to the going down of the sun ; be always
true to this great cause. Let no man stay
away from the polls or fail to do his whole
duty. Fathers 1 you who are too old
to enter this contest now, with the
the energy an<l activity of other days, give
us, at least, your blessing ; Mothers 1 come
with us, and give us your prayers; sisters,
come with us, and give us your cheering
smiles. And then all will have been done
for the cause which harmony, unity and
devotion are capable of doing. But may
I not turn my gaze to Him who rules
above us, and reverently ask: “Oh,
Heaven 1 Thy blessing upon this people—
granting to them that liberty for which
their fathers fought and bled —that lib
erty for which tbeir sons are prepared
to consecrate and offer up their
lives, a willing sacrifice upon the same
altar. ’ ’ God bless these people, one and all—
God bless this eountry, and make it again
what it once was, “the land of the free
aud the home of the brave 1”
Gen. Cobb sat down amidst loud and
continued applause.
GENERAL BLAIR’S SPEECHES.
The Democratic Candidate for Vice-
President at Leavenworth , Kansas, and
at St. Joseph , Missouri—-Immense out
pouring qf Citizens—General Blair Up
on Negro Supremacy and the Despotism
of the Sword —The Issues of the Pending
Canvass, &c.,&c.
At Leavenworth, Kansas, on Friday,
the 31st of July, General Francis P. Blair
delivered before the State Democratic Con
vention and the citizens of the town, in
ratification meeting assembled, the follow
ing speech upon national topics:
SPEECH OF GENERAL BLAIR AT LEAVEN
WORTH.
Fellw-Citizens oe Kansas : I con
gratulate myself on my good fortune in
having to address so large and enthusiastic
an audience as I now behold. Ido not
assume to myself that thisis a personal com
pliment to me. lam too well aware that,
on the contrary your presence here to-night
is rather due to your devotion to the great
cause in which we arc all engaged, and in
that sense I accept it as a greater com
pliment than if it was a mere personal ova
tion. The cause to which we are devoted,
and of which I am one of your representa
tives, is one worthy of your most profound
devotion. It is a cause in which the en
thusiasm which I see here to night, so far
as I have observed, has prevailed through
out the country. It is the cause of popu
lar rights, the cause cf civil government,
the cause of constitutional liberty. It is
the cause, the worthiest of all for which
man has arrayed himself in times past, and
it will become you—it will become all of us
—to eyir.ee your devotion to that cause
which has upon the nation so
many blessings since its foundation. This
cause is in peril; this cause has received
from the party in power the most violent
shock ; it has been undermined, and is
almost on the point of being overthrown.
But the people of the country are rall-ing
to defend this cause, the holiest and best
in the world, and in their might I confide,
in their strength lam willing to abide.'
They alone can reseue this nation from the
impending peril, and it is for you, and for
all citizens of this country who love Demo
cratic institutions, to come up as one man
and sustain the best and holiest cause in
the world. [Applause.! Ido not speak
merely empty rhetoric on this subject. I
could advert, and I will advert, to the par
ticular transactions by which this cause
has been brought into peril. I call your
attention to the aggressions which have
been made by the Radical party, calling
themselves Republicans, upon the funda
mental principles of our Government,
those great, underlying principles on
which all civil liberty depends. They
have sought by various measures, which
the Constitution has prohibited, to en
trench themselves in power in this Gov
ernment. They, losing the confidence of
their own race —losing the confidence of
the white people—have sought to give
the power in a portion of the
States of this Union to another ele
ment —the black race—hoping, after losing
the confidence of the white race, to main
tain and perpetuate their supremacy by
giving political power in ten States of this
Union to the black race. [ Applause, and
cries of “Shame ! shame !”] Now, my
fellow-citizens, 1 take the broad ground
that the white race is the only race in the
world that has shown itself capable of
maintaining free institutions and a free
government—[applause] ; that nowhere,
in any country or at any time, have the
black people shown themsolves oapable of
establishing or maintaning a constitutional
government, or any other kind of govern
ment. [Prolonged applause. I Yet the
people of the Southern States have been
disfranchised, and the ignorant blacks —
the same people that the Republican party
has declared were imhruted by slavory—
whom wo all know to be ignorant—whom
we all know to he semi-barbarous —whom
we all know have never been capable of
creating, establishing, or maintaining a
free government, are made to predominate
in all those States. Not only are they
made to predominate in the Southern
States, but the three or f'qur millions of
semi-barbarous blacks have the entire con
trol of those States, and send twenty Sen
ators to the United States Senate, while
the four millions of white people of New
York send hut two Senators. It would
rake New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio,
Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, and enough of
the other great States of the Union put
together, containing twenty millions of
white people, to counterbalance the
three or four million blacks ja the
South, so that the negroes are not
only put above the white people of
the South, butabo e the white people of
the North also, and three or four millions
i of blacks are made equal in the Senate of
the United States to more than twenty
millions of the free white people of the
North. [Cheers, and Otios of shame.]
