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About Weekly chronicle & sentinel. (Augusta, Ga.) 1866-1877 | View Entire Issue (Aug. 26, 1868)
GREAT SPEECH OF HON. BENJAMIN H. HILL, DELIVERED AT THE CITY HAT, IA I'G IJST A, Frl.liiy Kv«irttt<, Anint ‘XI, 1 Ftfkttr-Citizen* : To f-rgct past tli flßjr crccs, to unite in averting present, cater goocies, with a view ut scouring I\iturc ad vantages. is the duly of »!l sum of all wise statesmanship. M “ en , late war ended, no people efer so Dl ’^ J needed the exctcjbe of these virtues as the Southern people. Difficulties surrounded tt v trial* enveloped us, doubts arose ou every hand ; yet, our patience was sued as no people, in any previous history O* tto world, ever exhibited- YVe were rat poveriehed to a very large degree ; our means were exhausted ; our pride was humiliated ; our c»u,e was gone ; our property was guue - «ud even hope itadl was alnfost utm- » • H- then, to gather up our wasted energies, recuperate our exhausted .strength, arwi efltaWiMi good government again. This required of us the most striking forbearance and concilia tion, with ail the wisdom and firmness from the people which they could ever be expected to possess. There was one eircutn-iancc which oc curred, indeed simultaneously with the misfortune of our surrender, which was well calculated to inspire us with hope—if anything could inspire hope—and that wds the manner and the tonus of the sur render. After four yeafs of war, the strug gle was -ettlc-1 in aeeordaMu with the ftipulalioas agreed upon between the Gen eral,- commanding the armies. These terms were noble; they were niavnaui mous, they Wcfe manly ; and permit me to say here to night, and I say it with jrleasure, could the terms granted by Gen. Grant to Gen. Lee, at Appomattox Court House, and by (Jen. IS her man to Gen. Jobuston in North Carolina, have been fairly complied with, tltere would have been a very different state ot things. These people were to lay down their arms and not to tsko them up again.-t the United State* Government again; to obey the laws, uwl to live in peace and quiet, which was so much de sired by the country alter rhe grievous warfare through which it. had just passed, if these terms had been complied with, it might have restored the Uukm Vntact.it would have hd't this people in tho same condition as they went Into the war, with simply, their losses the lyse. But there was a certain class whom these terms did not suit. Congress, the President and the Judiciary would not endorse them as the terms which should be exacted of ‘‘rebel lious States.” Our people thought they were restored'to the Union and to their rights; but they were mistaken. Stitt, there were the terms given by General Grant to General Lee ami by Gen. Sher man to General Johnston ; and it must ever remain an honor to the commanders of both nriniev, that they were so quickly and so kindly adjusted. Gut, unfortunate ly, they were not approved ; unfortunate ly the honor which was displayed in the field did not exist with the politicians in the Cabinet'; and they took upon them- selves tho revision of tliese terms. And, first, they exacted terms which had ucver boon eXauted before, terms which were con trary to all prcO' lent. JNevcrthcUMM, these terms wore plausible enough, and well cal culated to commend themselves to the Southern people, t hese were tho terms exacted hy the Executive, Andrew John son, who hud come into the I ‘residency upon the deatli of Lincoln. He was not atisfiud with the stipulations agreed upon between General Grant and General Lee, and between General Sherman aud Geueral Johnston, f would remark here that the terms to General Loo were limited to Lee’s army ; but those to General .Johnston ap plied to the whole country east of the Chattahoochee, and soon afterward to all east of the Mississippi. Andy Johnson, succeeding Mr. Lincoln, was, as 1 have already said, riot satisfied with these terms, aud, therefore, required others. What were they? lie required that the various State conventions must as emblo and frame now constitutions ; and at the same time ho advised tho emanci pation of our slaves. The first condition was the calling of the conventions and the 1 raining of now constitutions. Well, the South very readily yielded to that. And here I want the oolored people particularly In understand what 1 am about to say. They iiave been told that they owe their freedom to Lincoln’s Emancipation Proc lamation. It is not true. Even Mr. Lincoln himself did not claim this. That was simply a war measure, and of effect only during the war. If tho South had accepted the terms of that proclamation, she could have kept you all in slavery to this day. Hut they were not accepted ; and at the close of the war, we laid down our arms under the terms agreed upon by the Generals of the Armies. Then catue Andy Johnson's measures. He said that lie desired that you should be emancipated. Well, to this proposition tho Southern people very readily yielded; and there were two conditions which reconciled them to it. First: whether the measure was right or wrong, whether it was best for white and colored or not, it was looked upon as a natural conclusion of the war, and as a measure of economy. The other, aud in my judgment, tlic strongest, reason tiiat reconciled us to it w; s the way in which you ernored people behaved your selves during the war. Yes, the colored people behaved honorably, nobly, bravely and truly, toward us during that struggle; for while our fathers, sons, ami brothers, were absent upon the fiattlo-lield, they guarded our homes, made our broad, and protected our interests. This conduct be got a feeling of kindness for the colored people which reaetieiled us to their email cipatiotx With these and some ofhereon ditions wo oouiplied. We called our State Uonventious and trained new Constitutions, aud in this we declared that slavery should neverexist again. -Now, my colored friends, mark the point. That is what se cured you your freedom. In 1865, this emancipation measure was made a part of the Constitution in the manner and for the reasons which I have given you. This emancipation wu.s anew measure with us. Wo Bail never before encounter oil it. We had here four millions of col ored people as estimated. Now to all (hose freedom was to bn given at once. Why, even the Northern people proposed only a gradual einaneipation;but here,all at once, suddenly, we gavnyou tout freedom.' What was to he the result? No man could tell. We could net tell how you would behave yourselves, how you would be guided; whether unprincipled men would take charge of you, and mis lead you. Hut these difficulties were met at the threshol 1. To your credit, colored people, tie it said, you behaved nobly ; you remained quiet ; you remained true to the country ; you went to work quietly and peaceably; you exhibited a docile tem perament, and a jihtuiug, gratifying wil lingness to work. In this you relieved the question of half of its difficulties, ami the country of half of its troubles. The next thing required of us by Mr. Johnson, was the repudiation of the Con federate debt. This we also complied with. In addition to these measures, he also claimed the right to pardon our peo ple. Now, l claim that tlie terms agreed upon at Appomattox Court House senled that question, and relieved all the peoplp from the necessity of any pardon; but Mr. Johnson claimed the pardoning power —pardoning sonic ot the rebels, as wo were called, and leaving others out. Well, we complied with this also. We were re quired to take an oath to support the Con stitution, aud the emancipation tit t he slaves. Tin people took this oath readily and in good t ilth, and they have kept it in good faith. Here, then, we bud two sets of terms: Ist, the Army terms, aud 2d the terms of the Executive Department, with both of which our people complied, and what was the result ? Thus tar we had become in volved in no serious difficulties -nothing had been required of us which was incon sistent with the rights and honor of an overpowered people. We had managed this question wisely —the people and statesmen had proved themselves equal to the emergency. Well, what was the result? Under the existing state ol things we be gan to prosper. Laud increased in value, property of all kinds increased in value, while the colored people were getting the highest wages paid to any class of laborers on earth. Everything seemed to grow brighter—the fluids to bloom more beau tifully, :ia,l all began to prosper and to hope! ILw prosperous we wre in ISfiC! When the close of the year came and eon tracts ha 1 to be made for the ensuing year, hands i ' i> nuhwesteru Georgia were paid as high as $l5O per year, besides being found. 1 repeat it, such prices were un ird of before tor labor. Why. not a single laborer in the North got as much ; and it was almost double what they got in their factories. Everybody looked for ward io the future with iailk ~nd hope Hut suddenly, auo'her class came forward with new requirements. The politicians, the Radicals, n >t satisfied with the terms given us by Grant and Slerman, and by John son. must have terms also. They said that President Johnson had no right to offer terms Well, at i nee the prosperity of the South com menced tumbling, pries* commenced fall ing, and the country was ruined. The Con gress denied us every privilege guaranteed by the Union; it imposed taxation and every burden upon us possible, yet re fused us representation. It impost and aux, first, of tlu'ce per cent, ou our cotton and then of two and a half per tout.—a tax which struck at whits* aud black alike. We soon became a ruined and an impoverished people, but we stood these heavy taxes, and readily complied with their terms; and not only did we tolerate ail this, but wo stood, also, the robberies of the thieves who went about the oouutry stealing all the Confederate property they oould lay | thoir hands upon. Yes, we bore it all—the Army, the Executive, and thcCongression iil terms ; and. wor.se thau.all, we bore the rogues too. These were like the locusts of Egypt, a’moet a* numerous and infinitely <j cieaner- Well, Congress said it must set- 1 tie the question of reconstruction. It give us the Constitutional Amendment No. If, j and said we must adopt that. That Amendment contained four ideas; one of j them was giving the right of citizenship to , all the people. Now this was altogether! unnecessary, for it is ever to be remem bered, and it cannot, dure not le disputed, that wo had already seemed 'you col ored people your freedom, ia ISGS, as I have before said to you. Y es, the State of Georgia had granted you your freedom long before Congre-s Lad required it of us; aud yet you wiil bear people going about the eoantry «ayitjg Congress gave the colored people their freedom. It did no such thing. We gave it to you fir t. Well that requirement was not objection able, because we bad already done this. The second requirement, then, was that all win were excluded from the privilege of the ballot-box should be excluded from representation. We could not accede to this, though by some slight Amendment to the Constitution we might have met even that point. Thethird requirement wag that “fine rebel debt,” a» they called it, was to be repudi ated and the United States debt to be paid Why put this in the Amendment? We hid already repudiated our debt, and by going back into the Union, we were help ing to pay its debt, by paying the taxes imposed upon u.