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About Weekly chronicle & sentinel. (Augusta, Ga.) 1866-1877 | View Entire Issue (Nov. 25, 1868)
OLD SEMES, VOL. LXXVI. vihioniclc & 11 ji moom; A. H. AVHIGHT. PATHK K W Associate Editor. TKIWH OK M B*CHIPTIO?L DAILY. •>n iV.:.,; r Wi-b# ISO WEEKLY. “ 1 50 * r 3 00 AITGUHTA, GA : ' KHN K.ifl U MOH S I Mi. NOVEMBER 25- Quinn.— Qnion has Demorest’s La<ly * Magazine for December— a very interest ing Dumber. Garden Seeds. Messrs. Plumb & Leitner arc in receipt of anew supply of warranted fresh Garden seeds. Persons desirous of obtaining such seeds should give Me.-trs. Plumb Sc Leaner a call, and g t some. Merchants will be supplied on liberal terms. liik Grecian Bend.— Mr. Schreiner has just received a tine <olorcd lithograph of the Grecian Bind.” as seen on the Fifth Avenue in New York city. It is a horrid looking thing, ard we- are very sure that so far as the ladies of Augusta are concerned, “to be hated, it need but be • 'en. ’ W e advise them, therefore, to call at Schreiners'and t ke a viewof the abom ination. (iKORdIA HoMK ! N si. ft ANTE COMPANY. \\ c call attention to tlie notice, in our advertising column.*, of’ this favorite and reliable company. It will be seen by it that, unlike most participating insurance com panies, its last year's scrip is received as ch h in puyrnent of premiums, which is certainly a (treat advantage, and persons interested would do well to avail them selves of it. VV c will also, in this connection, state ( that the stockholders of this company, by the terms of their charter, are made in- j dividually liable, which is an additional inducement to insurers. Hardware —Attention is directed to the advertisement of Messrs. Hones, Hr'wn i(~ Cos ., in this morning's paper. 1. v hav : a large stock of hardware and cutlery, of every description, and a flue as sortment „f agricultural implements, which they will sell at the lowest prices. . 11 hwtt r s Globe. Hotel. Planters, merchant*, and others coining to Augusta will find good accommodations at this hotel. Mr. Hewett, tha proprietor, is a stirring man, greets ull with his usu al “Old V iiginia welcome, and spares no pains in making his guests easy and comfortable. With polite clerks, attentive servants, comfortable rooms, ami every desirable luxury for the table, we can guarantee entire satisfaction to all who favor him with tt util). I hk (1 arsed MetcalfCotton Case. I Ins important ease, involving about two million of dollars, came up before the U. IS. Circuit Court at Savannah, on Friday hiHt. Although most of our readers are acquainted with the facts of the ease, still the following resume may not prove uniu tcresting; In June, 1865, John Garsed, of Phila delphia, claims to have received, through Mr. Geo. Schley, an offer of ab >ut 9,000 hales of cotton in the joint possession of J. it Wm. A. Beall and himself for lit) ots. per pound Garsed, not having the funds at that time, asked until the 6th of July to consider tho matter, and alleges that Metcalf consented to Jet the trade remain open till that time. But this iho latter denies. Garsed went-to Philadelphia un dor this impression. A few days afterward Schley spoke to Metcalf of tho contract which he, as M.’s agent, hal signed and delivered to Garsed. Metcalf imme diately denied having authorised Schley to keep open the contract until the 6th; that he had only told him he would take 20 cts. cash for it. Sehley then tele graphed Garsed of this fact, but tho mes sage was delayed and did not reach Phila delphia till tho 7th, a day after Garsed had raised tho money and telegraphed Sehley to take the cotton. On receiving this telegram Garsed eauie to Augusta and applied to Provost Marshal Grosvenor for relief. Tho latter issued orders turning over tho cotton to Garsed, Metcalf and the Bealls to receive the stipulated prioe. Metcalf offered Grosvonor and Garsed ♦200,000 to compromise the matter and was arrested by tho former for trying to bribe an U. S. officer; and, whilst, under arrest, signed an agreement not to tuke any further action in the matter and was discharged. The Bealls then filed a bill in equity in the Superior Court, ob tained an injunction and also an order from Washington turning over the cotton to Metcalf. In the bill Metcalf was made co-defendant with Garsed and Sehley. The Bealls, after tho delivery of tho cotton, dismissed their bill, while Garsed moved to reinstate the ease, as he wauted a de cision on its merits. Judge Reese decided that, though the complainants had dis missed their bill, Garsed had not dis missed his answer, and there was a case before him. The ease was brought be fore Judge Kiskine, in the United Slates Court last Spring, who decided there was a ease in Court, but nothing was said as to its merits and the defendants had a right to demur. On the ease being open ed on Friday, the bill filed by the Bealls was read, then the answers of Schley and Garsed, and Metcalf. Mr. Hill, for the Bealls, a; first contended there was no ease before tho Court, hut finally admitted tin re was and commenced his argument ou the demurrer to the bill. Ou Saturday Mr. Hill concluded his argument, and was followed by Judge Gould, for Metcalf, lion. Liutou Stepheus replied on behalf of Garsed. The Court overruled the de murrer and the ease will come up for pleadiug on its merits od the 30th of this month. At that time we will endeavor to keep our readers posted as to further pro ceedings. Bui POTATOES.—The Chronicle Jr Senti nel, we see, balks a little at our potato story. He finds it difficult to digest the statement that Leroy Fleetwood, Esq., of Wilkinson county, sent us a sweet potato weighing nine and a half pounds. Well, we have »• to say, with Meg Merrillies, “gape, s or, andswallow.” Meanwhile, we vt; i t him with a heavier potato story. ue years ago (we will not say how ui a friend pluming on the Manatee aver, in Hillsborough county, Florida. Mere they seldom or never see lrost. s. it a sweet potato weighing eighteen pouuds. He said he had chartered a down-East schooner to call at Manatee and tike his sugar crop to N< w Orleans The skipper, with an eye to a little speculation, sug gested that if he could get a deck load of sweet potatoes, at a moderate price, he wuuld like to take them. Whereupon a bargain was struck for a quantum sue?. at twenty five cents per bushel The skipper being asked afterward, whether be would like large potatoes or small potatoes? with a natural ignorance of the effect of his decision aswertd, “large ones, of course/’ The next morning, bright and early, Manatee sent down a pioneer cart load of large potatoes, and skipper was reduced to despair to find that, according to his stipu lation, "ouiy three potatoes went to the bushel!” .Now swallaw that, Messrs. Chronicle ilc Sentuni.—Macon (Oa.) Telegraph. We are sorry now that we said anything about our Macon local brother’s potatoe item. We didn't think that he was com ing back on us with such a one as the above. But we can assure him of one thing—and that is, if we do balk at the weight of the story, we don’t balk at the eating of the potatoes We can swailow that, Mr. Telegraph. Send us a few bushels of those Manatee kind, and see if we can’t. Our Material Interests. Prior to the Presidential campaign and during the canvass, it wa- asserted that j Northern capitalists would come South— °°*oe into our State, bringing with them capital and their reputed energy and en terprise. A!! of these we need for devel opment, and to vary our industrial pur suits. We have never had any great faith in these promises. It has been accepted long since as an axiom in human affairs, that the Gods help them who first help ; themselves. Whether this be the rule among the Gods or not, it is the rule which governs the free and independent sovereigns of tho greatest Republic the world ever saw.” Calling upon Hercules is of no more avail now than in the days of classic fable. Put your own shoulder to the wheel, if nota Godlikecommand, isat least sound policy. We do nut now place any very great re l liancc upon these promises. We know what English envoys and English Lords have said they would do, were it not for negro supremacy ; and we know that Northern capitalists have said and Northern journalists and Southern journalists have reiterated and re-echoed golden promises as to what should be done should Grant be elected President. Grant has been elected; but we have no more faith than before that either the Englishman, or the - the Yankee, or any other “live people" | will do anything beyond their interests. When it is demonstrated that capital will pay then capital will flow toward us, but not before. When success is no longer problematical, then every one, whether Englishman, or Y ankce, or Gorman, and what not, will rush to our aid. Thus far our developement hat been i almost wholly agricultural. In this we have nothing to be ashamed of. We have developed a system of agriculture which, at its height, gave the world a surplus pro | duction of five millions of bales of cotton— supporting shipping interests and i naionufacturing interests regulating the commerce of the world and the ex changes of the world. Cm we regain this lost position ? This is doubtful. There is nothing to indieato that such a surplus can ever be again attained. But the experience of the past two oi three years has detnon- ; strated that we can reach half that amount, and tint nowhere in the world is the labor of the prudent agriculturist so liberally re warded as in the healthy regions of the cotton growing States ; and this has been done iu the midst of turmoil an 1 excite ment, when the laboring population was disturbed by the transitions of the political status—when military governments pre vailed, and uncertain and fitful legisla tion embarrassed and paralyzed effort, and special oppressive taxation restricted operations. Our farm hands, the negroes, i wore deluded by strangers, and forsook us. j Instead of being a happy, contented, ! industrious agricultural people, they became intoxicated by license and ' whimsical tales. I Avery large proportion of them were filled with the wildest drea ns of wealth, i and power, and position. The brass but ton of a Federal soldier was to them the lauip of Aladdin. Rub it, and the power would instantly appear which would give them lands without money, bread without labor. Everything in the future was to be to them ease and enjoyment, if only “the Rebels” were put underfoot. Uudcr the influence of “carpet buggism” they be came distrustful and turbulent. A “Skow huganite” was an ambassador from On High. Ihousands of them became idle and profligate. Thieving was a “flanking •.