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About Weekly chronicle & sentinel. (Augusta, Ga.) 1866-1877 | View Entire Issue (June 30, 1869)
OLD SERIES, VOL. LXXVI. i:‘!mmiclc & f cutiurl. V I FOCBTA, ti A : U KIIN KSIIA V MORN I V(. .11XK 30. The Impeachment of Bullock.—The Atlanta Constitution announces that the v.’ rk of impeachment goes bravely on. Sufficient information hasbien received by the committee to warrant the statement that successful impeachment of Qov. If ul lock is a foregone conclusion. Wasmkoto; Female Seminary.— At tention is directed to the advertisement of this Hsuiiuary, which will bo found in another column. The institution is uuder the charge of Rev. .Morgan Callaway, principal, a gentleman eminently qualified for the position, and who is assisted by an able corps of assistants. Superior facili ties are offered for the education of young ladies. The Seminary is situated in the plea-ant town of Washington, well-known for its heaithfulness and salubrity. Heaven s Justice. — A correspondent of the Baltimore Gazette relates an inci dent of Decoration Day which has just come to notice. The refusal on that day to allow the Confederate graves in Arling ton Cemetery t > be decorated; the removal arid trampling upon the few flowers drop ped upon the sleeping ‘Rebels,’ are facts which are still fresh in the minds of all. It. will also be remembered that Saturday evening after the Grand Army of the Re public bad left Arlington there came on a overo storm accompanied by thunder and lightning and torrents of rain. The follow ing morning was calm and sunny again. The night and storm had wrought a re markable change io Arlington Cemetery. The wind had caught up the flowers which decked the graves of the Union dead, and had bestowed them lavishly, tenderly, upon the neglected resting places of the dead of the ‘‘Lost Cause.” Knee deep in •some places lay biautiful flowers, in per fume and many-colored drifts with rain drops glistening in the soft petals, like fresh fallen tears. The Mill Between McCoole and Allen. The fight bitween McCoole and Allen took place on Poster’s Isla id, about twenty-one miles below St. Louis on the I.oth. heir “castors” were thrown into the ring about half-past one, but the fight ing did not commence until 3 o’clock. McCoole knocked Allen down tho first round. The fighting was very severe un til the ninth and last round, when both men ware /-low in responding to tho call. I lie noise and excitement being intense the referee could not bo hoard—the combat ants approaching each other and engaging in terribly close quarters. In a few seconds they clinched and rolled ovor side by side, and in close conflict, and while both were hugging mother earth, Allen placed his hands in the eyes of McCoole, gouging them desperately, when the ory of “foul” was raised from McCoole’s corner, the ropes were out and tho wildest exeitemeut prevailed for a few minutes, but tho crowd soon after dispersed toward the boat. Tho Referee was afraid to give his decision, several pistols being presented at Lis head, but ho refused to deeido the mat tor until ho reached St. Louis. Allen out fought McCoole all tho way through, and to all appearances would have won tho fight if it had been allowed to proceed. M cCoole was much blown and badly pun ished, and was in reality whipped. The light lasted about twenty minutes. In tho thirl round McCoole lost control of liimsif, became angry and fought wildly, and to the end of the battle was at the mercy of Allen. Persona who have wit nessed many fights say they never saw a man whipped so quick. When tho rope was cut on Che last round McCoole’s friends crowded into the ring, and with pistols and knives drawn, demanded of tho Referee a decision in the giant’s favor ; audit is said by some that McKinney de clared for McCoole, but this is stoutly de nied, am! ii is-now stated that tho referee will publish his decision in the St. Louis papers, and that he was afraid to decide in tho ring against a foul, for fear of being killed. M\position of Texile Fabrics.—Wc earn from tho Enquirer that a grand ex position of (exile fabrics, uoder the au spices if the Woolen Manufacturers’ \s sooiation of tho Northwest, is aunouocod to take place at Cincinnati, Ohio, on the tivo days commencing oa Tuesday, August 3d, and ending on Saturday, August 7th. The articles to bo placed on exhibition are tlie products of tho mills of the West and the South, and the staples of wool, cotton, ■silk, tlix and hemp. The Executive Com mittee liavo appropriated #5,000 for pre miums to bo awarded, and the people of Cincinnati are re‘ponding liberally to calls for contributions to mako extensive ar rangements for the exposition. No doubt they will have everything in readiuess for one of the finest displays in this branch of skill and industry ever witnessed anywhere. We find in tho Cincinnati Enquirer a long list of the manufacturing establish ments from whose officers letters have al ready been received announcing that they will -cud goods for exhibition. In this list are tho following Georgia factories : Macon Manufacturing Company, Hous ton Factory, South Macon Mills, and Troup Cotton Factory. We take it for granted that our Augusta Factory has also concluded to bo represented at the ex position. Its goods, we know, will bear scrutiny and comparison, and the great uriouficturing advantages and prospects of our section will be made better known by the appearance of its representatives ami iu fairies at such au exposition. Bout s Express Sales.