-. and the more enormous taxes to the rogues besides. Now, colored people,if you will listen to me. you will find that I am your best friend—why, lam worth a thousand such men to you as Bullock, Blodgett, and Bry ant; for they wiil deceive you— I never will. Very well. The fourth and last require ment of the Constitutional Amendment — and that is why it was rejected and the on ly reason why the ikmtli made a point against it—was the exclusion of almost every intelligent man in the South even from the humblest office. Why under that Amendment, you could not have made that whole-souled, pure and noble patriot, Charles J. Jenkins,a Justice of the Peace or a UoB-table in your eouuty. 1 ask the colored people was that right ? Was it right ? Afrer all that we had done —after all that we had complied with,was it right to exclude such men as Crawford, Starnes, Jenkins, every educated man, thousand# of the best, anti wisest men of your State, from every office in the State? I ask you, colored men, was it right to let you vote, and to keep the white mat) front voting, for no other reason than because he had been a leader in the war? Tiffs watqthe fipst point which impinged on Southern honor. We had granted cheer- fully everything else with impunity; borne patiently everything else exacted of us; hut when the miserable Radical Congress, which has said we will tax y«H and yet deny you representation, and now said you must disgrace yourself by disfranchising your own people, the whole South rose up as one man, and said, that we will not do. Upon the rejection of this measure, Con gress proposed new terms, known as the Reconstruction Measures of 1867. Now, remember, colored men, bow prosperous you were in 1866, how high you were paid for your labor. Well, in March, 1807, this wicked, nefarious measure, known as the Reconstruction Bill, was adopted by Con gress. From that moment tho country commenced going down. Up to that time, the colored people were docile, I industrious, true to thoir “old masters,” and kind good feelings reigned on all sides, j We began to congratulate ourselves that j emancipation was the pest thing for us. , But from this moment, confidence was struck down, prosperity ceased, Northern ; capital stopped coming here ; and very Soon after wo were introduced to that meanest, most contemptible of all earthly j things, called “carpet-baggers.” What j does this measure propose to do ? It ex- ! eludes the wisest men of the South from holding office, or voting, while it clothes, : say four millions of colored people, wiLiitlie • right to vote. What a field was opened ; here for these monstrosities, the Freed mon’s Bureau and the carpet-baggers ? Those people concluded that they could get something at the South—the wisest of tho ' white people are excluded, said they, from : holding office, and the colored people have I the right to vote. So they became office-, seekers and office-holders. These carpet baggers, bummers, and spoon-stealers had j nothing to do with Grant or Sherman ; they never were qn the battle-hold; and never did any good anywhere. But they ; ■saw this fine opening at the South, and down they came. And this is one of the first objections to this Rcoonstruotion measure, that it put such trash upon us. Well, they came here, and then what did they do ? They got you colored people into their Loyal Leagues, took you into dark places, where the people who had been your friends, whom you had been raised with, couldn’t talk to you ; and where these vile carpet-baggers taught you a feeling of hatred against, the Southern people. Unfortunately, you went in, many of you, and now "see the result. Under their sway, how property has/allen; how wages have fallen ; how confidence is destroyed ; how business is ruined 1 In a word, "the anidunt of the pecuniary injury sustained by the Southern people would pay the debt of every man, woman, and 1 child in the Southern States. Wages are out down —they are not half as much as they were in 1867 —while the confidence I between the employer and the laborer is destroyed. If it had not been for these measures, prosperity would still reign here, and hundreds of factories might now bo erected over these Southern States. But l have dwelt too long upon these points, my fellow citizens ; and so we will pass on. I want to make two remarks here, worth bearing in miud, concerning i these Reconstruction measures. The first is, that the Northern Radicals, who matured and prepared them, admit, themselves, that they arc unconstitutional, j Not a respeotablo lawyer on the face of j this continent will say, to-day, that they i are constitutional. The second is, that not a respectable j man in the South, intended as a victim of these measures, said it was Constitu- ! tional; if he did, he was a fit subject for 1 the lunatic asylum. I wrote to General Grant, in behalf of the people of the i South, when Pope said that a large ma jority of the people Wore in favor of these measures, and challenged him, or any honest man, to put his hand upon his heart aud say that they were Constitutional; that they wore just; that they were right. I have never heard an intelligent man yet say they were any of these things. 1 have never seen it so claimed in any of the speeches winch l have read. Some crazy mau may have said so; but if he did l didn't see it, as I read only the speeches of the intelligent men of the country. I look to such men as Orr, of South Carolina. Holden, of North Carolina, an unmen tionable in-Georgia, and others of that character in other States. 1 did my best to bring them out. I dared them to come out, anu say that these measures were legal, constitutional, and just. Not one of them would do so. Colored men, remember this. Then why did they favor them ? That is the point. What reason did they Hud for it? Why, that although uncon- j stitutionul, unfair, and unjust, we had bet- , ter adopt them for fear Congress might do something worse ! In other words, if you don't let a man cut off year arm he I will cut off your head. Well, all I have got to say is if you let him cut i off your arm, you deserve to have your head cut off too. Thank Heaven ! that idea was founded in cowardice, and the ' Southern people didn't accept it. 1 heard men, in whom you have confi dence, say that they wore in favor of giving ' the negro the right to vote, but wheu they would get in office they would turn it all over! Vi bat shall 1 call such meu ? Creatures ? Creatures is too good for them. Vipers? 1 beg pardon of vipers; things'? No name can characterize them. They carried you into their 1/oyai leagues, They have deceived i you, cheated you, and betrayed you. They told me, as late as October, some ol these very men, that they were just as much opposed to the Reconstruction measures as 1 was ; and after they weye in tbc Union they would turn round and betray the whole concern. This was their intention. And tiny would have dene it then, though perhaps they wouldn't do it now. Yet I believe that if they could come back to the respectable positions which they once held, they would abandon Radicalism be fore the setting of to-morrow's sun, and thank God for the privilege. Bat these men are demoralized. They have gone so tar down the current that they can't jjet back. I wish they could, I fee! sorry for them; and I would forgive them now, if they could “bring forth fruits meet for re pentance. " I’m in a forgiving humor new. I waut everybody to.come with us. I want everybody to join us in this contest. I waut everybody in the world to vote for Seymour and Blair. I know that we are going to win the fight—that the last hattie for Recon s ructio-i ha., been iought ; but I want you a io L.tw .. share in the tiutory. These miserable Radicals have taken back all they promised you. They put Relief *iu their Uousii'.ution, and when it went on to Washington, the Congress struck it out. aud the miserable creatures at Atlanta, your so-called Georgia Legislature, which made a great ado about it, backed out also, and struck it out. I wouldn t give any thing for the brains of the colored man who couldn't tell bow mean a Radical is. lie shows Lis mean uoss in his countenance; he shows it in his gait ; he shows lit in hi* coat; and even in the swing of his arms. His very shadow : on the earth is a walking illustration of his meanness- lie is false to the Con ; stitution, to Liberty, to the white race, aud to the black race—to every class, condition, aud race under the sun. Such a scheme as this Reconstruction measure ean uot last; it ought not to last. Every j wise man knows this. The advocates iof the measure. North and South, know it. I read in. the NVw Y’ork Times, a Republican organ* to day, an articie saying, in substance, that the country bad not come cut of thi.