< now a -supposed ou.m.i/; and politics their “profession.” Now, while it is true that much of this state of affairs has passed away, too much remains and makes a difficult problem to he solved in the future. But the tendency is to quiet and industry; and the profit ableness of small farms, with the requisite ecouomy and careful culture, conduces to the desired result. Bui there are thousands ol acres of land that have never,even in the days of slavery, been employed, which, in the hands of tho thrifty, fiugal, skilled European laborer, would prove of untold wealth— wealth to the State and wealth to the im migrant. The development ofthese lands would restore our lost position. We do. not want paupers ; we have enough of them now. We want tho thrifty, edu cated emigrant from the middle classes. To be honest and industrious, and experi enced in their pursuits are the only quali fications that should be demanded. Let us print a description of our splendid ter ritory, fully illustrating our agricultural resources—descriptions of our splendid and unbounded water power; our mineral wealth; descriptions of our variety in climate, and our variety in soil, and our magnificent variety of productions—in French, and English, and German, and scatter these, through trusty agents, broad cast in Europe. If this were done the thousands of emigrants, of moderate means, who are now thronging to this country, would soon do for us what North ern capitalists and English capitalists have promised us. Our State would start for ward with uew vigor, and its uiagnificeut domain, comprehending every variety of production, from the mountains to the flat lands of the seacoast, would be converted into an empire of wealth and power not equaled on the American continent. A Civil Service Demanded. Northern journals, without respect to party, are advocating the organization of a “civil service” for the administration of “civil affairs, “just as we have a military service and a naval service, organized, adoptive and permanent.” The grounds of the demand, as advocated by the New York IForM, is the want “of public hon esty.” It charges that “men cheat at the ballot-box togetinto office, and when they get into office they cheat until turned out. The immense value of the public patron age prompts election fraud, and the un certainity of office prompts fraud on the Treasury.” The World says that “for eign countries have such organizations, and the result has been found to be honesty, efficiency, and as much of economy as is consistent with effectual operation ” The “foreign countries” which affords the pre cedent tor the Wor/<r* illustration are, we presume, Great Britain, France, and Russia. The llor/<f evidently prefers the military “efficiency and economy” of the military quartermasters in the form of abstract L “to cleaning out the depart ments every four years.” To perfect the "civil service,” we should have a “civil school” just as we have a military school to advance military training, and a naval school to advance naval proficiency. The North has West Point and the Middle States have Annapolis, the one the mili tary and the other a naval school. A lair distribution would give the South the civil school and we respectfully suggest its eetab 'ishment be made at Atlanta. The World's demand may result from Northern necessities. “The axe,” it says, “must be laid at the root of the tree to fell the upas,” and the root exhibited is fraud at the bal lot-box, while the real root is want of “public honesty.’ Whether this would be improved by the adoption of the World * civil service system, is a question in ethics, by no means settled by the example of foreign countries set up as precedents. Indeed, we are inclined to thiuk that a fair comparison of Democratic rule up to the date of the late war, will compare favor ably for “efficiency and economy,” with the administrations of any of the mo narchical governments of Europe. We know atleast that the I>emOvratßof Europe, up to a latedate, have been accustomed to hold 1 ~ ’ up in strong contrast the “economy and ' efficiency” of the Great Republic of the West as the model—presenting a strong contrast to that which obtained in the best regulated of European Governments. The Worlds Democracy squints awfully toward Monarchy. Badly bold. The Washington correspondent of the New York Tribune tells the following story of the recent opening of a box of treasure which has been carefully locked up in the Treasury vaults for more than three years in despite of unremitting ef fort* on the part of certain sharp people to get at its contents. The story, as told, is as follows • Several months after the close of the war a tin box was given to Gen. Spinner, Treasurer of tbe UuiUd States, by Mr. StautoD, then Secretary of War, for safe keeping. The box was said to contain about $30,000 in gold, and Mr. Spinner carefully it away in the vaults of the Treasury. About a year ago a certain National bank suspended, with a heavy indebtedness to the Government. A United Stales Quartermaster who had got into trouble in his official capacity was in debted to this bank in the sum of $30,000, and the box deposited with Spinner was said to contain that amount of morey be longing to said Quartermaster. Tho bank engaged the services of an eminent lawyer of New York city as its attorney, and he immediately begau proceedings' to have the box opened and the money taken out and paid over to the Government to liquidate a part of the bank's indebted ness. The attorney has been striving for more than a year to accomplish his object, but it was not until to-day that success at tended his efforts. Jte had been to Sec retary McCulloch, who referred him to Gen. Grant. Gen. Grant hadn’t the author ity, but thought Stanton was the person. Mr. Stanton reterred him bick to Mr. McCulloch, who asked him to consider. Several mouths thus passed, and Mr. McCulloch laid the case before the Presi dent, and tie thought it a tit subject for a Cabinet consultation. Tt was accordingly discussed in Cabinet meeting, but before a i conclusion could be reached ihe impeaoh \ mein complication occurred, and changes I were made in the Cabinet. Jt was then found necessary to bring thesubject lie fore the Cabinet again with its new members. This was done, and it was decided that the power to open the box lay with tbe Secre tary of War. To-day tlie WarSecietary detailed Gen. Hardee of his staff to accom pany the hank attorney and have the con tents of tlie box examined. They found that tlie rules of the Treasury Department required a law officer of the United States to boa witness, and Assistant District At torney Wilson was sent for. Gen. Spinner then summoned several of his confidential | clerks as additional witnesses, and the ; whole party, headed by tbe hopeful and triumphant attorney, went to the vaults. The box was brought out from a dusty corner, for inspection. It was locked and sealed, but there was no key. Alter some delay a locksmith was secured and the box was opened, and found to contain an old calico dress, and a woman’s shawl and waterproof cloak, labelled as follows: “Taken from the person of Jefferson Davis at the time of his capture by Colonel Pritchard of the U. S. A.’’ Gen. Hardee at once departed for the War Department. The attorney has gone to New York, and Gen. ,Spinner is still laughing at the greatest joke of the season. A Brace or Carpet-Baggers. Prince arid Clift, the carpet-bag Con gressmen from Georgia, are urging the Secretary ol YVar to send more troops to Georgia in order thattheir re-election may be secured in February. These worthless creatures know very well that if there had been anything like a fair election in April last, representative men of Georgia would now fill the positions they dishonor. Troops or no troops, however, neither I °f these carpet-baggers will disgrace Geor ; gia in the next Congress of the United States. The carpet-bag regime in Georgia is at ao end, and Prince and Clift and the balance of the carpet-baggers will have to go back to their more congenial and fitting occupations at Skowhegan,- and other euphonious localities in Now England, where they will lapse into their former ob- ‘♦The Odor cf Integrity.” A writer in the Cincinnati Gazette il lustrates this phrase as follows : Suppose the Democratic party had come into power with their views of thiugs, how many more claims upon the government— those of disloyal persons, of rebel govern ments, or of Kentucky slaveholders, would have been paid ? This was one of the ele ments of Keniucky and Maryland politics —to set up claims and get paid for claims which no loyal administration will allow. That is over, and we have made a great escape, not merely from political but from financial destruction. A Democratic ad ministration, supposing it had possession of the government, would have paid im mense amounts of these claims, by way of compensating their allies in the South. They would not dare to tax the country for them, but would have issued green backs, and thus the scheme of the New York Rebel Democratic Convention would have been fully completed. Now, if this is thought too strong a statement, let it be remembered that Blair said they would have the House, and that his revolutionary scheme contemplated tbe overthrow of the rec instructed governments, which would have produced Confederate State governments, pressing with political power their claims on the government. This, however, is aside. We have happily escaped all that. We have only now to deal justly with all classes of the debt. We h ipe that liberality and perfect equity will be shown by Congress toward all just claims for losses incurred in the war ; but the number of these cannot now be great. The main facts are these : that since July, 1855, we have reduced the Govern ment floating debt eight hundred million of dollars— (of floating debt of Northern Union claims)—that is, at the rate of $250,- 000,( 00 per annum ; and what remains is very easily managed if we will have a little patience. This generation is not willing to pay off tho debt as rapidly as that. It wishes to let the next generation have a share of it. Very well. But it has de cided two things in this election of the greatest possible importance. It has de cided (1 ) that it will p>ay the debt, and (2 ) that it will not pay rebel debts. In fact the decision of the 3J of November was financially one of solvency or bank ruptcy. Wc have decided (as nature and honor decided before, if we would abide by them) that we will be solvent. To a certain extent (of which we shall speak hereafter)j this affects the business, and even tbe credit of every merchant. It gives a certain odor of integrity to the whole country. Truth Bluntly Spoken.—The Augus ta Constitutionalist has the following : “Hill, Toombs and other blatherskites, the South has cause to know and to rue that those who talk the most are not the wisest” There never were more truer words. Hill, Toombs, and politicians of similar stripe, who dealt in abuse and not argu ment, were the best canvassers the Radi cal party had during the recent struggle. We uever published their slang because we believed they were destroying the Democratic party.— Quitman Banner. The above is a fair sample of the grati tude which is displayed to eminent public men for their services when they happen to be on the losing side. The most talented and respected of our citizens—men who have occupied some of the highest offices within the gift of the people—are iuvited by the people to give them the benefit of their counsel and experience at the time when they were so much needed. Urged by a sense of duty aioue, these gentlemen consent to do so. “Their speeches are seized upon by an unscrupulous partUan press at the North and distorted, misrep resented and garbled to furnish capital for the Radical party there. They unblush ingly proclaim them as the utterances of men who are inciting anew “rebellion ’’ The deluded masses believe them—there is no way for the truth to reach them, and they vote against the party which they believe to be the party of war. Now we have nothing to say of the course of Radical journals either North or South with regard to these speeches. Slander and defamation are their only weapons in a political canvass, and we must acknowledge’they have used them well. But it certainly is a pitiful sight to see papers which claim to be Democratic, applying the lowest billingsgate of the political vocabulary to men who will ever be entitled to the gratitude of the whole Southern people for the bold and manly stand which they made for their rights in the late canvass. Tbe Onward Progress or Radicalism. We have time and again warned the North that the aggressions of Radicalism would not stop at the South, but would, eventually, embrace the whole Union. ‘Revolutions never go backwardand the revolution which the Jacobins have started in regard to the Constitution and States Rights, will not stop until its evil i 1 influences are extended over the whole country, or its movers and abettors are hurled from power. In their Chicago platform they denied the right of the Rebel States” to regulate suffrage. Now, they propose to deprive all the States of this right, and to establish negro equality as the issue of the day. Well, let them go on. Perhaps when the people of the North feel the iron rod of tyranny as we of the South have feit it, they will realize ’ the necessity of a change in the rulers of i thecouotry, and unite with us in effecting such a change. The Detroit Free Press, in alluding to i this subject, says : THE RADICAL CRY OF NEGRO SUFFRAGE. The Butler wing of the Radical party is determined to keep Sambo in national politico At an early day an amendment to the Constitution of the United Scates is to be introduced in Congress, which shall give that body the power to establish a system of universal suffrage. Forney’s “rets, which has sounded the call for this new ‘advance of the Republican lines,” informs us that the proposition has not met with a prompt and earnest response from (what it calls) the leading minds and journals of the party.” On all sides—we are told by the leading Butler organ—“the generous, aggressive and moral elements ot the nation - the heart, brain, and con science of the country—stand ready to this n xt and impending requirement of even and exact justice.” . -I plot is uncovered. Negro equality listo be the issue of the day. Congress is |to be supreme. Emboldened by the for bearance of the country, the Jacobins have proceeded from one step to another, and now they throw aside all disguise. The second article of the Chicago platform, which asserts lor a part of the States a continued exclusive right to regulate their own domestic affairs, while declaring that the other part had lost it, is to be repudi ated. It no longer suffices to rob the South alone of her right to prescribe the qualifications of suffrage ; the North and West must also b: robbed of" that right. Hitherto the Radicals were still disposed to admit that there might be certain limits to their authority, and they therefore only presumed to tyrannize over one section of the Union. But, as Forney’s Press says, the Republican lines have advanced.” Ihe new doctrines taught by the Radicals is that no State, whether South, East- North or West, has any right which Con gress—as long as they control it—is bound to respect. (Jn this point the Chicago platform was all wrong, for by the very act of tyrannizing over a portion of the States, it admitted the soundness of the general principle which the party violated as a rule. That the Radrcals should have become heartily sick of such a shameful inconsistency is therefore not surprising, though it has taken “the generous, ag gressive, and moral element—the heart, brain and conscience”— i. e., Forney, But ler, Chandler and Dick Yates, ete—rather long to discover it. | , But, seriously speaking, we ate glad that the Butler-Chandler wing of the Radi cal organization has at last summoned effi cient pluck to meet the question whether the states of this Union shall be left in con trol of their own domestic affairs, or whether Congress shall do it for them. During the last campaign these same men have stood petrified and dumb before their own issue#- : ; but this game will no longer win. They Btudiously avoided explaining why negro suffrage should be forced upon ailthe States of the South at the point of the bayonet, because they knew that in all [he Northern States in which the question had until then been submitted to the peo ple, it had been overwhelmingly condemn ed. Now three Western States have pro nounced in favor of negro suffrage, as tljgy .ape at liberty to do ; but the Radicals will ring /i«oise!vr's civ.aflv niisialcmijn infer, to sanction Congressional legislation on the subject. A Pen Picture —The local editor of the San F’rauoisco (Gal.) Morning Call, gives his readers the following insight into the arduous duties of the profession on the far off Pacific coast. Os course on the At lantic, though not so Pacific, in an oceanic point of view, wo are more pacific than the Pacific locals. We can. therefore, while not at all envious of them, offer our sincere sympathies, and congratulate the Call man on the success of his labors. Here him : Local Editors and their Duties.