Fellow-citizens, we all very well know that
this is a polioal trick to keep what is known
as the Radical party in power. They don’t
believe in it themselves. They voted it
down in the State of Kansas by 10.000
majority, but notwithstanding the people
have voted down negro suffrage in this
State, your two Senators and Reprereota
tiveg still insist upon sustaining the State
governments erected on the negro vote of
the South. You don’t understand the
danger in wtiich our institutions are from
the ignorant blacks and vagabond carpet
baggers of the South. [Prolonged ap
plause, and cries cf "Yes, wo do; and we’ll
save the country yet. ’’ j The people have
never assented to these so-called recon
struction acts. In the election of 1866, so
far from presenting that issue, they dodged
! it—they presented an entirely different
is«ue. The issue they submitted then was
what is known as the 14th amendment to
the Federal Constitution, which conceded
I to all the States the right to regulate aut
-1 frage for themselves. That was the issue
upon which the last Congressional election
was held. After they had attained power
by admitting the doctrines on which the
, Democratic party always stood, they went
to work to disfranchise the white people of
the South and enfranchise the blacks,
] denying to the States the rights which
were contained in the 14th amendment. As
soon as they showed their hands the elec
tions of 1867 declared against them. In
New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania. Michigan,
California, Oregon, Connecticut, and in
enough States to carry the election, tte
people decided against them. But the
Senators and Representatives from those
j States refused to obey the will of the
j people. They put it at defiance and went
on with their reconstruction, and now de
clare they have fixed it, and that it is not
] in the power of the people to undo what
they have done. And, because in a letter
I wrote pending the nominations in New
York, I took the ground that the will of
the people must be executed, they pro
claimed me a “revolutionist,’[ anxious to
reinstate the rebellion. The idea that any
one should undertake to undo what has
been done by this great Congress -this
Rump, this fragmentary Congress—
NEW SERIES VOL. XXVII. No. 33.
[cheers] —who got into power by deceiving
the people on false issues, is monstrous in
their virtue us eyes. After their actiou has
been condemned by 10,000 iu Kansas, by
50,000 in New York, by as many in Ohio,
by 30,000 in Michigan, and by overwhelm
ing majorities of the people wher
ever there has " been an expression
of their will, it is revolution to
favor the execution of the will of the
people—Frank Blair is a “revolutionist”
and wants to inaugurate another rebellion !
[Cheers and laughter.] I say the South
ern States were never out of the Union;
that is the doctrine we held to and fouglu
for for fourycars, but now the Radical party
has taken the exact position that Jeff
Davis and other leaders of secession took
at the commencement of the war. ] Ap
plause and cries of “that’s so.”J 1 tell
you I have no animosity toward the ne'
groes, and those who are pretending to be
their friends are their worst enemies-
Every one knows, from my history, that
when the negroes were in slavery, I was
an advocate for their emancipation. I
advocated it at the worst times and in the
worst places. I advocated it when the pres
ent pale-faced Radicals of Missouri did
uot dare to lift up their heads. [Pro
longed cheers.] And now I say that un
less the negroes submit to the intelligent
guidance of the powerful white race, their
fate will be that of the Indiana, they will
be exterminated. The negroes can only
be hajtpy and prosperous as long as they
are guided by the intelligence of the white
raoe. [Cheers.] Whenever it is sought
to disfranchise the intelligence of the coun
try and make it subordinate to the igno
rance of the country. Whenever it is
sought to subordinate the white raoe
of the country to the black barbarism
of the negro, the prosperity of the coun
try is at an end. [Applause and cries of
“That’s so.”] But I come back to the
proposition with which I started, that the
Radical party has done these things
in defiance of the will of the people.
Have the people ever oudorsed negro
suffrage? [Never.] Did you not con
demn it in this State? Was it not condemn
ed in all the States of the Union at the
last election ? and shall the Radical party
persist in pressing it upon the people, that
it shall be the rule ? And when, as I
have already stated, in New York, that if
the Democratic party should carry these
elections; if the people should elect a
Democratic President, this pretended re
construction should be undone; and if
these miserable carpet-baggers in the Sen
ate were in the way of its being done, the
people will find a way toexeoute their will;
those miserable creatures who have un
dertaken to forstall the popular will, say
that any one who undertakes to execute
the will of the people is a revoluntionist.