- Reconstruction trouble ye-; and the while argument showed that tho writer considered it a failure. It could not be otherwise, for the j measure is illegal, unconstitutional, un- i wise, arid unjust, stimulated 'by lust, and i sustained by robbery. Sueh a measure could not last lon gin this country. And Dot only has it failed, but tho candi- date of the parly which emhjrseait can not be elected President. Every day is making this more palpable. I deeply re gret that Gen. Grant has aljowed himself to be used by this party. Y’ou know how I spoke of him at the commencement of roy remarks—how I said that he had act ed nobly, generously. That was not alt Evet>after Congress commenced its plan, when President Johnson sent Gen Grant' through the South, on a tour of observa tion, he went back and made a report, in which he spoke of the Southern people kindly nod favorably, and recommended . that we be admitted. That was generous, j Had he remained true to his position, he would have been, not only the chief of the conquerors, but the idol of the con quered—the favorite of the South. But, unfortunately for the Geueral, he was re quired to remain at Washington, where he i fell intp the hands of those miserable 1 creatures, the politicians. He was taken charge of by the Radicals; and for some i time it was not known which side be would take. Earnest appeals ware made to him to stand by his position. I took the liberty , of appealing to him in behalf of the whole people but without success. He took ground ia favor of the Radical party, and j Upon him alone does it st-rod. If he were j to abandon it it would not live five hours. I had hoped that he would have the wis dom to perceive and the courage to do what was right; and I never knew any better until he wrote the letter about the War Office in which lie acknowledged that he was deceiving the President, i saw a let ter the other day from the North in which the writer states that Geueral Grant is at last waking up to the knowledge of the fact that he has been deceived by such men as Washburne and others, and that he made a great blunder in going with them ; and that he talks about coming down. Well, that makes no difference now ; we will laiat them anyhow ; but ! would be glad to see one who once acted so well, rescue his character from the stain of Radicalism. These Radicals have no hope of carry ing Georgia. Their object in adopting the measure was, by giving the.colored people the right to vote, to carry the Presidential election. They now discover they eannot do that. Tlicy lind that the colored people arcjoining the Democratic party, and or ganizing Democratic clubs, with hundreds in them, everywhere. And now, finding that their tricks have been discovered, like all rogues, they are trying to do worse. They are now trying to take away the right to vote from'both white and black. In Florida, they have passed a bill depriv ing both white and black front voting in this election. What do you think of that? They care nothing for the colored man, but for his vote —and would just as soon give the right to muies, anything, •everything, that would vote for them. In Alabama the same kind of bill has been passed ; but, fortuuately, there they have a Southern man for Governor, Mr. Smith, who is a little better than most of his party, and he vetoed it. I know him, and I begin to have some hopes of hi 5 recovery. Well, they made a great fuss about it, but they had to sub mit. They cannot frighten or buy up tho white people, and they find that the color ed people are waking up to their wicked ness. They are in a terrible bad box. In Atlanta they have also tried to pass a bill similar to those of Florida and Alabama, but it cannot pass. Poor Bryant says that several of the Radicals in the Legislature have turned Democrats; and Bullock will not have a chance to veto the* bid—though I don’t think he would if he had a chance. No, in Georgia they cannot take away from the colored man. the right to vote ; you will have, that right ; but mark it.— mark what I tell you, the Radicals will take it away from you, if they have the power. The Democrats gave you this right; and they shall not take it away from you. Now, then, they are getting desperate ; what’s to he done ? Disgrace and shame are staring them in the face. I’ll tell you what their last card wifi be, ands want to warn you people of it. They are sending emissaries over the country, who are en deavoring to make (he Northern people believe that wc arc unwilling to live under the Union —that wo are trying to get up another secession ; that the spirit of ’6l is prevailing here yet. Poor fellows ! they could not charge anything of 1861 on me, because I, was then a Union man. Yes, they are doing all they can to im press their falsehoods on the public mind, i have seen my own speeches perverted and misquoted in the Northern papers; these vile creatures have telegraphed their venomous falsehoods abroad, and every thing that can be tortured into the shape ol a “rebellious spirit,” as they cal Tit, is used to make false charges against us. It is important tliatf these thing!) should be understood ; and I hope that there is no difficulty in understanding me. I know I am but a plain, humble man ; but I want to put the Southern people ou their guard against these creatures. When you laid down your arms and took the oatli to support the Constitution, you meant it in good faith ; but you could not support measures, tho authors of which themselves, declared to be unconstitution al. You couldn't support thorn and keep vour oaths as honest men ; because every man who took that oath, to support the Constitution of the United States, and then supports these measures, is guilty of perjury. Why? Because the Constitution is one thing, and Radical reconstruction is another and right-opposite thing. You cannot support both You cannot worship God and Mammon. When I make this charge, I mean it for those people who voluntarily support and intend to carry out those measures. If you mean right, I don’t mean you ; but ifyou mean wrong, Ido moan you. I am myself for restoring the Union in good faith, according to the Constitution, and as our fathers made it. I was for that in 1860. I entered the politioal field in 1,855, because 1 believed that the contesc tbeu begun would result in a dissolution ot the Union, and I wanted to give my feeble efforts to prevent it, if possible. I fought all the time in a minority party, until se cession was accomplished, Then when my State took her position on that ques tion, I went with her. There was no service which I could render, which was not at her command ; and, as I professed to be a Confederate, I stood by my State until she laid down her arms. I would have scorned myself if I had not thus been true to her. I saw and believed that secession was unwise and inexpedient on our own account, but, when the State effected it, I went with her. Every true Northern man endorses this position. Let a man always be what be professes to be, aud he will be respected. The great trouble with the Confederate States was that too many who inaugurated the secession movement became faithless to the cause. Well, we laid down onr arms at Ap pomattox C. H., and took the oath, as I have said, to support the Constitution and agreed that the colored people should be free. When I say 1 have kept tliat oath, and meau to keep it, every mam of you will agree with me. The charge, then, that we are disuniouists aud faithless to out oaths, is false—gotten up by men them selves false, theuiselvc-s traitors to the Constitution, to the Union, to every race, every law, every interest of this country. The flag of the Union is our flag. If it be emblematical of the Constitution, it will be gladly our banner ; and North aud bout It, to-day, it floats from every village and hamlet of the country. Flag of our coun try ! wave! wave on, wave ever —but wave over freemen, not slaves ; over States, cot provinces ; over States of equals, not lords and vassals ; over a land of liberty and right, not a land of despotism and strife 1 (Here there was immense, loud, and prolonged eheeriDg.) And, my countrymen, when we hear such sentiments as these received with such rapturous applause, when we know that they are the sentiments of every Democrat iu the Southern States, how hu miliating. how mortifying it is to find even urea from among us, too, telling the North ern people that we intend another rebel lion ! But the North is waking up to this falsehood, it has, no doubt, had a terri ble ethe: ; and is now to be renewed with desperate energy. Another branch of this scheme of deception is to cultivate strife between the white and colored races, by teliinar the Northern people that we are oppressing the colored and loyal Uniou people. I speak fearlessly, my friends, be cause I kuow it is my duty todo so. I want you to see and to hear that the Radicals are making desperate efforts to keep the colored people separated from and embit tered against the white race. And why ? Because they know that they cannot con trol the Northern people unless they create a liilse impression upon their minds. They want to see repeated the New Orleans and Memphis riots, so as to create the impres sion that the respectable white people of the South, all of whom are Democrats, are endeavoring to get up strife between them selves and the colored people. These miserable creatures say, too, that another object erf the Democratic party is to earry you back into slavery. They are vile liars ' They kuow that it is lalse. We gave you your freedom in our Conven tion in 1805. And the Radicals are the very ones who have declared that Consti tution illegal and set it aside ! They say that we want a war of races. Now, let me ask you who owns all the property in this country? Don't you know that the white people own 99 100ths of it in Augusta and other places in Georgia? Don’t you know it’s the Democrats who own it?. Well, if war comes who will be the losers ? Wouldn't it be the Democrats? Why, f we- ve tried war, we’ve lost by war, and wc don’t want to lose any more bv war. War ’ is a thing which causes losses. Atlanta t was burned by war ; money is required to carry on war; and all that we have got j now is the little that was left u< from the j last war. Yet these miserable Loyal j Leaguers want to make you believe that we want to get up another war. No, I'll tell you what it is. These vile miscreants that they are, want to get up another war. These miserable creatures want a war—a war against men who arc your true friends. They are bankrupt in character as they j arc in purse—and that is very broken— aud, therefore, a war would be the very thing for them. They could go buc< to their old occupation of stealing spoons ! It is true we haven't got a great many left, but they might get the balance. These vagabonds, also, at the commencement c f the war had nothing, but wound up at its clo-e with fortunes which they had stolen. These men may make something b> stir ring up another war, and henee they want it. I ask every colored man if the Democrats own the property of this country, aint they the last men to try another war ? \Ve don’t want you to be deceived; we don’t want you to be betray ed; wc don't want you to be misled by these miserable carpet-bag scoundrels. They.are a j so teaching you to hate us. ‘ IV ill it do you any good ? Suppose you keep up your Loyal Leagues ; suppose you keep on hatmg the white people; sup pose you get up a war, what will become ct these miserable carpet-baggers ? They will run worse than a scared rabit from a hunter s gun. My colored frier: df, I warn you here, to-night, and in doing so I am discharging my duty to you—for I confess that I am talking principally to you —there is no use ia talking to the white peo ple : they can see what the intentions of our enemies are; they have had more edu cation than you have, and the Radicals cannot get the honest masses of white people into these Loyal Leagues, to give carpet-baggers places of trust and prof it. But they deceive you and make you feel enmity against the white people. I appeal to you to come out of such dark holes, and stand by the people whom -you were raised with. Don’t you see that it is to the interest of the white people to take care of the coun try and to preserve peace? How can you promote peace by believing the white peo ple your enemies ? It is strange that, every colored man docs not see the way whieh these carpet-baggers are leading them. Come boldly, then, into the Democratic OiubsA The white people will protect you. They are your friends. I exhort you to cultivate kindly feelings toward them; and l exhort, them to cultivate kindly feelings toward you. Organize your clubs. YVe will protect you. Yes, let us all go for the Democracy, white and colored, and then there will be no war—then there can be no war. But I warn you now, against the schemes of these miserable Radicals. It is your duty to be on your guard, white and black —to bear and forbear ; to reason and to remonstrate together ; to defeat (he carpet-baggers, aud to unite in elect ing Seymour and Blair. If you do this, colored people, I will guarantee to you that your wages will bo increased fifty per cent, by Christmas. I am a farmer, and I am willing to enter into a bargain with you if, whether with or without your help, the Democratic candidates arc elected, to give you next year fifty per cent, more than I am giving in 1868 Why can I guarantee this ? Because if the Democrats are triumphant, confidence will be restored, we will be placed where we wore before, capitalists will come here, lands will rise in value, everything will in crease in value; and as property and products increase in value, labor will also increase in value. We will bo better able to pay fifty percent, more than we arc now, than to pay what we now do. Don’t you un derstand that ? Ynu aro destroying your own interests, the peace and quiet of the country, rushing youri'amilies, your wives and children, into war and destruction, when you go with these Radical carpet baggers. Then, let us all unite against them. We feel under obligations to you for your kindness to our people during the war, and ior your conduct after emancipa tion. We were all industrious then, all doing well, until these miserable Radicals came in and commenced destroying your substance. You can see what we are coming to. I hope that you will look at , the subject carefully and honestly. I feel anxious about it. It is an important one; and it is strange that you do not consider it as you ought to do. I speak kindly to you all the time, I feel kindly toward you, aud I want to see you do right; but wherever I go the obi ject of the Radical party is to keep you :'rom hearing me. They represent me as your enemy. They tell you falsehoods, and send drummers all over the country to prevent ypu from hearing me. But I want you to hear the warning that I have given you, and the appeal tha,t I have made to you, ard the few of you whom I have seen, apd who have heard-me, tell what I have said to your friends and neighbors. I want them all to know it; to know that they, have been deceived ; to know who arc their friends. Then I will give you an additional piece of advice. Come and occupy the position Gad has given yqu. What He has done is right, just, and good, Let us come together; live together in peace and good will, and 'plenty shall come to us again for ourselves and our posterity. It is my duty to warn you to-night, that if you turn a deaf ear to what I have spoken to you ; ifyou will be deceived ; if you will .hate the white people ; if you, -yourselves, wiil provoke a war of races—i warn you that destruction is in store for you. When such a war comes, if unhap pily it should, the whites, North and South, will unite against you. I sec let ters from the North, almost every day l saying let the contest come; we will fight it out. Oh, my colored friends, that a voice from Heaven could tell you, that the best friends you have on earth are these Southern people—these people who have been raised with you. It w strango to me that you can be made to believe any thing else. The Radicals have tried the white people and failed with them ; and now they arc failing with the colored people. I have studied the history of your race for four thousand years. — During your slavery you enjoyed more advantages and happiness than any of your raco elsewhere. If you want to.preserve your advantages and hapyti ness in freedom you must preserve your kindly and natural relations with tho white people. You are now as free as I am; 1 but do not-lct the future historian say that | as soon as you got your freedom you be , gan to deteriorate. Preserve your charac ters, improve your race, be honest and just, and freedom will prove a blessing to you. It you turn your back on ,your friends, on men who made this country, what will become of you? We want peace —wc intend to have peace—it is to our interest to have peace ; but if you will wage war, if you will follow strangers, if you will hate our people at the instiga tion of carpet-baggers, woe be unto you. These are words which should strike deep into ybur hearts, as I utter them —woe! woe! unto you will be the words from all parts of the world, These are not threats, my colored friends; they are words of counsel, and warning, and wisdom to >you. I do not know what is to become of the couutry. There were never so many whites and assembled together in one Government,* as freemen, before. Whether it will stand or fall I do not know. Philosophers say that it eannot stand. I won’t*dispute it with them. Well, wnot then? Do you expect the white people to quit it? Do you expect them to follow the carpdl-baggera in their disfran chisement of intelligent people? That they won't do. Never! Never! If you would prosper and be happy, then, you must come to us; come together; it is your iuterest to come. We understand this question better than you do—we know our rights, and we know yours. I have made, my friends, a more earnest appeal to the colored people of Augusta than I have elsewhere, because they have been subjected to mure deleterious influences than those of other places. 1 don't know any place where there were more of these carpet-baggers and more efforts made by them to deceive you—some of these, un happily, are “to the manor born.” They told me themselves that they wanted to deceive jou, and now, seeing their failure, are becoming desperate. Some of these men in Georgia have become so hardened, so desperate that they would be willing to see the country sacked, to see arson, theft, murder, and every crime in [ the catalogue enacted, if by it they could I be left in power. In my opinion, in regard to our candi dates and tne present canvass, much speaking is unnecessary. Wbv ? Be cause every white man understands the issue, unless he is a fit subject for a lu natic asylum ; and as for the colored men, if you want good advice, go to the men who have never deceived you—to those who were raised with you—to those who have always been your friends ; go to them privately, but not to office-seekers and office-holders ; go to citizens whose whole interests are in the property aud prosperity of the country, ask them honest ly ; they will advise you right, and then follow their advice. Take their advice in stead of that of Loyal Leaguers, who have ! oorae down here to get offiee and to stir up strife between you and the white people, and you wiil not regret it. My oountrvmeo, 1 have detained yon i longer than 1 intended. I have indulged in a vein of earnestness unusuai with me ; but I feel the weight of the words that I have been speaking and the importance of I the subject I have presented to you. I have indulged iu no rhetorical flourishes. What we want is plain words, and plainly i spoken. I can tell you, my countrymen, : we are standing beside a vortex, an im mense abyss ; and when we are asleep we | know not what schemes the miserable ad ’ venturers are plotting against us—against j white and black. We cannot tell. We ' only know that the elements of discord are at work ; we know tlsat some men will j sacrifice honor, hope, country, everything for office ; we kuow that if we do not see evil we cannot avert it—and, seeing it, if we do not -avert it, we are false pj our selves and to our children. Therefore I say what I do, so earnestly and so strongly to you. And now we of ler forgiveness to all who are willing to do" right. There has bceu errors, for dissensions, Tor mistakes. That time has passed. Itot us forgive and forget and j let as takball in who are aid as j in the gr.at work befere us. Let u? teach I the colored man his dtrty; be kind and j forbearing to the colored man, forgiving to | the penitent, and to all who are willing to ! save the country. But when I have said i that, my powers of fbrgivenes# wre exhaust ed. The man who votes for the vassal age of the Southern white f*pople to the Northern white people, forgets himself and his couD+ry—its present, its past, and its future. The roan who votes the Radi- : cal ticket should be forever contemned by white and Maek'. But eyg-i ip these wicked miscreants use no violence; hun 1 not a hair of their heads, but drive them i from your society, forsake them in their i business, and brand them like Cam, to be fugitives and vagabonds upon the laeeof I the earth. You may say (his Is proscription. Are they mot proscribing you f Let them ! know it before hand what your feelings are ; and what your conduct will be towards ' them, and they will abandon their Nvildand ! wicked projects. Let them knpw that you understand that they are deceiving the colored men, and they will be afraid to continue it. Come up to this platform,my ; I friends,yith kindness to all who ate willing I to do right, whatever may have been the j errors of the past, with our hands to all who are wifidg to aid us in this contest, ! firm and true to the great principles in- | volved.in.it,and the timeiwillcome whep our children will rejoice that their fathers proved so equal to the great task which j Providence has imposed upon them. Mr. Hill