— A good many persons imagine that the duties of a local editor are light; that he has almost nothing to do, can walk about the streets from morning till night, attend parties, balls, dinners, and places of amusement, go on excursions, and enjoy himself in tine style trom one week’s end to another; that liis most arduous duty is to draw the magnificent salary paid him and deposit it in bank. Now, having had some considerable experience in the walks of life pursued by reporters and itemizers, we propose to tell our readers “who pese dese local editors,” and what they really do. We do not exaggerate when" wo say that they are the hardest-worked and least-paid persons in the city. They get up at eight or nine o’clock in the morning, “gobble up” a hasty breaklast with an appetite that is not the best, and rush down town. Then commence the labors of the day. First one man and then another is met and talked to, in hopes that they have some news that can be whipped into shape for to-morrow’s paper. First, a gentleman is met who says he has heard something somewhere, and upon such a clew the news-detective starts to ferret out the item. He goes from one part of the town to the other, asking questions, and finally pounces upou the proper person,and discovers that there was nothing in the story, and the two hours lie has spent looking after it have gone. In the mean time he has got hold of the ends of several other stories, all of which he hunts down, and is finally rewarded with materi 1 for a paragraph or two. These pursuits have exhausted several hours-during which most people supposethat he has been doing nothing—and he finds that it is time for him to begin bis rounds through the Courts, in order to see wiiat has been go ing on there. He finds,in some instances, boorish and incompetent clerks,who doing all they can to prevent any of the proceed ings of the Courts becoming public. If lie resents an insult,the chuckle-headed clerk proceeds to the office of the paper and tells the proprietor how the reporter has insult ed him, and insinuates that if the paper wants any favors from him they must dis charge the offending reporter. Having passed through the United States Court and the City Hall, he goes home to his dinner—and, if he is a married man, has the extreme pleasure of spending 15 or 20 minutes with his family. Having swal lowed his dinner, he goes to the office to write up what be has collected. He must write fast, for the printers are waiting. He muse write well, or the proprietors will say that he does not come up to their standard of excellence. He must write correctly, or some Bohe mian, who has an entire week to arrange his ideas, will pitch into him for not writing grammatically. Fitteen or twenty pages of foolscap are covered with man uscript and sent to the printer, before the local editor can lay down his pen for a breathing-spell. Mayhap there is a pub lic meeting, or torch-light processiou ; if there is, he has so much more to write, and less time to do it in, because he has to lose time in attending to them. Finally, at midnight, he concludes his labor, aud starts for home, By the time he reaches his street-door an alarm of fire may bo sounded trom some box two miles away, and he starts after it in order to get the particulars for the paper. Perhaps Jones has invented a patent washing machine, aDd proposes to exti bit it. He sends a note to the proprietors of the paper, in forming them of the fact, and winds up with the terse injunction, “Send your Reporter.” He wants the local editor to devote two or three hours, and use the columns of the paper he represents, to the benefit of himse'.f and the laudation of his machine. In the multiplicity of his duties, the Reporter may make an error ; woe be to him if he does, for there are a set of black-mailing shysters always on the look-ou for opportunities to bring libel suits for imaginary damages. Then, again, the proprietors of .he paper engage him because he is reliable, and would not have him if he gotthem into libel suits. At two o’clock in the morning he reaches home, tired and weary, and crawls into bed to sleep until his' next day’s labor begins. And for ail he does, the number of hours he works, he is not paid as much as tba majority of the eight-hour men. Corn from Alabama.— One item in the imports yesterday was 159 sacks of white coin from Florence, Ala , for sale in this market, and other similar shipments are expected to-day. The rich fields of the South have yielded an extra abundant crop of grain, and instead of the great grain fields of the West finding a market in the South that section of the country will soon be shipping grain to the West. — Louisville Democrat. Pollard is now after Lee, whom he calls “stupidly and intolerably affected. ” Rockport, Mass., has had to pay $12,000 damages for injuries sustained from a de fective highway. AUGUSTA, GrA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 25, IBGB The Cuban Expedition. The reader will find, in another column, the New \ ork Heralds account of an alleged Cuban expedition. A Colonel Gibbons professes to be chief of the organ ization, and Florida the point of depart ure. For a long time the shipping and com mereial interestsof the North have greatly coveted this gem of the Antilles, and poli ticians echoed their desires by indicating this island as a “Key to the Gulf. The pretext is to “Republieanise Cuban institutions,” and add, by annexa tion, “another star to the galaxy of States.” * “The galaxy” appears quite large 1 enough for all purposes. Already it is taxed enough to preserve the “harmony of the spheres.’ Besides it can be added to with facility. Already Cjngress has ex tended the system liberally, in carving out new States out of wild territories, guaran teed with a Republican form of govern ment. Spain is already being “Republi canised into a limited monarchy, and Cuba will probably follow her fortunes under European treaties.. Cuba may be | Key of the Gulf, ’ but this does not furnish a sufficient solution of the North ers enterprise. It looks very much like these colonists were being made use of to furnish a key jor* the solution of some other questions. than those avowed.* The expedition is certainly not of Southern origin, and can add nothing to Southern interests. “Let us have peace.” Resources of the South. Some idea of the immense resources of the South and its recuperative qualities may he derived trom a statistical statement lately published by Alexander Delrnar. It is there shown that ou June 30, 1866, the population of the South amounted to 9,568,706, and of all the States together to 34,505,882 ; that the exports of the South for that year amounted to $272,- 000,000, whereas, in 1820, the entire population of the United States scarcely exceeded that of the South forty years after, and the entire exports only amount ed to $51,000,000. Id 1850, with a popu lation of 23,000,000, the exports of the United States only reached $136,000,000. The South now, with not one half the population, exports annually double that sum. Nowhere else upon the earth do such elements of latent prospprity exist; and en- tirely undeveloped as yet remains by far the largest proportion of its territory, and it plainly shows that an industrial popula tion, honestly laboring, will, in a compara tively short time, raise it to the most prosperous the sun ever shone upon. The only thing requisite is to be relieved from political annoyances and disabilities, and then bend our united energies to its devel mtnt. This course pursued, the reaping hook will soon conquer what tho sword lost to us. Still. Lying. We thought when the election was over that Radical newspapers and politicians would cease misrepresenting the South and our people. The partisan Radioal press is still asserting that no Northern man is safe in the South from rebel and Ku Klux outrages, in all of which there is not a particle of truth. The.e is no prejudice in the South against Northern men who come here to aid in developing the material resources of the South. We want the honest,industrious emigrant from the North and Europe, and the men of capital from New England, the Middle States, and the \\ r e^ tr > >'»ild up our cities, clear and 6ql u -Aral . build factorie, and aid iff -Jvery way to en rich our people and regain for the South her furmcr prosperity . and political in fluence, To all who come with such in tentions we promise a cordial reception on the part of the people of Georgia, whose greatest need now is capital and a reliable labor system. FOB THE CHRONICLE tt SENTINEL. Sun Machines-Geometry. In a recent issue of your paper (No vember 7th, 186S), I noticed a eommuni catian on “Sun Machines,” taken from the London Times. As this is a subject which has often occupied my thoughts, I have taken the liberty to send you the fol lowing remarks, and request their publica tion in your widely-circulated journal. I have been long impressed with the opinion that the light of the sun is the great mo tive power of the Universe, and while in London, in 1864,1 published my views in pamphlet form, and distributed them over England, Scotland, Ireland, Prussi-, France, Belgium and other parts of Eu rope, and in the United States and the British Provinces in America And though they seemed paradoxical, I have the satisfaction of knowing that they have met with favor from the very flattering notices they have received from certain quarters, and they are now forming a series of articles in the Belgravia Maga zine under “Sensationalism in Science," contrary to the popular belief. I have re garded the sun as a cool body, and that the heat which we experience on the earth does not emanate directly from the sun, but that it is generated by the ray3 of light passing through our atmosphere, I which concentrate these rays as a burning | glass. It is a well-known fact that parties | who ascend in balloons feel the most cold j the nearer they approach the sun, and that i the most elevated portions of the earth’s ! surface are always covered with snow and ice, which go to prove that the sun is not a hot body—conse quently many views in the physical j sciences are radically wrong—and con- : elusions derived therefrom are fallacious | and absurd. And in these days of progress ! and advancement it is greatly incumbent upon all those who are interested in the cause of