—Tho Savannah Weirs says that some gentlemen who lately bought a lot of unclaimed express parcels at a sale of such articles by the Adams’ Express Company have held a meeting and determined to hegiu legal proceedings to recover the amount paid for the pack ages. alleging that they were never sent by express, but were packed up for swindling purposes. One gentleman paid sl-" for packages which proved to contain the merest rubbish. Macon \ Brunswick Railroad.—The Macon TV’, mi ph >ays that a letter has been received Rom No. 6, Atlanta and Gulf Railrev :. \n Fiore tho roads will inter sect, which - that the work ou the Ma. maud 11. .mswick Railroad is progress ing very far rally and rapidly- The con tractors expect to have evesything in con dition lor tr:ii .■> from this point to Bruus wiek by the f;h ol July, and from here to Macon bes ore the holding of the State Fair in Noveoibi r In reply to au a., u >s ot welcome from Governor Claflin. -of Massachusetts, Geue erai Grant said: * “It afford me great pleasure to visit the capital of a State which has done so much for my support and for the support of the Uniou iu the time of the great rebellion.” Grant s motto seems to be that of the renowned Sitnou Suggs—“First, myself; second, my friend-; and third and lastly, my kintry.” _______ Negroes in the Charleston Custom House. —From the Art ct of yesterday, we learn that on Saturday last Messrs. John C’udworth, E. W. Cramer, A. Moroso, in spectors; B. G. Schaffor, general clerk. J. Irwin, I). O'Leary, night watchmen, were discharged from the Customhouse, and the following named holered men appointed : S. J. Maxwell, F. H. Carmand, L. F. Wall, day, and S. H. Hare, Thos. M. Holmes, night inspectors, W. H. Barney, general clerk, and J. B. Mnshingtoo, watchman. An Extra Session or the legislature. The Atlanta papers give us the informa ! tion that Booby Bullock has decided to cal! a meeting of the Legislature on the seventh of next month. For several good reasons we arc inclined still to doubt 1 whether such be the intention of his Ex pressleency. In the first place there are inherent dif ficulties in Bullock’s way which will have strong weight in influencing him to keep quiet just now. These difficulties grow out of the present status of those so-cabled members upon whom he would be compel led to rely in carrying out his revdution ary views in regard to our situation. If he could be assured that under his call the expelled negro members would be admit ted to scats we do not believe he would hesitate a moment in issuing his procla mation. But it is just here that his se verest difficulties begin. The expelled negroes are not now members, and any call which he could lawfully make would apply solely to those who were the actual members at the time of the last adjourn ment. Ho call that body together as it was constituted, when last in session, would expose Bullock to the almost certain hazard of impeachment. The feeling during the last session was very decided in favor of such action. That feeling has been greatly intensified witlu. the last few months, while the illegal and disloyal conduct ot Bullock since adjourn ment has given, in addition, new and just cause for his prompt and speedy trial. He dare not faee the representatives of an outraged and insulted people so soon after his recent most vdl liuous and atrocious conduct. It may be barely po.-sible that, taking courage from a seemiug conflict of opinion in the Democratic press of tho State upon tho legal effect of the late decision of the Supreme Court, he may Ire silly enough to risk the experiment ot a called session. Were it not that such a call might lead to intemperate and hasty action on the part of u me of our friends, we should rejoice to have it made. It would secure a full ventilation of the Express Agent’s conduct since the last session, and, if we are not greatly mistaken, show him up in a light which would bo infinitely disgusting, even to his Radical backers, Butler and Forney. But we want peace and quiet. The country needs repose. Our material in terests require a cessation of political ex citement, at\d, for these reasons and for those above, we deprecate an extra session