was frequently cheered duriug his remarks, and sat .down, amidst the wildest and most enthusiastic cheering. if htouitlc & dentil;Cl hLDNKSDAY Ml! KM Mi. AIUGIST* 26. JOB PRINTING Circulars , Business Cards, Bill Heads, Notes, Drafts, Checks, I)rfry Receipts, Dills of Lading, Jfyndbitls, Rosters, Jjobcls, Wedding awjt Visiting Cards, Pamphlets, und all kinds of Job Work executed at this office with neatness end dispatch, and -on reasonable terms. . i * Special Notice. /Subscribers iand otlftrs remitting to the Chronicle it Sentinel are requested’ (o soul money only in registered tellers, a)' by money orders, when they can be procured, arid by Express. Un’css r money is scut in this manner, ivb will not be responsible for. any losses that may occur. Our friends will oblige us by complying with this request, and sending money only in this way. d&w)f. General Travelling Agent—Wc have secured the services of Rev,- F. L. Brandy as General Travelling Agent of the Chronicle & Sentinel, and cordially commend him to tne 'public. Any cour tesies or favors extended him will be ehcer : fully acknowledged and reciprocated by the Editors and Proprietors of thq Chroni cle & Sentinel. d&w. Great Speeches. —The able Speeches of Hon. B. 11. Hill and Generals Robert Toombs and Howell Cobb, delivered at the Atlanta Democratic Ratification mass meeting, July 23, 1868, have been issued in pamphlet form from the press of the Chronicle & Sentinel, and are now ready for delivery. One copy of the three speeches ten cents. Single copies’ of each speech, five cents. Fifty copies and up ward, at the rate of two and a half cents apiece. All orders promptly filled. Every Democratic club in Georgia should sub scribe for and circulate these powerful speeches. They should be read by every Democrat in Georgia and in the South. Ben. Hill’s Great Speech in Au gusta.—We say great speech because it is a great one. We not only hoard it, but we’ve written it out, and tje say unhesi tatingly that it is one of the best which has been made in this campaign. It should have a wide circulation. The oolored pco.- ple should read-it, or have it read to them. It speaks the sentiments of the Southerq people, and of tiro Democracy, and is, therefore, truly a great speech, an irnport ant*speech, one which should pc read, aud one which must have a gbod effect wher ever read. MeckFenburg Female College.— This College is located at Charlotte, N. U, and has an accomplished and experienced Faculty. The inducements which it offers to those who have girls to educate are very great, and we commend it to the patronage of the public. The advertisement will be found in this morning’s Chronicle & Sen tin il, The Galaxy. —We have received-the September number of this valuable maga zine. Each number is an improvement upon tho. preceding one, and it is now justly regarded as one of tho first-class publications of tho country. The present number contains the usual variety of able articles. The Galaxy is published by Shelton & Cos., 498 Broadway, New York, at $4 a year, in advance. M’He Julia Hisson, the new prima donna, is young and very handsome, and has a magnificent mezzo soprano voice, of extra ordinary richness, volume, sweetness and inflexibility.— Exchange. How can it be such a rich voice, when it must have a liissen sound ? A Democratic Him.—The official re turns from Kentucky show a Democratic majority of 89,249. . The Selma, Rome and Dalton Road. —The Rome ’Commercial says : that S II. and D. Railroad has been completed to within twenty miles of Rome, and will be finished to Rome by the first' of October. Tbe Romans, headed by Col. Cothran and other capitalists, project building, 11 at once,” a Railroad from Rome to Gadseo, Ala. First Bale of New Cotton in this Market. —The first bale of this year’s crop was received yesterday by Messrs, J. M. Dye A Cos., grown upon the plantation of J. M. Murphy, l Esq., of Burke county, It was classed as Liverpool Middling and sold to Messrs. Russell A Rotter. Price not madu publio. Blue RiPoe Railroad in So. CabO’ lina. —We learn from ’the Charleston Courier that the Committee from the city of Charleston, from the Chamber ofQom' meree, and the President of the Blue Kidge Road, Gen. Harrison, after an inter view with General Scott, de facto Govern or, expresses the opinion that the work on this Road “will be resumed at an early day, and its speedy completion assured.” Hon. Benj.* Hill and Gen. Robert Toombs. —These distinguished gentlemen having arrived in our city Thursday, the Democrats got up an impromptu demon- , stration in their honor that night. They formed in procession at the Club* Rooms on Ellis street, and, preceded by Fisher's Brass Band, marched to the Planters’ Hotel, when Mr. Hill, being caliedTor, ad dressed the crowd in a brief but eloquent and soul stirring speech, bidding the peo ple be of good cheer, hut firm, active, and energetic, in the cause of Democracy, as the cause of peace, honor and prospwity. He was severe upon tbe chemies. of his couatry, but not unjustly so; and was earn est and eloquent in his denunciations of Radical wremg and infamy, and in his ap peals to the people to save the State from ruin and degradation. The crowd then proceeded, at tha sug gestion of Geu. Wright, to the Centra! Hotel, where Mr. Toombs regaled them for some time, in one of* his fiery, im passioned efforts, dealing unsparing blows upon the Browns, Bullocks, Blodgetts MeCays and Gibsons. He also urged the people to be up and doing and closed with an eloquent perora tion, in which he piead earnestly for the cause of public liberty and the success of the Democratic party. The crowd was large and the enthusiasm vc-ry great. The Literary Pastime.—This is tbe tittle of anew literar : paper recently com menced in Richmond, Ya., by A. F. Crutchfield, Esq. It appears to be a wortLy candidate for popular favor.— Terms; $3 j*er annum in advance. The Barbecue and Heeling at. Abilene Chared. Oxing to tbs threatening aspect of the treatharfsatunlay morning there was not as large a crowd at the Meeting as had been anticipated. There was, however, a I gathering of several hundred, and every thing passed off in the most pleasant and agreeable style. We did not reach the Church until after the first speech—that of Colonel Joseph Ganaltl—was concluded. Those who heard him, speak in the highest terms of his ad dress. Major J. B. Cumming, Elector for this : District, was the nest who spoke. lie entertained the audience for a little over 1 an hour in calm, close, logical argument, in which he laid bare the hideous deformities of the Radical Jacobins and exposed their intolerant and revolutionary designs. He counseled moderation and forbearance | 1 toward those who had conscientiously cast ; their ballots at the late election with the ! Radical party, and who now, seeing the j error of their ways, arc disposed to vote ' with tlie Democracy. Ila deprecated any- [ thing a spirit of intolerance against > those members of the Legislature who, to j rid the Statu of the arbitrary and irre- i sponsible military government, had voted j for the ratification of the I4tii article of j the Constitution. He could not have so j voted,but he was not disposed to condemn, indiscriminately , all who had done so. This | speech was listened to throughout with great attention and seemed to meet the . hearty approval of the large audience. I After the conclusion of Maj. Gumming's j address the crowd repaired to a sumptuous j repast which had been furnished by the j .ladies and gentlemen of the county. There j was an abundance for all, and we have j never seen a dinner of Uic kind prepared : and conducted iu so perfect a maimer. : Two large tables were spread—one for tlfc ladies and one for the sterner sex, while a smaller one was spread for the officers of the club and speakers, and distinguished, guests. Having done full justice to the elegant dinner, the crowd again assembled at the stand, where Hon. B. H. Hill made one of those earnest, eloquent and telling speeches for which he is so justly distin guished. We shall not attempt to give an outline of this powerful effort. For more than an hour he held his audience en raptured and spell bound by his earnest and burning eloquence. No report of this gentleman’s speeches can do him justice. There is something in bis eye—in the tone of his Voice—in his maimer —a certain electrical influence which he possesses which enables him td chain the attention and sway the feelings of the multitude, in a manner which we have rarely seen equalled and never excelled. To get the full value of his speeches you musL hear him deliver them as only he can do it. Ilia speech here will do good—particularly that portion in which lie advised the peo ple as to their duties toward the black men. Soon after the conclusion of Mr. Hill’s speech, the rain, which had been threat ening, ail the morning commenced to fall, and the crowd repaired to the church near by, where speeches were made by” General D. M. Dußose, Judge Aldrich and others. General Dußoso’s speech was an urgent and eloquent appeal for a thorough organ ization of the party. He urged this as a prime necessity in the present canvass, and encouraged them with the results which had been already accomplished by our friends in the North and West. We had never heard the General on the stump before, and were not prepared to bear him lead off in a stylo so interesting and effect ive. He is quite a young man, and will, doubtless, win many laurels in this can vass. His whole soul is in the issue, and he seems determined to fight Radicalism as fiercely, and bravely, and efiioenfly as lixg services in the late war showed he was caps bib' of doing in the tented field. We were compelled to leave upon the conclusion of General Dußose’sspeech and were thu3 deprived of the pleasure of hear ing J udge Aldrich and the other speaker?. We canuot conclude this notice of the days exercises without paying a well mer ited compliment to the ladies and gentle men of the vicinity for the excellent ar rangements and decorations of the speakers’ stand, the accommodations for the au dience and the general perfection of all the arrangements of the day. We have never seen the accommodations and arrange ments of an occasion like this so tasteful appropriate, comfortable and perfect.. If committees of arrangements on similar oc casions would do their duty as well as those of the“ Friendship Democratic Club’’ it would add greatly to the comfort of both> speakers and audience. Wo learn that Gen. Geo. W. Evans and his family con tributed very largely to the success of this