truth and education to correctly understand the most recent researches j and investigations of science. The philo j sophy of Aristotle was altogether prevalent until Bacon detected the weakness in his method of investigation and substituted his empirical philosophy ; and thus it is with most of the theories of the present time —the conclusions they give are not rightly derived, and the errors are to be found in the processes of reasoning, by which they are attempted to be establish ed. As an illustration, take the reductio ad absurdum in geometry. So long as this method of reasoning is accept ed as correct, the conclusions it gives are re garded as sound and true, but as soon as the method is shown fallacious, the conclusions are inadmissible. In this species of rea soning, a supposition is made which is con trary to the proposition to be established, and upon this assumption a demonstration is founded which leads to a result contrary to some known iruth. The sophism here is that it is attempted, Ly this process of reasoning, to establish a truth by an absurd ity. When a nolygon of 512 eides is in scribed in the parabola, an excess is ob tained by the method of approximation over the true area of the para bola, which is eyident that the method of approximation gives an error in excess. Now, the reductio ad ab surdttm reasoning of Euclid agrees with the method of approximation in the case of the circle.. Therefore, since the method of approximation gives an error in excess, the reductio ad absurdum is also erro neous. Hence, reasoning from an ab surdity cannot establish a truth. Perceiv ing this sophism in Geometry, I have ar ranged the science so as to exclude entirely ; the reductio ad absurdum, substituting in the various cases where it is used, the ! direct demonstrations which have met j the approval of eminent professors of Mathematics, Societies of Science, and have been adopted by the Board ot Edu cation of New York for the use of the schools. A lithographed copy of the letter from the City Superintendent of Educa tion of New York I enclose to you, stating that my Geometry has been adopted for the schools; Department of Public Instruction, j Superintendent’s Office, > 146 Grand St, New York, Oct. 12, 1 a6H. j On the recommtndation of Prof. Dochar ty, of the college of the city of New York, and upon a careful examination of the work, I recommended Mr. Lawrence Ben son’s Geometry',as, in my judgment, worthy of a place on the list of Text Books, on th t science for the use of the schools in the city of New York, and it was accord ingly placed on the list by the Committee on the course of Sciences and School Books, and adopted by the Board of Edu cation. s. S. Randall, City Superintendent. it is well to state that I re gard the University of Georgia at Athens as my Alma Mater, having received my collegiate instructions there, and J shall always be proud to lay my offerings on that time-honored shrine. Y’ours truly, Lawrence S. Benson. [communicated. 1 Messrs Editors: In your issue of the 15th, you copy an article from the Wash ington Gazette, gjving an account of a term of the Superior Court,held in Wilkes the past week, in which the chaste and {earned editor uses the following language: Ihe grand Jury was imparmelhd and organized and having retired to their room sent in the following document to the court. The talics are my own. But for the pernicious effect the above is calculated to have, I would not feel called upon to notiee it. Yet being untrue I feel compelled to contradict it. It does both in justice to myself and the jury. I trust theedi tor will do us the justice to get the truthfas he readily can from Sheriff Dyson) of this to me unpleasant affair. I would also suggest to him . to look to his letter again, as the one published by him does not e.c actlg correspond with the original, deliv ered to me, at Judge Andrews’ by Sheriff Dyson, before I had been to the Court house I have no knowledge ot any un- pleasantness. or communication of the character alluded to after the jury were organized by me,and hence must,io charity, believe the editor has been sold by some wag. I would farther suggest that hard names and profane epiihets are neither the weapons of cultivated gentlemen or brave men. Y~et some allowance should be made for tho company a man keeps. Respectfully Wm. Gibson. Augusta, November 16th, 1868. OUR NEW YORK CORRESPONDENCE. The Bond Question — Repudiation—Policy of the South—Grant and his Cabinet, etc. ' New York, Nov. 14, 1868. Editors Chronicle <t- Sentinel: 1 e great question was Whatwill Grant do ? The great question is The Finances? I have repeatedly, in my letters to your journal, dwelt on the rottenness of the present monetary system, so repeatedly and so gloomily, perhaps, that some of your readers may have been disposed to believe that I was presenting rather an overstrained view of the case. It is not surprising that those whose special busi ness is the consideration of public affairs should at times be deemed by those who pay politics less attention, imaginative and visionary, when they are simply prescient, and so, if that judgment should have been passed upon your correspondent, he can well wait those future develoDements which will entirely justify his prognostications. This national debt, I repeat, is doomed, and once more I urge those in the South who have means, to put them iu some thing tangible—build a house, buy a plan- tation, put up a mill, invest in railway, do something with your money that will pre sent it to you, not in mere paper scraps, dependent for their validity on the fickle breath of the populace, but in forms that will be tangible, and, so far as possible, in destructible. You have heard of the late panic in Wall street. On the basis of the Federal debt and currency, there has sprung up a fungus growth of stories, resembling nothing so much in origin or essence as tbe foul weeds that spring from corruption. A villainous monetary stringency, brought about on the heels of the Presidential election by certain speculators, tumbled this growth largely in the dirt, and, as you may be sure, the Wail street gamblers took care of themselves; outside parties, who had been decoyed into the purchase of these stocks, suffered heavily. With this it would have seemed that the panic would subside; and so, to be sure, it has, from the fever heat, marked “dangerous” on tn'b"mbnhy’rTL!t'anmdt'Cr.’ Expansion, contraction, inflation, new issue, and so on through the whole gamut of those financial terms so fearfully fa miliar to the South as preceding the down fall of Confederate credit, are words now in everybody’s mouth here. The situation is alarming, and not only alarming but suggestive, as let me attempt to show, taking the points in order ; and first, the causes of alarm. Some days since the World (bondhold ing), said the election had, among other matters, settled the greenback issue, and that the bonds must not be paid in gold. To this the Cincinnati Enquirer (Western finance), of the 9th instant, indig nantly replied, saying the greenback issue was not settled, and that if it was con templated to pay the ‘bonds in gold or keep up the debt as a permanent institu tion, the great West would rise in its might and throw off the whole burden. This morning the New York Herald , in an editorial headed “one measure for the bond holders and the people,” says of the bondholding demand that the bonds should be paid in gold. “It is the virtue and honesty of Shyloek over again.” It then argues the question, shows up the insatia b e demands of the bondholding interest, and bursts forth, “Why, then, should the heavily burdened people of this coun try be required to pay the full face of the bonds in gold ? Why should there be de preciated bank notes for the people and specie for the bondholders? Justice and common sense call for the same currency —one measure—for both.” The article is so significant that I send it to you here with entire. It sounds the tocsin of repu diation. I well remember that acute ob server, General Toombs once remarking, “There will be no repudiation outright, sir, of the United States debt. But the plea will be equal taxation and that means to take a burden off me and put it on you.” Once let the idea of shifting one-third the burden become law and the people will be shifting a half and then two-thirds and away it goes. Get rid of the Federal secur ities is the way to weather the storm. Many a man has cords of Confederate notes and bonds now that lie in his closets worthless, when, had he, at any sacrifice, disposed of them for a house or lot, he would now have a home of his own in stead of being destitute. The maximum of tangibility and the minimum of risk is the safe rule uow. Land cau’t bo voted out of existence; houses arc not dependent on the breath of the mob; mills and railways are not murdered by legislation. Now for the suggestion this trouble evokes. It is political in its nature. Some days since the Memphis Avalanche, in a fierce article on Grant’s election, thus con cludes': “ of the bondholders and snobs of the North, expect to roll in lux ury and maintain their wealth by oppres sion and tyranny, they will be sadly mis taken,' for the tone an i acts of the Southern people toward the thieves and plunderers in our midst, during the next six months, will teach them that history is repeating itself, and that it will bankrupt the gov ernmnit to suppress the heaving emotions and uprising of a people who , once free , can never be slaves. ’ ’ I italicise the sting of this remarkable declaration. It hits the nail