[Applause ] Look at the attitude of these
men. Who are the revolutionists? Who
has put at defiance the popular will? Who
has taken away the powers of the Ex
ecutive as granted to him by the Constitu
tion ? Who has curtailed the jurisdiction
of the Supreme Court of the United
States? Who has done all this? Why
the Radical party. [Cheers and cries of
“That’s so.”] Who has putten States of
this Union under martial law in time of
profound peace? The Radical party in Con
gress Who has taken away from the
President the constitutional powers grant
ed him as Commander-in Chief of the
army and conferred it on their candidate
for the Presidency ? The Radical party.
Who hold eight millions of white peo
ple of the South pinned to tho earth
with bayonets ? The Radical party.
General Grant was selected as the
candidate of the party because they knew
they were beaten on their principles, and
because he alone, with his great personal
popularity, was supposed to be able to ar
rest the tide that was about to overwhelm
them, because with the almost omnipo
tent power now given him iu ten States of
this Union, they thought he eould control
the votes to their own advantage. Is this
man who has bayonets at, the throats
af eight or ten millions of the people, the
properrepres.mtativc of the people? [Not.
much.] And are those who seek to turn
aside those bayonets and give the law and
the Constitution control, revolutionists?
1 tell you now all their attempts to subju
gate this people will bo _ overthrown. The
success of the Democratic party at. the edm
ing election is foregone. It is ordained of
Heaven. It is a thing already consum
mated almost, because the people of this
country are not the men to surrender their
liberties. [Never, never.] Nor can the
eminent services or prestige of Gen. Grant
mislead them. [Applause ] I desire to
speak of General Grant with the greatest
respect for his services to his country, I
shall never allow myself to spoak of him
otherwise than with the greatest respect.
Idon’tthiuk wo gain any advantage by
misrepresenting him or his services.
A voice—We have not heard from him
yet.
General Blair- No, and you are not like
ly to hear from him—[applause]—but as
he is a candidate for the highest position iu
th® world, he is subject to a lair criticism
on his conduct and language. I call your
attention to the report made by General
Grant when sent by President Johnson to
the South to investigate the condition of
affairs there. He then stated that the
people of the South had submitted to the
terms imposed upon them by the Govern
ment, and that they were fitted to return
to the rights of citizens in the Union.
Since that time he has seen proper to
change his attitude on this question. I
do not impugn his motives, but we are all
at liberty to look at the facts. When the
Radicals were keeping the States out he
recommended their admission. 1 know
very well from General Grant’s former
position that ho has no affinity for the
negro. Neither has General Sherman nor
General Sheridan. They have no hatred
toward the people of' the South. Look at
the terms General Sherman gave John
ston at the surrender in North Carolina.
It all goes to show that these military
leaders, who are all now arrayed against the
Democracy, in their hearts believe in the
doctrines of the Democratic party. They
did then and they do now. But I will tell
you the secret—what has brought
them to the Radical party. It is their
military instinct, which tells them that
the Radical party is ia favor of a
despotism in this country, and without
having any affinity for the negro, or hatred
for the white people of the South, they
felt that the Radicals were in favor of erect
ing a despotism, and they knew full well
that that would give additional conse
quence to military men. That is the secret
of those men arraying themselves against
Democracy, against constitutional liberty,
and against the civil institutions of our
country. [Continued applause.] We
have honored these men as no nation ever
honored its heroes before. We have given
them the loftiest positions, but they are
not oontent ; they would make themselves
dictators over all the country. And now
is the time for you to show yourselves as
ready and capable of prostrating these
wouid-be dictators as you were in pros
trating the rebellion. [We are ready.] I
know you aro ready. I know that while
you cherish the services they performed
for the Government, you are not inclined
to surrender your own birthrights—the
birthright of a citizen and freeman. [Ap
plause. ]
A voice—What about the Copperhead.-?
General Blair —I think these Radicals
have made the name “Copperhead” re
j speetahle by their great treason against the
i Government. I think that whatever of
i prejudioe may have existed against those
1 who were called “Copperheads” during
the war, because of their sympathy for a
people who, however wrong, have made
themselves memorable for ail time, will
have been forgotten and their sins will
I have been forgiven, when the Radicals,
■ who have undertaken to destroy the hber
i ties of the whole people, to subvert our
institutions, to put d..wn the great prin
l ciples upon which civil liberty alot.e can
be sustained, who sought to perpetuate
their power by appeal ng to the ignorance
of a degraded rase of beings, will be held
up as examples far continual execration.