excellent entrainment. Clement L. YallaiidlgDani. This distinguished champion of Consti tutional Democracy has been nominated for Congress in the 3rd Ohio District. The District is now represented by the “Hero of Vienna,” the doughty Bob Schenck. If we do not greatly mistake the “Lingo” in Ohio the redoubtable Bob will boas fir behind Vallandigham at the close of the otovass as ho was ahead of his troops when running for dear life from the urn stained fields of Vienna. (iettlng llettcr. There can be no longer any doubt in re lation to the decided improvement in the tone and action of both Houses of the Leg islature. The Senate, which lias been decidedly Radical, by its action yesterday shows that some of its members, heretofore classed as Radicals, arc willing to act in accordance with the terms of their oaths of office. Mr. Lester, Senator elect from the Ist District, has been permitted to take his seat, although the Georgia Solon, the learned Bullock, had decided ihe seat, vacant and issnod his proclamation ordering an'election to fill the vacancy. If Bullock shall persist in his illegal at tempt to deprive Mr. Lester of his seat, by : carrying out his proposed eleetipc, fee shall have another contest ever this, vexed question. * >■ ’ * , The ultra and more rabid Radicals are becoming disgusted ! with the ’'conserva tism exhibited iu both branches of the Leg islature, and threaten to adjourn. If they will only carry their threat into exe cution, it will be a blessing to the people of the State, and will entitle them to what we never dreamed they would ever merit, the thanks of all honest men. Fire in Ldqeijeld Dust., S. o.—We learn that a house and kitchen, belonging to 0- J. Howard, and situated in Edge field Dist., about 2j miles from the Au gusta Bridge, was entirely destroyed by fire on the morning of the 21st inst. The loss is estimated at from SI,GOO to s2,t>oo, and the property was, insured for &SOO. The fire is supposed to have been the work of an incendiary. Democratic Rally at Warrenton, Ga. —1 here will be a grand rally of the Democracy of Warren county, at W ar~ reatcro, on Saturday next, August 29ib. Generals Toombs, Wright, and others are expected to address the meeting on that occasion. The Democrats of Richmond and adjoining oounties are invited to at | tend. _ ( Personal.— General D. JL Dußose is f in the city, and is, we learn, the guest of Major J. B. Cummin?, Sic Transit Gloria Plctonis.— Read out dispatches—Jones, a Republican can didate tor elector in the Fourth District of Alabama, takes the stump for Seymour and Blair, and the Montgomery Sentinel, a Radical sheer, suspends for want of pat ronage. Verily, the Rads have a hard j road to travel, but may-be they'll do better on the other side of Jordan. The fiat has gone forth and the party is doomed. Ah ready the cry of suave <pd pent is heard i along the distracted lines, and total route l is kamiDent. Alabama goes far Seymour and Blair! Come, Georgia Rads, quit your foolishness and join the party ofj peaee, progress and success.— Atlanta , Constitution, 22th Southern Ohio is having a large peach crop this year. The Brookiynifcs are agitating the steam 1 street car question. BY TELEGRAPH. TECE laiptirc COiXBSsroXDSXME » - TO T’U CHRONICLE & SENTINEL rSOH ATLANTA. Atlanta, Augud p. m.—ln the SSeuato the special order for to-day was the question sealing Col. Ilufus Lester, from the Ist District, vice A. A. Bradley, who was recently expelled. The quosloir was taken up amt, after considerable discus sion, it was decided to seat Col. Lester. He was thou sworn and took his seat. The vote-stOod, lives 18 ; nays 11. The Seriate is now considered decidedly Democratic, and tire same may be said of the House. The more moderate and respectable of both branches of the so-called Legislature aro thoroughly disgusted with Radicalism and begin to see and feel its evil elfects. In the House tire hill exempting foreign capital, Invested in manufactures, which was lost yesterday, was recousidored to day, and will lie so amended as to oxempt all manufactures of woollen, and cotton, and will probably be passed. The House has finally decided to limit speakers to fifteen minutes. Several propositions have beeu rnado to apjouru to an early day. (Probably the small (?) salary of §9 a day is not consider ed an equivalent for their valuable ser vices.) The Radicals aro getting disheartened and say that they had better adjourn, as their party can pass no measure. A bill to reorganize .he municipal gov ernment of Bavanuah Was made the special order for Monday. The House has accepted the proposition of the City Council of Atlanta, to take the Opera House for the use of the State Leg islature, so-called. X. TO TH£ ASSOCIATED PRESS. Yacht Hate Postponed Ac. London. August 22, p. m.—The Inter national \ atch Race was postponed to Tuesday. Heklen, August 22, p. m—Ship lAbcig, formerly Leibnitz, has been seized by the government for giving emigrants insuf liciont food and shelter, whereby many died. J J Catfie I*l a g uc. Cincinnati, Augustus, p. m.—The cat tle plague has appeared here and seven teen cows belonging to one dairy have been stricken and are dying rapidly” From New York. New* York, August 22, p. m.—Tho Board of CouneiUiie.ii, fifteen in number, were arrested to-day by the Sheritl'. Tim Board adjourned and accompanied the Sheriff to the Supremo Court. Prom Washington. Washington, August 23, p. m.—Hiram Ketchum, of Now York, Collector of Alaska, was at the Treasury to-day re ceiving instructions. Altornev General l-Warts spends two weeks in Vermont. Government employees have petitioned the President against the .Secretary of War’s-decision about the eight hour ‘law. Tlio petition uigues that the debate and votes, pending the passage of the bill, in dicated no reduction of wages to follow the reduction of time. Supervising districts, under the now tax law, takes place orv the loth in Virginia, and in West Virginia on the ll.th ; North and South Carolina on the 12th ; Georgia, Florida and Alabama on the 13th; Lou isiana, Mississippi and Arkansas on the 14th; Texas ou the loth. McCulloch has taken no action on Rollins’ nominations for supervisors. Sherman’s dispatches (corroborate tlio newspaper accounts of Indian outrages. Gen. Sheridan telegraphs that they are too horrible tor detail. Sherman directs Sheri dan to follow and administer summary punishment. Secretary Welles has arrived in New Aork from his inspection tour. Ho returns next we^k. Georgia Legislature. Atlanta. August 22, p. m.—Tho peti tion of K. E. tester, claiming the seat in the Senate made vacant by the resigna tion ot Bradley, of the Ist District, was granted—yeas IS; nays 11. Lester was sworn iu and took his sent. Money Markets. London, August 22, noon.—Holiday. Frankfort, August 22, noon.—Bonds 751 @7s#, N>:yv York, August 22, noon.—Stocks strpng ; Money easy ; Gold 1-14; ’«2s I,‘if ; North Carnhnas old 711, Hew 701; Vir gitlqts ex-coupons*, r )25, new 57; Tennessces ex-coupdns64i, new6BJ; ’sterling9§. New York, August 22, p, m.— Money easy at 3®f>; Sterling firm at 91; Gbld firmer ai 144(4) 144 j; Governments dull anil heavy. BaktiMor to, August 22, p. m.—Virginia old inscribed 465 bid;:’664o bid; ’6745 bid; coupons, old and now, 53 bidj.North Caro lina new 71 bid. New -Orleans, August 22, p. m.—Ster ling 57@59; New York -Sight J premium. Cotton Markets. Liverpool, August 22, noon.—Cotton opened buoyant and advancing; sales 15,000 bales. Liverpool, August 22, evening.—Cot ton closed buoyant at an advance; Up lands 10|t@ 102d; Orleans UMllid; sides 15,000 bales. New Your, Au\u. t 22, noon.—Cotton firm at 80c. New York, August 22, p. m.—Cotton more steady--sales 900 bale- at 300. Baltimore, August 22, p. m.—Cotton 291 @ 30c. Charleston, August 22, p. iu. —Cotton firm, sellers bolding above the views of buyers and asking 29c for Middlings— no sales; receipts 53 bales; exports coastwise 318 ball's. Savannah, August 22, p. m.— Cotton firm but quiet ; exports 857 bales; small sales—Middlings 2v)o ; receipts 2 balos. Mobile, August 22, p. in.—Cotton—noth ing doing and quotations nominal ; re ceipts 9 bales ; exports none. New Orleans, August 22, p. m.—Cot ton steady—Middlings 29(0*30e ; sales IK bales ; receipts 115 Lales ; exports 050 bales. Produce Markets. Liverpool, August £2, noou.—Bread stuffs irregular. Liverpool, August 22, evening.—Bread stutlsdull; Fork firm; Lard quiet; Bacon advanced to 555. New York, August 22, noon.—Flour 10(a)20c lower; Wheat duil and nominally lower; Corn 1 (<y%c lower; Mess Forks2B 50; Lard heavy at i ti'i (a. 182; Turpentine in moderate request at 45<jy-lsi ; Los in droop ing—strained to common §2 85| Freights dull and lower. New York, August 22, p. m.—Flour dull and 20 30c lower during the day— Southern ranges from $s 70(a) 11 75; Wheat 2(a)3c lower; Corn l(a)2c lower; AVbiskey firmer at 71c; Mess fork at 828 50<§)28 621; Lard quiet; Naval Stores quiet; Freights lower* Baltimore, August 22, p. m.—Flour and Wheat dull at unchanged pricos; Corn firm—white sl2s©42*i; Oats aud Bye dull; Provisions steady. Cincinnati, August 22, p. m.— Flour dull and detained lO&loc; Corn dull-ear 92(ct;93e; Whiskey held at 65; Mess Fork 823 75; Bacon—shoulders clear sides 17ic; Lard JBJfi. Wilminoto.n, August 22, p. m.—Spirits Turpentine firm al 401, New York casks •11; lto.dn.s linn—{strained it 09, N0.2 $2 10, pale ?2 25 j 'Par advanced to $2 30. New Orleans, A light t 22,pc in.—Sugar and Mol assert steady tir.ii unchanged ; Flour steady— Superfine s4> Com %\Gy 1 ogj; Oats steady at 023':; Bran unchanged; Pork §3O 50; JJacqn 'quiet—Shoulders 14c, Clear .Sides 18a; Lard firm—tierce I9ic, k< g 21 ie. LKTIKKS ON CHRISTIAN UNITY. NO. 3. . MK. EVANS’ PRIVATE JUDGEMENT. Reverend and Dear Sir: In my last letter I examined your scrip tural argument against the organic unity of Christ's Church, and commented on , your amazing perversions of some of the plainest of God’s words. Os yonr seven proof texts —all but one of whieh had no reference to the subject—l.found to boas strong as I could wish iu favor of the very thing against whieh you have lolt yourself at liberty to preach. Let mo recall them to your memory. 1. Iu tue first, St. Paul speaks of Bap tism ll iuto one body. ’' 2. In the second, he speaks of a “whole body, fitly joined and conwacted." 3. In the third, our Lord prays that His followers ll may be one as lie and the Father are one. 4. The fourth shows merely the permis sion of political separation oi‘ Israel from Judah. When Israel attempted to divide the Church as well as the nation, that 1 whole Kingdom fell into enormous idola tries. 