fair on the head and has gone like wildfire through the Northern press. Hardly a prominent paper have I seen, either of this city or from the West, but has touched in some form or another upon it. It has found the weak spot in the armor of Radicalism and all that remains is for the Southern press to strike the knife still deeper in. Continued Southern anarchy is the bank ruptcy of the North. So far from being powerless, the South has a fearful weapon. It should let it be distinctly understood that if the property interests of the South —I say nothing of liberty or self-govern ment, desiring to keep the financial aspect, “the pocket nerve,” alone in view—are to be still further put, and kept, by violence at the mercy of pauper State governments, as greedy as they are irresponsible, the South will, on the first opportunity, go solid for a repudiation of the national debt. The declaration is quite sufficient. In finance will is perhaps almost as potent as power, sometimes even more so, for he who is known to have the disposition often has credit beyond him who has the ability but not the inclination. Seymour was right in saying ‘Tress the financial issue. ’’ There was a time when the interests of the South demanded inaction. That time lasted from August, 1866, to tho 3d of j November, 1868. If the South had not gone into the Philadelphia Convention there would have been no two-thircL in the 40th Congress. If it had not registered or voted under Reconstruction there never would have been any of the nightmare governments now oppressing her, for a purely nigger reconstruction would have been too much for the staunch men of the North. If the South had kept out of the July Convention the chances are we would have had a Democratic President to sue ' ceed Johnson, But these thing are past. | They are not mentioned in rebuke of those who, by “trying to participate in the thirg to control it, led us into sorrow. All , “ en ' a [ e Uable to etr, and, with the saying i that the mistake of action for iuaction was j unfortunate, there’s an end of it. Wc roust all stand together now anil act Ytrgorous, prompt, determined, aggr g sive, persistent action is required. We must take a lesson from the YVendell Phillips school. They “agitate” to secure their ends, aud the Souih must agitate, too. ! The platform must have two planks : I. The State governments of the South are, and of right, ought to be owned and administered by the white race alone. IL If F'ederal oppression is to con travene this justice, the South will vote for repudiation at the first chance. Strike the pocket uerve. I ha ff e seen ; enough here to know that, though Wash ; tngton were to plead for the Constitution, i the plea would be laughed to scorn. The ! argument to magnanimity is futile; it is only the argumentum ad crumenan —the appeal to dollars and cents, that will carry the day To illustrate the force of that fear indicated in the extract from the Avalanche above given, let me say that the Tribune has come out for universal suf- I frage in its foul sense—enfranchising the now disfranchised Southern whites as well : as continuing the present temporary suf frage held by the negroes. The. se- cret ot this is plain. It is sought to buy T the consent of the Southern whitps, by a removal of disabilities, to an acquies cence in negro suffrage. Why should the Hade be proposed if the consent of the South is not essential io the perpetuation of negro suffrage ? Wc are told the South is powerless to resist this negro suffrage; that, once given, it can never be taken away. Bosh! it was given in Jamaica and taken away iu Jamaica, for the no groes, as ought to have been known before hand, were utterly unfit for its exercise. So far from being either inevitable or ir reversible, negro suffrage cannot exist, save in a solution ofguupowder and (tee! without the consent of the Suuth. He who advises any accep'ance, partial or en tire, is your deadly enemy, though he may not mean it and indeed think ho is your truest friend. What the Tribune means, is too buy off opposition to negro suffrage ; then it is thought the South will settle; and then the bonds will be paid in gold. This is the ultimate point—money.' It must be struck. To lie back supine and whine about “accepting the situation,” a situa tion which is fraud, robbery, and nigger ism, is not only utterly shameful but the very worst business policy in the world. Read the Northern papers carefully as they reach you; pay particular attention to their money articles; note with what extreme, though furtive, anxiety the temper of the South is scanned and you will see amplejustification for what is here written. General Grant was in this city yester day. He stopped at a hotel, bought a ready made overcoat, went out with Bon ner, of the Ledger, and drove a fast trot ting horse, and at night attended a show known as Huinpty Dump y. Ihe Cabinet of Gentral Grant, it is un derstood, is tolerably well settled as to two places A. T. Stewart, for Secretary of the Treasury, and Ben. Wade in the Interior—this fatter appointment being Colfax’s (who soon marries a niece of Wade’s), according to a usage that the V ice President elect has the filling of one Cabinet place, choosing both man aud office. Sumner is pushing hard for the i Secretaryship of State or the English mis sion, as is also_ Motley, one of the intel lectual blue lights of Boston. Reverdy Johnson will doubtless be at once recalled on Grant’s inauguration, as also Rose crans, between whom and Grant there is no love lost. It is said Grant wanted to keep Seward but was overriden. The chances are the old fox will hold his own. Stanton has a good show for tho War Department though not the best, Schofield being ahead. In the Congressional session next month j there will be lively times. Reconstruction I will be variously patched. There is evi dence that word has gone out from head j quarters in Washington to g'ct up testi mony showing “terrorism” and “rebel I violence” in such Southern States as went | for Seymour. The idea is not for the pur pose of throwing out the electoral vote, . which is a matter ol qo consequence as j various. In Georgia you remember Bry | ant’s minute circular of instructions just | prior to election You have not heard the last of that. In Louisianathe negroes were ordered to remain from the polls | and did so, which will he adduced as a proof of “rebel intimidation,” as also the sweeping Democratic majority in Georgia. A committee of the jail-bird convention in Mississippi is out in a rescript declaring the negro constitution really carried there, and Congressmen elected. This is under instructions and means an admission of five carpet-bag Congressmen from these contemporaneous with the ex clusion of enough Southern Democratic members to enable the saints in the 41st Congress to retain their two thirds. Texas and Virginia will be put through secundum artem, and thus give them, by manufac tured majorities, twelve members more. Nice game, isn’t it? Nothing under Heaven will cheek these villains, but smashing their finances. Cut away the root and the foul upas tree will fall, it and all the obscene birds that lurk on its limbs. The markets here are feverish, and Wall street very sick. Commercial reports are “dull,” “nominal,” “light,” and ‘ quiet.” Cotton is (inn, however, and medium de rnand, almost entirely for spinning pur poses, speculators seeming to have a cramp, doubtless from having Peon “bit” otherwise. Tyrone Powers. One Measure for ihe Bondholders and Ihe People. The bondholders and their organs never cease reiterating the pica that the Govern ment should pay the full face of the bonds in gold, whether the obligation io do so is expressed or not, and whether the framers of the laws contemplated payment to be made in gold or currency. It is urged that the Government would be dishonest and disgrace the country if it should not pay specie in full. The foreign press, and particularly the British, make the same argument, becaase there is a large amount of our bonds held abroad. By forcing specie payments, or by the Government declaring that all of its bonds shall be paid in gold the property of the bondholders would appreciate in value something like thirty per cent. These highly virtuous in dividuals may well clamor for the full face of their bonds iu specie, as their property would be increased so much in value. It is the virtue and honesty of Shyloek over again. They will not li.