[Applause I The Radical party will be
overthrown. The people are in no temper
to submit to the domination of a party who
seek to maintain themselves by calling to
their aid this ignorant and barbarous race
of men. [Applause.] I may be accused
of appealing to your prejudices. I do not
appeal to your prejudices. I appeal to
history. I appeal to that which ought to
guide every statesman. It is impossible
to make a nation prosperous by giving the
reins of power into the bands of a race of
people who are incapable of guiding
any nation. You have repudiated that
doctrine—[Yes, and will do it again] and
! you ought to do it forever. [Applause.]
A man is unworthy himself] if he is
classed as a white man, who will put the
black man over his own race; and no one
but a demagogue would do it. If the Rad
icals felt secure in their position they
would be content to appeal to their own
race of people for support, to the people
who created this Government, who main
tained it and carried it forward to unex
ampled prosperity. They would be con
tent to appeal to the intelligence of the
■ white raee. But no, they know they
1 have forfeited the confidence of the
white raee. They are conspiring against
the most cherished institutions or our
I country. They are giving the franchise to
■ that ignorant race whom they know to be
j incapable, and at the same time are dis
franchising the intelligent white people of
the country, aud their doom is sealed.
[Applause.j Bat, fellow-citizens, there
, are others here from whom it is your right
to hear. [Cries of “go on,” "go ot).”J
There are gentlemen hero who have been
but recently nominated for high positions
in your State—geutlemeo who I believe
will bo elected by the peopm'of the State —
and they have a right to be hoard, and you
.have a right to cxpoct that.l wifi give way
'for them. Having claimed your attention
for the length of time I have, I now sur
render it to man from your own State,
after thanking you for your very kind at
tention to me.
[Three rousing cheers were given for
Gen. F. P. Blair, Jr., the next Vice-Pres
ident, upon his retiring,!
GEN. BLAIR IN ST. JOSEPH.
from i/u HI Joseph (rarclU,
General Blair arrived in St. Joseph
yesterday, on the 12 o’clock train from
Ucavenworth. He stopped at the Pacific
House, where he was called upon during
the afternoon by numerous personal and
political friends. About 7 o’clock an im
mense concourse of citizens collected at the
east front of the Hotel, where the distin
guished visitor was serenaded by a band •
V?, atM!nanee for that purpose. General
Blair was vociferously e&llnd, and being
introduced by Col. L. M. Lawson, of this
city, made his appearance and spoke very
briefly, in substance about as follows:
gen. blair’s speech.
Gentlemen of Bt. Joseph—ln addressing
the large and enthusiastic audience before
me I shall not insult you by calling you
"fellows, ” or by advising you so throw a
man in the river, who happens to differ
in opinion regarding the sentiments ex
pressed, as I understand has been done by
a distinguished military gentleman in this
place unon a recent occasion. I believe
this to be a free country, and that the
people will treat those with respect who
respect the people. Onr objection to the
principles of our adversaries in this great
political campaign is that they assume too
dictatorial a tone toward the people.
They denounce me as a revolutionist—say
that I wish to inaugurate another rebel
lipn, because I say that it is time for the
rule of the bayonet to be checked. [Great
applause.[ The people of the State of
Missouri and the people of the whole
country, are tired of being bound to obey
the dictates of their military commanders.
We believe it is time tor the will of the
people to be carried out. This will lie done.
[A voice—“We’llfix that inNovembgr.”]
ies, we will settle that in Novern
!>er, and we will do it peaceably
by the ballot. The people are now fully
aroused and none of these men will dare to
dety the will of the people. Those who at
tempt it will come to grief, and it is time
they should eome to grief. Unlessebecked
they will go on until they establish negro
suffrage over this State and the Northern
States, as they already have in ten States
fit this Union. They will extend a mili
tary despotism over all the Slates and
negro supremacy, as far as the people
will allow it. This fragmentary Congress,
and the carpet baggers that have got into
the Senate under the auspices of this
Rump, have already attempted to degrade
'he white men of all the States to a. con
dition of inferiority to the negro. This is
the main issue. The people have decided
in all those States where they have enjoyed
the privilege of a free vote, that this thing
cannot be ; and I tell you that the will of
the people shall be carried out in spite of
the designs of these ambitious men who
have trampled the Constitution under
their feet, and a Republican foim of gov
ern ment shall be guaranteed to the people
of the Southern as well as of the Northern
States.