5. The fifth has nothing to do with the | subject. G. In the sixth you quote Christ say- I iDg, “Other sheep I have which are not of the fold , conveniently forgetting to I add, what Christ did not forget to add, “them also must 1 briny, and then shall be one Fold and one Shepherd.” .7. Iu the seventh wt have a consp cnous , illustration, in his history of the Church 1 at Antioc, of the preservation of unity by the surrender yf mere private judgment to the authority of the Church. Remember, Reverend sir, tnat these are your own chosen texts against the unity of the Church, and it is not impossible that j you yourself may be surprised at the Det result of your scriptural researches. Now the question arises, and it is a very serious ! question, how could a learned divine, like j you, composing and delivering a written ! discourse, to be published through the ; length and breadth of the State in which you live, fall, with your eyes wide open, into such amazing perversions and con tradictions of* the word of God ? You set deliberately to your task. You were in no wise hurried. You had ample time for study and mature reflection. You had nothing to k)se by taking tinie, and you were likely to incur some little danger by I rushing madly into print. For your own sake, therefore, it is reasonable to suppose' that you have done your best. And due respect for the Right Reverend gentle man, whose sermons you assailed, de manded of you no small circumspection in preparing your assault. He assailed no one. ne spoke out, and he spoke nobly out, the earnest wish that “all who pro fess and ball themselves Christians” would seek and preserve the apostolic uuity of spirit in the apostolic bond of peace. In dependently of his high office and his not able distinction in the Church, it was due to him, as plcadiug for so grand a thing, that you should well consider what you said in your gratuitous attack. And, Reverend Sir, there is another higher reason why I must believe that you were very careful iu preparing this discourse. lou are a minister of religion, authorized to preach the scriptures to a large con gregation of devout and earnest Christian people. You are their instructor and their guide. Talk as you will of private judg ment, yo a know that a majority of those who listen to your sermons never dream of questioning your words or doctrines, much less your quotations of the scripture. It is utterly impossible that you would will ingly mislead them. It is inconceivable that you should even be intentionally negligent in your discourses. If we have to render an account of even the idle words that pass without thought from the lips, how awful a responsibility attaches to the words of him who speaks in Christ’s name to Christ’s people! It would be unkind, it would be uncharitable, it would be, I am convinced, unjust to suppose you did not feel that. And honoe I must and disbelieve that you .were wholly unoon scious of the perversions of the Word of God to which, on that occasion, you gave utterance. Now I repeat the question, How did it happen—how was it possible—that being of sound mind and more than or dinary learning, you could read the plain est words of the English language, and yet understand them to mean (he exact con trary of their ordinary significations? If “ one body” means many bodies, and if a “ whole body” means fragments of a body, then black may mean white, and the days of Babel have returned. You would treat no other book as you treat the Bible. You would treat no num’s words as you do your Saviour's. How comes it that you can treat that Book and that Saviour as you would no other? This questiou I shall try to answer for you. There is one thing in Bishop Beckwith’s sermon which appears to have awakened all your ire, and against which you have leveled your most terrible artillery of dec lamation. It is his aversion to unbridled private judgment, setting at defiance the authority of Christ’s Church. Declama tion counts for much in Sophomorical de bates. It counts, and ought to count, for very little in Theology. It is one of your most ready weapons and I hazard little here in giving you whatever you can gain by it. You say; “I object to such a union upon the Bishop’s principles because it would de stroy my distinctiveness as a man arid coir vert me into a mere machine. God made man a thinking, self-acting and determining bet. ing, and thus distinguished him from in animate matter. But to prevent schism, and to secure a universal union, I must surrender the right of private interpreta tion of the word of God, and accept the decrees of Church councils as the law of faith and the rule of my life. This sinks me to the level of a machine, moved by the motive power of the Church, God made me a man, and not a thing. In the name of my manhood I protest against its sur render, to build up tho P. E. C.” These aro fine sounding words, sir, and doubtless fell amazingly on people who know so little about themselves as never to have learned to distrust themselves or their judgments. They are fine words,but they remind me of th 6 old rule in theologi cal dispute—“whenever you have written anything particularly fine, scratch it out.” The simple fact is, that the only way in which lean account for yourextraordinary eoutradictions of the Holy Scriptures, 1 without accusing you of willful misrepre sentation of God’s Truth, is by believing that in writing your discourse you were utterly destitute of private judgment, and wholly led by the traditions in which you were reared. I affirm, and affirm unhesi tatingly, that no honest, truthful man can, with a free mind and unbiassed private judgment, read the seven passages of seripture you have quoted, and arrive at any other conclusion than that the perfect unify of Christ’s Church is what Christ cenimanded. Yet,from these seven passages you argue that perfect unity is not commanded, and that, on the whole, innumerable schisms are better than unity. Since, therefore, you are both an honest man and a truthful one, I am forced to take the other horn of the dilemma, and to believe that your mind is not free' and your judgment not unbiassed. The pride of private judgment has run riot in this age and in this country. Side by side with its sister, schism, has everywhere prevailed. There are to day, said to be some three hundred different sects of Christians, all wrangling about something, all professing to be Churches, all with some excuse for tholr existence, alt alleg ing some cause why they aro not something else. To talk of any sort of unity among such jarring elements is folly, and, in fact, there is but one thing in which they agree. That is scouting unity as a utopian impos sibility. Some indeed are—and they the most devout aud earnest—who vainly conceive of some substantial unity existing under neath, and, in spite of all the wrangliogs and recriminations and divisions which prevail. Such men do not lake our Savouir’s words to mean absolutely nothing. So they de voutly dream that those words are fulfilled in spite of men’s worst efforts to defeat them. They regret the evil of the days in which their lot is east, and look with long ing to that better country where 1 think even you will not deny that there is only one church. God bless such men, what ever name they bear ! However they may differ from him, such men will rejoice to hear that any man is laboring even iu this world to accomplish that of which they have despaired. But there are other men, like you, Reverend sir, who have learned not only to acknowledge the grim fact of schism in the body, but to approve of it, and to love it, and defend it. In spite of' the unquestion able fact that Christ set no limit to the unity for which He prayed ; in spite of the unquestionable fact that He took as the model of Ilia Church’s unity the very unity of the Triune God; in spite of the un questioned and unquestionable fact that in the days of the Apostles there was never a division greater than exists to-day be tween Saint Paul’s and Saint Luke’s Methodist Churches in (’olumbus ; and in spite of the equally unquestioned fact that for hundreds of years the Church’s unity was never broken save when heretics denied the very Lord that bought them and, like schismatic Israel, sought after strange gods; in spite, 1 say, of these things, and of many others like them, the tradition of division is so grained into your minds—it so warps and beclouds your judgments—that you fail to find the unity of Christ’s Church even on Christ’s lips when you quote the words iu which He prays for it. In this fact, Reverend, sir, I find the reason and afiology for your extraordinary searchings of the Scripture. When you . read about the unity of the State, you understand that well enough, though there are many men of many minds throughout the State; there is tut one supreme law, whieh many different officers administer hut all obey. Why if a civil commonwealth is able to achieve such unity,‘should Christ’s Church fail of it? Surely the thought is not unreasonable. Yet to*you it seems so utterly impossible—that 1 when the Scripture speaks of it you read : jts words to mean the very opposite of 1 what they say. Such is the awful blindness into whieh you have been led by the traditions of a reekless and unbridled private judgment that is not your own. I have not a little more to say of like effects which have re sulted from the same cause. I will, how ever, close this letter by observing that I heartily thank God that lie has given me something better for the guidance of my faith than either my own or any other mans private judgment. I am, Reverend and dear sir, truly your obedient servant, John Fulton. if? jgf* “BLESSINGS BKIfiHTEN AS §Art»#sa ,| tty tako ll(clr 111 fhU”-Uo’-e, f a -‘ ul life u;:;a luliuroly more \ r to the sirfferrtr from i.f-rvona tlabl! ty wfaeu the j that, ere kic*r, beawut leave tiig a fvruver. Wiuu .* he i«o4uth luta rrtwi** puireti, fciid t.e Ur I* li&'uig, i t I:f. tookj i>ore slTunr*. H tut the < | n.fc>ii j of rtvßorn-ioa Ui of ueiv .nx i difficulty has been to provide a stimulant yrTufiMim; cot oely I EDOttiQßai ajcit, Lui one aftjjdiug f-truAnwL relief. If 1 iioS* K ITER’s hTOMA.CH BITIJEItS is reaortwl to in I •'<£-* C’uefl, Its f fffccta will soon become apparent in the buoyancy of jpkritsPjujd renewod atrengtii of rte hitherto ! fleeted patient. Experience has proved that preparation to f he “THE HEMEUT OF THE AGE” for ajtlilVot* ! HEBIIJTY, as well a* all dUeuaes arising from derange i ment ©ftie itomacb ad liver. i Per ton; acvmeed & life, and ft. lag the hand of time weighra* heavily open tnem, with all Its attendant ills, will and in the twe of HOiTKTTER'S CELEBRATED NXOMJ.CH HITTERS—an fe !!xlr tha* will hutil utw lb« i*>to their vel-r; rertire, la an e»«u:«, tin, arii. r awl c.'juoreyo llilol dayi; MiM up their shrunken foraj and git heultl. aiid v*g. rto thdr remaining rea n. Those are In Inn least tfllcltd with Dj.pipsia, Ague, W, N«.