of’the Legislature. Another “Sixty Days” Prediction. W. H. Seward, the great prophet of the “Late Lamented,” who, in 1861, was to make the work of “ our Union" boys sharp, quick and decisive in “conquering tho rebellion in sixty days,’ has, upon the eve of his departure on a v.sit to the green fields and rich pastures of lovely Alaska, made a prediction in regard to Grant’s administration. Tho New York Sun reports him as say ing “very explicitly, that within a year there would be a break-up of President “Grant’s administration, which he pro “nounced the weakest administration the “country has ever had; and he assigned “as one reason for going away that “he wished to be as far off as possible “when the break-up takes places.” The reason given in the latter part of his opinion for his leaving the country is so characteristic of the man that it re quired no formal announcement to satisfy the American public of its point and truth fulness. The Cuban Kevolution In the Spanish Corter. A discussion took place in the Cortes of Spain, May 30th, on Article No. 9 of the Constitution, which brought up the whole matter of tho status of Cuba, and tho ex isting “Rebellion.” The Article reads as follows: “The Cortes Constitmentes will reform tho actual system of the Govern ment of tho provinces of tho Ultramar when the Deputies from Cuba and Porto Rieo have taken their seats, to extend to the same, with the modifications which may be believed necessary, the rights con signed in this Constitution.” The promi nent speeches of the debate were those of Senor Castelar, and General Serrano. Senor Castelar (of tho Republican and minority party), in admitting that his party had kept silent while “the flag of insurrection had been raised against the mother oountry,” their silence should not bo construed into approbation of the acts of tfie government. He said ; “I do not ap prove (how could 1, as a Spaniard) of the conduct of the Liberals of’Cuba.” Hence the silence ; but he affirms, “if we have the right to complain of Cuba—ah Cuba and Porto IFeo have much more right to complain of us I” Ho asserted that it was indispensable that the Spanish Cortes “should have patriotism enough to oonsider that Cuba and Porto Rico cannot oontinue living as a monstrous exception in the midst of that great democratic life which is extending itself all over the American continent— that there were ‘three great facts’ upon which tobase anew Colonial policy; ‘the first is the independence of America, the second is the Democracy of America, and the third, the great example England set us withCanada." General Serrano, President of the Execu tive power, replying, on the part of the Government, affirmed that “the Cuban insurrection did not obey the revolution hero as some supposed,” although there was a eoindeoce as to dates, Cespedes rising in Cubaonthe 6th, and the Spanish revolu tioi»oeeuring on the 10th of October, but “it obeyed the grave motives which were in reality born of the sudden imposition of the direct tax. which, with the best desire, was one of the most imprudent things that could have been carried to a country so distant tnd so unprepared for itand is nourished by some now refugeeing in New York, who, while he was in Cuba, as Captain General, were, “my (his) friends, my (his) counsellors and whose opinions I (he) followed”—and proposes that tho Cortes “should await with calm ness the coming of the Deputies." There is little doubt that the Cuban Revolutionists are greatly strengthened by the fset that the Republican party of ? pain are in the minority with no imme diate hopes of power, and because of the proposition entertained to re establish a Spanish monarchy, however modified or limited. We have Utile faith that the Republi cans of Spain can succeed, Spain being sandwiched between two monarchical governments. Republican success is not to be expected in the face of the opposition of all monarchical Europe. The proximity of Cuba to the American Republic and the consequent influences of Democratic ideas, is the guaranty for the success of the Cuban rebels. Daily, arms and munitions of war, and I “filibusters” Lave our shores for the rebel i camps. The rebels hold the table lands, while the reguiar Spanish forces occupy the ports and are subject to ’he malarifii diseases of the tropics. The Spanish contingent of volunteers, sympathize and fraternize with Cespides and his adherents, while the calm dignity of the executive power exhausts itself—Cespides and Jordan are surely and effectively working out the "manifest destiny ’ of the Queen of the Antilles. Appleton’s Journal.