But we are told that even if the Demo
cratic party elect their [‘resident ami a ma
jority of the House of Representatives,
these oarpet-baggers who assume to consti
tute a majority of the Senate, will deteat
legislation and will impose this ignorant
and semi-barbarous race of negroes upon
the country as the superior of the white
man Let them dare to do it, aud they
will find that the more than one million
majority of voters who are opposed to this
scheme will make it impossible lor them to
perpetuate such a contaminating outrage
upon American citizens. The people have
risen in their might) everywhere, from
Maine to California, and have, by their
votes, said they will not have this negro
supremacy kept up in this country. They
will not bo shaken ip this purpose to turn
aside the bayonet that is still kept point'ed
at the throats of the white men
of the South. Neither will the Radi
cal party in its hopeless minority be
able to defeat the will of the people. I
feel an abiding confidence in the success of
the Democratic party of to-day, because it
is right. ,
Thanking you, gentlemen, for your very
kind and attentive audience, I bid you
farewell.
|ec.*EEBPOKDMCE Os TIT* CHRIKIcI* a mSTIKXL.]
LETTER FROM BURKE.
The Crops—Political Affairs — Commettea
ment at Hepzibah High School, dec.
Burke, Cos., Ga., August 1868.
Editors Chronicle dc Sentinel:
Gentlemen: —Wc have been having
abundance of rain during the past week,
which, from all accounts, has extended
throughout the whole country; but it came
too late in many localities to benefit the
early corn. Cotton is pretty generally laid
by and fodder pulling is the order of the
day. A short season of dry weather is
now needed to enable planters 'to save, their
forage. It is generally conceded that a
fair average Corn crop will be housed,
notwithstanding the unfavorable season
toward the last. Cotton has a healthy ap
pearance, and the plants are loaded with
fruits and forms. I have conversed with
planters who are not sanguine of a large
crop, basing their fears upon the loss by
shedding, which has already begun in some
localities. Cotton will not be forced upon
the market as it was last year, for the very
good, reason that the planters are not obli
gated to the factors to such an extent, con
sequently, if prices are put down as they
were last fall, the planter will sell enough
to meet his actual wants and will hold the
remainder until the price justifies him iu
selling—a turn about is fair play,you know,
and as the speculators had it ail their own
way last year let the producer have the
inside track this,
The nominations of Seymour and Blair,
by the New York Convention, were re
ceived everywhere with the wildest enthu
siasm. I have seen several frcMmon
decorated with the Se.vmour badge (and
they knew their man, too !) they arc.be
gtnning to see the folly of Voting against
the white man, on whom they are de
| pendent for labor and sahsisteriee. and
I they cannot but notice the preference
everywhere shown their brothers who
voted the Democratic ticket, and naturally
become envious, and I have heard many
of them say that they were duped, and
would redeem their character at the next
votin. Movements are on foot to give a
grand political Barbecue at Mcßcan about
the last of the present month. Messrs.
Dr. Hatcher. George Mixon, Boddie,
: Roberts, and R. J. Dickinson are the prime
movers in the project, which is a sufficient
I guarantee of its success. The freed men
i are gradually coming over, and what is
j needed now, is to get them together and
] reason plainly with them, that they may
be made to understand the objects and
I perfidy of the party they have heretofore
j been leagued with.
There is a class of freedmen in your
\ city who come into the country,, ostensibly
to preach, but who.-,© sermons are nothing
more or igfcs than political harangues, and
they are no doubt posted by the
Angu-ta Radical ring.
The commencement exercises of “Hep
zibah High School,’” located at Brothers
villc, took place last.month. Rev. P. B.
Robinson, of Greensboro, delivered the
commencement sermon, and the exercises
closed ot. the22d instant, with an address
by the Hon. H. \ . Johnson. There was
an immense gathering of the parents and
friends of the scholars, and the latter ac
quitted themselves in a highly creditable
manner. The _ school is in charge of the
Revs. Kilpatrick and Davie, thorough
scholars, and high-toned gentlemen. The
ew term begins the 20fh of the present
onth. Truly, yours, P-
Pans has anew journal with the remark
able title of Bed Bugs in the. Butter.
Victoria is carrying a white parasoL
Her grief is slightly mitigated.
Edward Williams, of. Scranton, Pa.
recently swam nine miles m two and a half
hours.
Irish settlers at tfre West are not pleas
ed by the influx of Norwegian and Swed
ish immigrants.
Qaeen Victoria arrived in Paris on Wed
nesday last, en route for Switzerland, and
was received by the French Empress, and
was entertained at the Tmleries.
Judge Curtis, of Boston, once lost a case
when pitted against John P. Hale. “I
had all the argument,” he indignantly said,
“but that fellow Hale somehow got so in
timate with the 'jury that they were ready,
to do anything he wished. * ’