«a.*r any other trcufckeome and dangnony cbtLi a Is.ngfrom a disordered fy.teir, shoeld not I wila* , to aval; tt-erneelvee of the benefit derived from tki*great n i u ejy The immense qmmfltied o/tkls invaluable tonic that are conrumed, and which U sttadUj- ytw L, ytMr k suflicient In ite«lf lo dimaTn the meet tcepttca l au*2l_<ll2iw2 — BURKE COUNTY.— GLAADIAN’jj iSALE.-By leave oi the Court o.'Bnrke connty, wliJbe ac,lJ on the FIRST TUE< , DAY in OCTOBER next, at the Cour in as ; d county, to the highest bidder. OLt-fcurlh Interest in a hcu.se lot ;n W ayntshoro’; said lot lying southwest of Col. lot. Sold an the property of ißuatiu# Palmer, deutaasU, Sold for life beaeSt of fgnatius Palmer, Jr. Terins ca*h; purchaser to pay for titles. WILLIS PAL.MEIt, AdiiiinUtrator*©: Palme.’, Sr., and (juaißiaji oi IgUßtSu I*»linej, Jr. August Jftih, 1918. aug2|~vui Weekly Review of Augusta Markets. OFFICE BOARD OF TRADE, ) Auousta.Ga., August 21, 18C8—P.1I I FINANCIAL.—There Is no <4iiisgo’worthy of note in our financial album since last week, with the exception pl a Blight decline in Goki—-the figures now being 1.43 buying, and L 46 soiling. Silver remains unchanged, H*t«i tho demand for Stock® and Honda remains gen era fly ;ood. COTTON.—The markot, during the first part of the week v as firm, with a light demand, and under favor able auyiccs from abroad advanced to 28c for Middling, but in tlie latter part of the week adv ices from abroad being unfavorable caused a refaction hi our market—it closing dull with a decline of fully >*c., leaving Mid dling 27> t c. The sales and receipts of the week have beep v cry,light, amounting to 326 bales sales, and f>."> bah-ft receipts. DOMESTICS— Remain dull, and prices gutirvly nominal. MERCHANDISE.—There Is no change whatever iu our provision market since our last review. Trade remains generally dull, with no material change in prices, with the exception of an advance in Bacon, and a heavy decline in Com, occasioned by leafy receipts in our market during the past week. COHN.—Heavy stock, holders pot disposed to press, believing prices will react—nominally, by car load, 1.10 for prime, demand light. FLOUR—In better demand, without any advance. The advance in Northern markets have given a better tone here. • Wheat—Good demand, at full prices. Strictly choice is in great demand, and would bring an advance on quotations. Heed Wheat wanted. supply. Nominally, 86c. K\ E—No change, 1.3<) to 1.40. fl A2W> ROPE—Iu demand, at unchanged li.YKDWARE.—ThoTrade iu Hardware for the past W 7v- Ji5Sr2S? tt * >riet ‘ 8 about the same as hist week. LEATHER Demand light and prices of an upward tendency. t UTILIZERS Dull and ropy light, and no chaiigo to report iu prices. demand light, and prict»o nominal. lOBACOO—More inquiry, and demand somewhat improved, but prices as yet gem rally unchanged. DRUGS—The trade iu Drugs for the past week has been a little slack, but with no change ill figures. DRV GOODS—We have to note a slight hilling off tn tho Dry Goods business during tho past week but make no change in prices. RECEIPTS OF COTTON. The following aro the receipts of Cotton by the dif fervnt Rail Roads and the River for tlio week ending Friday evening, August 21, 1868: Receipts by tho Georgia Rail Road Isdos 20 „ “ Augusta & Savannah Kli * 3 By tiie River ; p Total receipts by R. R o;i COTTON SHIPMENTS. ■l’ha following aro the shipments of Cotton by tho different Rail Roads and the River for the week ending Friday evening, August 21, 1868. * By Bail Bon 4. South Carolina R. R., local shipment bales 127 “ “ “ through shipments y Augusta & Savannah R. U., local shipments nr, “ . " through shipments 00 By Bh'fi-. Steamer Swan, local shipment bales. 00 Steamer Katie, “ “ “ ' Total shipments by River and Rail Roads... .1*52 RECEIPTS OF PRODUCE, ETC. The following aro* tlio receipts of produce by the different Rail Roads during'tlw Wok ending ou Friday evening, August 21,18C5: Bacon .lbs... .207,721 t’orn bushels.... 24,268 Wheat, new •« 10,:y>2 barrels 156 oo ° at * 3,100 GEOROT A TANKS. Augusta Insurance and Banking Cos $ a— Bank of Augusta 73 a— Bank of Athens N 55 » Bank of Columbus 9 a— Bank of Commerce 6 a— Rank of Fulton t 4s a Bank of. the Empire State .* 18 a Bank of Middle Georgia 90 a Bank of Savaanah 50 a— Bank of the State of Georgia 21 a— Central Rail Road and Banking Oo 98 a—, City Bank of Augusta 3H«» Fanners’ and Mechanics’ Bank 9 a Georgia Rail Road and Banking C 0,... 98 a— Mariuo Bank y« a Mechanics’ Bank "" * * \ a Merchants’ and Planters’ Bank .. u a— Planters’ Bank __ a 39 Timber Cutters’ Bank 2 a— Union Bank g a __ fcUTTn CAROLINA TANKS. Bank of Camden.... 27 a— Bank of Charleston ‘ 28 a— Bank of Chester g a Bank of Georgetown .!!”.*! 8 a— Bank of Ham burg 19 ft Bank of Newberry 30 a Bank of South Carolina .v.. ... . . 9 a— Bank of the State of S. C., old issue... 12 a— Bank of the Statu of fc>. C., new issue.. 3 a Commercial Bank, Columbia l a— Exchange Bank, Columbia 8 a _ Merchants’, Cheraw g n __ Peoples’Bank * a r, Planters’ Bank ’ 4 a Planters’ and Meelianies’ Bank*!... *. * iy a _ Houthwestern Rail Road, old 27 a— State Bank * ‘ 4 R Union Dank 80 a— OKU BoNiw, KH . Gnornia Rail Road Bonds 102'.a “ 5t0ck........ ;ig a— Central Hail Knml lionds ton a— “ “ Stock iso a— Southwestern Kail Hoad Bonds 100 a— ‘ ■ “ Stock 110 a— Atlanta and tVest Point Bonds 100 a— “ “ Stock 100 a— Jlacon and Augusta endorsed Bonds.. 00 a 95 Macon and Augusta Morgagedßonds.. to a -and Augusta Stock 35 a— Muscogee Kail Koad Bonds 75 a 80 Stock no a fir> (ieorgla Sixes, old r .V. 75 a “ Sevens, new 90 a Columbia Augusta Bail ltoad Stock BXa Atlantic & Gulf Kail ltoad Stock 48 a Augusta Bonds .... 75 a 80 COMMEKCIAL. AI’PLSS— Green perhbl.. 7 00 a a Dry bbl.. 8 00 a 9 BACON- Clcar Sides... He.. a 20 Long Clear lb.. a 18 K Dry Salt Shoulders...... lb.. 14 a 75 Cluar ltibbed lides.i Ib.. a 1912 Itibbcdß. B. Si its.. lb.. a lß‘. Shoulders .. ,Ib,. a 15 Hams lb.. 10 a 29 DrySaltC.lt lb.. 17 a 18 BKKF— Driod ib.. 20 a BAGGING AND ROPfi- lh’fiyinq —Gunny t yd.. 20 a 28 Dundee . yd. _ a Burlaps... yd’.’. 14 a Item —Machine, nenip lb.. 111., ,o Half Ceilg.i lb.. HaudSpfc lb.. 9 a 10 Green Loaf ;..lb.. 12 a I'c Manilla u>.. 25 a F1ax...... lb.. 9 a 10 Cotton lb.. 30 a BAGS- Osnaburg, two bnshel aj a Shirting, « jij a Burlaps .20 a BDTTER— Goslien { ,iu.. 45 a 5n Country ib.. :iU a 35 BEES WAX- Vellow : .lb.. 15 a 30 BUCKWHEAT— New Buckwheat Flour bbl IS 00 a “ half bbl 7 fk) a ' _ " “ art bb1.... 480 a CANDLES— SPrim...., ll».. 45 a 50 PatentSpenn :... lb.. m a 70 Adamantine lb.. 21 a 25 Tallow iu.. 22 a 25 CANDLES— American.........;.. .. lb.. 20 a 28 French lb.. 75 a 1 32 CHEESE— Goshen Ib.. 18 a 19 Factory jb., 19 a 20 BLto * lb.. 1014a 18 CEMENT- Hydraulic blit.. 5 00 a 5 56 COPPER— Kin, common 1 lb.. 21 a 22 Fair 11,.. 24 lb.. as a 26 Choico 111.. 20 a 27 Laguayra lb.. 28 a m Java lb.. 40 a 42 Mallbar lb.. 50 a African lb.. 50 a COTTON CARDS No. 10 per doz.. 800 a9 00 CAMBRICS— Faper yd., in a Common yd.. 12>4tt CORN MEAL— City Bolted lms.. * a 1 35 Country,. bus.. 1 20 a 1 25 CORN SH ELLERS- DIiUGS, DYES, OILS, PAINTS, SPICES, ETC. PACKAGE VRICES. Aoifl—Muriatic : .IL 9 a 10 " Nitric lb.. 18 a 20 " Sulphuric lb.. 7 a 9 Alnra lb.. B a R Alleplce lb.. 37 a 40 lilueMaßs fld a 1 50 Blue Stone lb.. 12 a 18 Borax—rofinod ib.. 40 a 45 Brimstone lb.. 7 a 9 Cassia (Cinnamon) ib.. 1 In a 1 25 Oalouioi lb.. 1 a« a1 60 Camphor lb.. 15u a 1 76 Chloride Time ....lh.. 9 a 12 Chrome Green lb.. 2S a 40 Chrome YoHow lb.. 28 a r,O Cloves lb.. CO a 70 Copperas /.R,.,,. ;i a 5 Crearn Tartar lh.. 50 a C 5 Epsom’s Salt TO?. 6 a 7‘7 Flax Seed lb.. 10 a 12 Dinger H<x,t lb.. 28 a 30 Cilass—Bxlo box SOL. 4 00 a5 00 " 10x12 4SO aB 60 “ 12x14 «* 600 a7 00 “ 12x18 (i 00 a8 00 dauber's Salt lb.. 4 a 6 Dine lh.. 30 a 40 Gnm Arabic— Select lb . 1 00 a 1 2S “ “ Sorts..., Ib». 00 a Honey—strained gall.. 160 a2 Ml ItldlgP—Span Hot... lb.. 1 40 a 200 Lamp BlaoV-Ordinary lh.. 10 a 12 * “ Refined lb.. 35 p 40 I.iqucrhv, I’awtc, 4'Tilth lb.. 45 a 55 Litharge.., , lb.. 18 a 20 Logwood—chipped ~. lb.. 6 a 6 " Extant lh., 15 a IB Mace lh.. 165 a1 76 Madder lb.. 20 a 25 Mercury lb.. 100 a 1 25 Morphine—Snlph. oz., 8 75 a 025 Nutmegs lb.. l-«* a 1 79 Oil—Castor (Last I pdia) gall.. 325 aU 60 “ * •• (American) gall.. 300 a “ Coal (Her) burning best.gall. 65 a K “ j Lnbrloatlng ....pall.. 75 a1 25 “ Wd gall.. 200 aa 10 “ Lmip gall.. 250 a J " Lins-ed^...... ......gall.. 150 a •• Sperm, pure gall.. 306 a3 75 ’• TantmTH gall.. 25 a oo Train gall.. 100 a Opium lb.. 13 (10 aid Potash—bulk lb.. 15 a 18 “ In Cans ...lb.. 23 a 25 Prussian Bine Ib. 75 a 1 Putty lb.. 7 a 9 quinine—Sulphate oz.. 265 a3 00 Red Lead lb.. 18 a 20 Itoots—Ginsing lb.. 80 a 1 28 “ Pink .... ..Ib.. 40 a CO “ Queen’s DeHglit lb.. 10 a 20 “ Senega lb.. 00 a 75 . “ Snake, Virginia lb.. 90 a 1 Soda—Sal lb.. 5 a G Soda—-Bi-Carb.... lb.. 9 a 11 Spanish Brown ......lb'. 5 a C Hjdrit Turpenttne gall.. A5 a 8S Sulphur Blowers lb.. 8 a 9 Liu Per- Raw. lh.. lo a 12 •• Burnt lb.. 15 a IS Varnish—Coach .gaU.. 400 a C 0(1 “ Purnibire ..._.. gall.. 300 a 4 50 “ Damar gaU.. 460 a 5 Japan...... ....gal],. 260 a3 oo VenettMi Red ib.. s a 9 Venmllina—Chinese lb.. 175 a2 28 “ . American. jb.. 5o a Go Verdigris ]b 75 a j White Lead gr. in Oil—Amer.lb., 14 a 18 "... “ “ Engl.lb.. lo 2o biting ib.. 4 a 5 Zinc—white, inpil—lTeneh.lb.. 18 a 2o “ “ “ Amer..,11,., 12 a 18 DOMESTIC COTTON 000DS- Angtwto EacGiry, 3-4. yd a 12 7-8 ...yd.. a 11 “ *‘ 4-4 yd.. * 17 “ “ fdt Drill..yd— a 17’ Hopewell, 7A- yd.. Uk : ‘ 7 i>z. Osnaimrgs .—yd— a 13 Montour, Os a 18 8 02. Oeaubnrga yd- 19 a twvtbrtrg Strip,* yd.. 18 a Uidewy Stripe- yd.. 12qa IS • Euutenoy Shirtings yd— 17 a OranitcviOc Factory, 3-4 -yd— a 1* 7-8 yd.. a K «• •• 4-4—y<7.. a 17 ■■ 7-8 Drill.. a 17 Atlieua CUrclos X - 21 a 22 Athens Wool Jeans yd.. 40 a 60 Athens Srrtp'S yd— 18 a Apalachee Stripes J*d.. 18 a 19 Rock Fact ,ry. 7-8 s'd.. 13«a F " 4-4 yd- 16ka mchmend Fact’y Osuaburgs. yd.. a ICJ4 *•' Stri 1 «e....yd.. a 17>» “Wt:. «... . ELOI'R Ceanlry—3uper .bw.. M 50 cb Extra.,.., ..hbl.. 13 50 aU Northern XxTT- hhl.. 15 Ou alj 50 hKCflsior MilU— Sup« bhl- • all Pxtra bhl.. al2 *X bid. an Grinnl. UVtl~ Canal bhl. a • . Superfine... bhl.. ull Extra hbl.. alj 6t|