-ieu to any abate ment or compromise, however much the country may suffer or the burdens of the people be augmented. Let us examine the exacting claims of the bondholders. First, then, it is well known that not more than sixty per cent in specie, on an average, was ever paid for the bonds. A large portion was obtained f-r less More than half the cap'tal invested in them has already been returned in in terest. Then nearly all the bondholders have had their other property vastly aug mented in value through the appreciation of gold and the effects of the war. There is scarcely a real estate owner, for example, whose property has not doubled since the war commenced. In many cases it has been appreciated more than that- la fact, the Northern capitalists and property holders have become much richer from the war, while the mass of the people have become poorer and more heavily burdened. Had they suffered as the property holders of the South have their demands would be less unreasonable ; but they have been made rich and ought to bo satisfied, with out wishing to increase their bondholding wealth thirty per cent at the expense of the overburdened industrious classes. As to the fine flourishes about national honor and integrity, such as Mr. Kererdy Johnson, the British press aud the bond holders’ organs here indulge in, they are all bosh. No great modern nation, except the United States, has ever paid its debt in specie. Hardly any have paid it at all. Even England, with all her pretence of honesty, reduced the interest of her debt from 5 and 6 per cL. to 3 and 3s. She never can hope to pay the principal, and when ever the British Government has any sur plus funds to apply to the liquidation of the national debt it does not feel bound to pay a hundred for the stocks nominally issued at a hundred. The National De>t Commissioners buy at the lowest rate they they can and give only from 80 to 00 for consols, according to the market. Is that dishonest? Why, then, should the heavily burdened people of this country be re quired to pay the full face of tho bonds in <mld? Why should there be depreciated national bank notes for the people and specie for the bondholders l Justice and common sense call for the same currency one measure —for both. But this agitation of the bondholder.- and their powerful allies (the national banks) for gold tho ration al currency depreciated. It makes it ap pear, in effect, that the le„al-tenders, though based on the credit of the govern ment, are not worth what tiny represent to be worth. If all this clamor were to NEW SERIES, VOL, XXTII. NO 47. ; cease and legal-tenders were ac epted at their real worth we should soon have no more trouble about specie payments ; for the circulating notes of this rich govern ment and country arc as good intrinsicallv as specie. AH that is wanted is a uniform currency and an established monela’-y sys i tern that cannot be controlled by a few speculators or a combination of bankers. Ihe fluctuations in the money market in this city for the last week or two show the i necessity of some remedy. Many of the merchants and business men were brought to the verge of bankruptcy bv the selfish and grasping operations of a few indi duals. Y\ ith a steady and sufficient cur the eomrol of such combi- I eountrv « U Ti eS!5 WOuld be stea,) y a nJ the , country would go on in Us natural career of prosperity. A. Y. Herald, Nor. 14/A 1 Tariff Qnestion to be Revived, in our power, fortunately, US? t0 F h . o k°F ho > ve os for estimates of the foreign commerce of tbe port for the last month, with the actual returns compiled by u from official entries ihe imports herein Octob r were about, twenty millions, against a little more thau eighteen millions for the same period of last year, and nearly twenty-five millions for October, 1866. The total for October iB6O, was over twenty-three millions, so that while the business for the month gained a little upon last year, it is far be low the corresponding total in either of the two years then preceding. The warehouse business has been against the total in b ind, the withdrawals being two millions in excess of the erorie- T is unusual, and may b 'roc ; favorable sign that the ma a , u been heavily overstocked YV n,,,v forward our totals from the b. gtuning oi the year : Forel,., Imparts nt 'm York lor the Ten Hi i?th*i t din January i»t. . f , 1«66. 1867 1818 m. for eons m. 44,665,021 Knt.ro vrareh’g M>|,7d2.ix;i 98.41 2la 92231RJW Free goods 11,180,054 B,fD7 00J 0 503 4^ Specie and bull’n 8.422,999 g 862,1*14 MTJ.’ssl Tot ent. at port *366.0511,135 * 223,4013888 *2|7869 4*"7 X /“.-M9.MI Ihe total still held in bonded warehou-c j is larger by four millions than at thebe ginning of the year, bu; the indications are that we shall go out of the season without any such excess The total import li.r the ten months would once have been consid er,' , K®’ k u A >“ comparison with tßbfi it looks quite diminutive, the differ enee being over forty-seven millions. The ’ revenue from customs has been large, owin* r | to the withdrawals from bond, the duties being paid on the goods marketed and not upon the total landed at the port The following will show the relative receipts since January 1: Custom. ttecoivo<Mu »w York from .l«n --1866. 1867. 1868 i quarter #33,6ia.!Hßja *B2 816,085.09 . 2,1 quarter 31,829.2 !7.26 26.438,603.81 21 1241 m5l :3d quar.er 36,105,092.08 33,**. 898.17 35^150 298 07 | To«Hro b m r 11 ** m n.682 889 05 10,059,0 T 34 Jan Ist 114,655,3292)1 101,878,47632 Ail the above figures represent gold, the duties being paid in gold certificates, and ; the imports reckoned at their foreign gold cost, freight and duty not included. We now turn to the exports, and the 1 figures which lol'ow represent a different currency. The shipments of specie are i cleared at their tale value, but all other ex ! ports at their market value io paper money j on the day of clearance. Oar readers will ’ , not bo much disappointed at the me t re | showing for October, as we warned them against the folly of relying on the extrava ' gant predictions of our sanguine contem poraries. The total clearances of produce in October were nearly three millions be low the corresponding total for last year, and nearly seven millions below the value shipped in 1865, when the aggregate was $21,272,243, exclusive of specie. The current month will probably fall be low last year likewise, but December may Bhow some recovery. We annex a com parative summary for the first ten months of the year : Exports from New York t> Foreign For; lor tlie Ten Month, from Junuary l.t 1666 1867. 1808. Dorn, produce *156,18(7,890 *144,711,892 *127 08 M7’ tor. free goods 598,217 345,416 55L831 Do dutiable. 1,116.845 6,999,386 6.456 018 I Specie and bul’n 55,489,710 43,214,139 67,942(609 Total exports. *216,421.092 *195.270,663" *202 612 610 Do. ex. of specie 160,931,952 152,056,521 134,670,’«2l I his statement of our foreign commerce will attract especial attention now that the question of revising the tariff is so soon to kvi-p ■iwt'-o';.-' ,;i i- -L. : . [V .: l . . at tho approaching session, thus relieving the newiy chosen administration of all responsibility for what will certainly be a most unpopular measure. We have shown repeatedly that some measure must be taken to increase the current ineome ol the Treasury, but we do not think a high er tariff will contribute to that result. Those who are expecting to try it, without serious opposition, miscalculate, we think, the relative strength of the protectionists in the national legislature. It will be very difficult to drive through such a measure against the well known views of Western Radicals; and the managers will find, if we mistake not, the party whip and spur much less effective for this object thau for those l hat are more strictly partisan in their character. But we can only wait and see, and shall strive to give our read ers the earliest reliable intelligence of the action proposed.—A. Y. Journal of Com merce. The Lamar Case. To the. Editor of the Journal of foot me < I beg the privilege ol >our „n u...t, order to correct some errors in jour report of my ease by Charles A Dana, E q , inr false imprisonment in 1865, aud to give some n f the features of the case, that it may be, in some degree, better under stood. I was Dot arrested “during the rebel lion,” nor in Charleston, but on the 27th of April, 1865, is the city of Savannah, three months or more after I had taken the amnesty oalfi under President Lin coln, and had been restored to all my rights of person and property thereby—more thau two weeks after the cessation of hos tilities, and more than three months after I had been under the protection of the Constitution of the United States, which I had sworn to support. 1 was sick, and was arrested in my dwelling under the following order : Washington, Apri122,1865. General.—Yflu will proceed imme diately to Savannah and arrest G. B. La mar, and to South Carolina and arrest close confinement, under strict guard, and bring them to Washington city, reporting to the commanding Genera). By order of the President. C. A Dana, Asst. Sec’of War. j To Brevet Brig-GeD. N. L Jeffries. A guatd of six armed soldiers were placed in my house and at my bedroom door, who were not remiss in stealing everything they could secrete and remove. The next day, with two soldiers on each side, I was walked down to the steamer, transported to Hilton Head, and then re moved to another steamer, with a soldier or an officer always by my side, and no con sideration made for my sick condition; and thus, in defiance of the Declaration of In dependence and of the Constitution of the United eStates, I was transported 800 miles, not for trial, but lor revenge. General Jeffries had consented that my daughter, 19 years of age, should accom pany me as my nurse, assuring me that she and all my friends should have access to me. On repotting to the Department, he was lectured for this lenity, and assured she should not remain in the city. There were three ladies going from the hotel to New York the next day, and 1 arranged for her to go with them to a house of a relative there; but that was uot allowed, and a lieuteuant of the ; rmy was sent to the hotel, who took her by force and car ried her to New York. I was sent to the Old Capitol Prison, and placed in a room 17 by 20, with fif teen persons already in it, each with a single iron bedstead, with dirty blankets, no sheets, soldiers' rations, and millions of bedbugs. Os cuurae, lav --.-so grew worse, my attacks were more frequent and of greater duration. The surgeon, Dr. Ford, gave, at intervals of five days, two official certificates that I could not recover without exercise in the fresh air. They were sen-, in the official channel, to the Department, with the request for such exercise, but no notice was ever received of them. After more than two months incarcera tion, I saw in July a notice of Mr. Dana’s intention to retire from the department. Whereupon I addressed him a note by Colo nel Colby, thcr. in command of the prison guards, asking to be informed before he left wha: were the charges against me.and when I might have a trial. He replied he knew of no charges against me, and, of course, could not say when a trial would take place; and from that day to this 1 have never heard of any charges against me, and I am sure none can be brought with truthful foundation. Bat while I was thus shut up in prison, and my friends re- ! fused access to me, measures were taken and executed, contrary to law, by which the Treasury agents deprived me of up- 1 ward of 2.500 bales of cotton, besides some which were taken by persons of whom I had b jught and paid for it. Mr. Dana is probably a descendant of 1 (he Puritans—a genuine pharLuical on.— j who professes great reverence for the Bi ble, but omits entirely to practice any of us precepts—whieh command him to re lieve those who are sick and in prison. I ./ crime had my daughter been ; fried and convicted, tha 1 she was trans- I ported from the metropolis of the country : by au armed militarystranger? But trials ur c 2. nvi€t ' ODS are not in vogue in the 'V ar Department except by military tri -1 Ponals, specially organized and instructed to convict. It was intended to put me under that kind of tribunal, and two suborned wit nesses of the Department had sworn that l employed them in Richmond to assassi nate President Lincoln in 18C4. But they recanted their own perjuries without my hearing anything of it until a year after ward. I had not been in Richmond since bavannab, November 7, ISCB. Frmn Uic Louisville Courier-Journal Sov. 10 Suicide or General 11. E. Bead -Sad hnd of a Gallant Soldier. Louisville was startled early last even ing by the announcement on the streets and in various other places of the sudden death of General H. E. Read, a man whose name is inseparably connected with the history, not only of his country, but with that ot his own State of Kentucky • a man pure and upright as he t. . and generous, aud who.se los- w.> I, long after he shall b, h and >o' e At about five . Vfo i, Genera! R M .for B ! 7«* u ed <n have proceeded from Major i r AI e V °®' e ’ was the lira, place i , *?■. tho 00r being opened a ter | riblo sight presented itself. General Read 'vas lying upon a sofa stark dead, and weltering in a dark pool of his own life blood. His left hand rested upon his bosom, while in the right, which had drop ped to tuc side of the sofa, a Derringer pistol was tightly clutched. In the side of his head, just above the right ear. was an ugly wound, where the charge of the deadly weapon had broken the skull. On the office table was found the following written apparently in haste, but with a steady hml : My life has one of varied suc~ j ‘rom tlio creation of my existence to the present moment. I have been the farmer s son, the mechanic, the soldier, the ministerial officer, the professional gentleman and the statesman ; in all of which lam confident that I am entitled to respectful consideration. The pecuniary want oi my life has at ail times been em barrassing. which, perhaps, is the cause of oiy discomfiture, at least so much as to render my life unhappy. So with the Iresh memory of the honor of my native Mate, and the love and kindness toward my family, I bid farewell to life. H. E. Heap.” ; As soon as the terrible truth became known the walk iu front of Major Allen’s I office was completely blocked with an in quisitive crowd, all endeavoring to gain ad mittance, and it was with much difficulty | Dn;y were kept hack. The news spread I veiy rapidly, and much feeling was mani [ over the melancholy and unlooked <>r death of one so universally respected. Use old gen leman burst into tears as his eyes fell upon the tall form of the suicide An inquest was held upon the body by Coroner Dick Moore, and a verdiet render ed to the effect that the deceased had died by his own hand. The remains of General Read were then removed to the residence of his brolher. Colonel J. B. Read j General Henry E. Bead was born in Larue county, in 1824, and was a brother I of lion. W. B. Bead, Representative from Larue county in the Kentucky Legislature. When the Mexican war broke out he en ! ]lst ?d in Colonel George A. Caldwell’s regiment of Kentucky Voltigeurs. As ensign of that regiment, he signally distin guished himself at Buena Vista, Cliepul tepec, and in other hard-fought battles of tbe contest Mexico. He it was who fir-t planted the flag upon the heights of Chepultepec, but, io the moment of victo ry lie was struck down, severely wounded in'several places. For- this gallant act the L-’neral Assembly of Kentucky presented hast a sword. iJ 0 ~-campyr,r<J. lj|j. %LlrerLuTb -htJ • ton. In 1861: lie was the Southern rights candidate for Congress in what was then the Fifth district, but was beaten by Gov ernor Charles Wickliffe, He lived' at dif ferent times at Hodgenville, Shelbyville and Elizabethtown, where he praoticed law. Upon his return from the Mexican war he was commissioned by Governor Powell a Brigadier General of militia. When the late war broke out be went South, taking with him from Hardin county a considerable body of men for the Confederate army. He was elected a mem ber of the Confederate Congress, repre senting the Provisional Government of Kentucky, and when Stoneman raided on Richmond he was a Sergeant in the Con gressional company, which wa-i organized for active service in the Confederate army In the battle of the Ohickahomtoy tv e ried a private’s mu-keV, and ■ rightly inform- and, H guinary com w ir ho wo (ktruHii.t F'(low Citizens: Toe ami.- C > al C.u i deem it proper to make the of the late canvass the occasion of a brief ad dress. First, we desire most heartily to con' gratulate the party upon the general re sult of the canvass in this State. The South Carolina Democracy has proved it' self an eminently progressive ana growing party. Organized in April last, in spite of the heavy numerical odds against it, it has steadily advanced, and in every elec tion augmented its power until in the can vass j ust closed, it fell only a little short of carrying the State for its national nom inees. A Democratic gain of more than 30,000 over the vote given in the State election of April last, means victory in the future and not failure. Nor should we fail to credit the National Democracy with its achievement in the late canvass, or be ud mindful of the vast power it has devel oped even in defeat. The twenty-five Northern and Western States that entered into the Presidential canvass in 1864, gave to McClellan a popular vote of 1,811,754, and to Lincoln 2,223,035. The same States, it is estimated, have, in 1868, given to Seymour a popular vote of 2,235,920, and to Grant 2,517,000. Thus showing, first, an increase in the Democratic vote of 718,131, and secondly, that in a popular vote of 4,752,920, Grant has a majority over Seymour of but 281,- 080, and this exclusive of the cotes in the bale Confederate States. Including the States voting in 1868, and not in 1864, and the States excluded from voting in 1868, and including, also, citizens disfranchised by Congressional and State legislation in Missouri and the late Confederate States, the result is that Seymour received a ma jority of several hundred thousands on the popular vote. In the second p'ace, we desire to im press upon the Democratic party in this State the importance of preserving, in all , its efficiency, its present admirable organ ization, to the end that under the laws of | the Sta e, and the United States, and in ful! recognition of the just obligations of good citizenship, the party may gradually increase its numbers and influence, until its principles and policy shall commend themselves to the free and onbiasr and ap proval of a controlling majority of the voters of the Commonwealth. Thirdly. The more effectually to keep up the Democratic Club3 of the several Districts, and in order farther to recognize fully all the industrial dements that are essential to the prosperity of the State, we earnestly recommend that features looking to the subjects of emigration, agriculture, manufactures and education be engrafted upon each club, so that an organ zed and systematic effort may be at once made to add to our population, to promote the in dustrie -of the State and to advance tho cause of popular intelligence. And in or der to carry out these auxiliary features to be attached to the Democratic Club.; throughout the State and to devise a uni form plan of action, we respectfully rec ommend a meeting of the btate Central Club at this place on the 20th ot January, 1869, at 7 P. M. Fellow-citizens, wo address you iu the spirit of hope and faith. God in His provi dence has seen fit to deny to us the tri umph which we deemed essential to the welfare of the State. If weeannut win, let us seek to deserve success. To the man hood at' the State do we appeal. Let the Democratic party of South Carolina re main a power and an influence in tho State. Keep your ranks undivided Ad here to your political principles until better ones invite you to their adoption From failure gather wisdom ; out ot and ? g. patience and resolution. Preser . . fidelitv to the elective prinoip.o 0 parte go bravely and earnest the field of material develop u- . . . A „ e buiwing up the State upon the b»'u> of