—The number of this popular weekly for the presmt week i contains its usual variety of interesting ( reading matteraada handsomely engraved and finely drawn cartoon of the “Seasons, 1 by F. O. C. Darley. FEMINISM. Speech of General O’Nell. Grand rally at the city hall. In accordauie with an announcement in the Chronicle & Sentinel of 6unday morning, General O’Neil, the President of the Fenian organization in America, de livered an address on “Fenianism” at the City Hall Monday evening. A large crowd was present on the occasion and enthusias tically applauded the talented orator. Owing to the fact that it was impossible to obtain the Court room, oa account of a case then on trial in the Superior Court, the speaking did not com mence until nine o’clock, and at that hour the orator addressed his au dience from the portico of the building. Fearful that the previous hour's waiting had taxed the patience of his hearers, Gen. O’Neal did not speak but for a very few minutes, and con -equently did not ex plain the objects and nature of his organi zation as fully as might have been desired. He was introduced to the audience by Col. Claiborne Snead, and spoke in sub stance at follows: He expressed Lis regret at not having been able to obtain the ball, and at having kept his audience waiting for so long a time. He waj gratified, how ever, to think that the fact of their wait ing proved the interest that they felt in hi 5 subject—the subject of Irish Liberty. He would not detain them by dwelling on the wrongs and sufferings which Ireland had endured for se long a time. These were too well known; what he would ex plain to them now was the means of re dress. For the last seven hundred years Ireland had been tyrannized over by Eng land. England had gained the right to oppress Ireland by force of arms, but it is a right which Ireland never has and never will acknowledge—a right which Irishmen have fought against since the time the ancient chieftains flew to arun.s against Strongbow, the first invader down to the present time. He declared the cause of the Fenians to be the cause of an oppressed nation, and he asked the citizens of Georgia and of Augusta, if they knew not the meaning of tyranny and op pression ?—if they did they could realize the condition of the Irish people. To re gain for Ireland her former freedom was the object of Fenianism, and to ac complish this he was willing that blood should flow. He was not like O’Connell in this respect, who thought that even to gain liberty blood should not be spilled, but was willing, for so great a good, that rivers of blood should flow. The speaker then spoke of the origin of the Canada campaign of 1866 and the mo tives which induced it as follows: In February, 1866, a few Fenians as sembled in Pittsburg, Penn., and determin ed to invade Canada, from the United States. And, by the wav, I’ll meet right here the objection so often urged that we had no right to invade Canada, because her people had never interfered with us. I admit tlpit they never interfered with us. Neither have the masses of the people ofEngland, whom I consider more abject slaves than were the negroes in South Carolina ten years ago, and I would gladly aid them in throwing off the yoke of their tyrants. I contend that wherever the English flag floats we have a right to go and pull it down and smite those who standready to defend it. The flag is the representative of England’s tyranny,, which for tho last seven hundred years has oppressed our beloved country, and caused thousands upon thousands of her citizens to die of starvation. We have a right to tear down that flag wherever it floats, and to trampleit in the dust. And besides, in Canada the people claim to be the subjects of Great Britain, aad those whom we met irf our brush there, in 1866, and made scamper, had rallied to stfyport that emblem of tyranny. As I have said, we determined in Feb ruary, 1866, to invade Canada. Then we had not one cent in the treasury, no muskets and no military stores. We in vaded Canada with a small force —the re mainder were prevented by the United States from going over. Had that first party been thoroughly successful, nothing would have prevented thousands from rushing over andjoining their compatriots. In proof of my statement I call your at tention to the report of General Meade, of the United States Army, to the President in May, 1866, in which he states that the “Fenian organization numbers thirty seven thousand,the finest men I ever saw.” The speaker again called the attention of the audience to the beneficial results the Fenians had caused —had made England grant Ireland rights never before listened •to ; had systematized rebellion ; had awakened tho attention and enlisted the sympathies of the civilized world to the sufferings and wrongs of op pressed Ireland ; and concluded with an other earnest appeal to his hearers to be stir themselves in behalf of Fenianism, which, as he asserted, would exist as long as Ireland had a wrong to be redressed, and would be disorganized when the green flag floated iu the free air of the dree old Emerald Isle. In the speaker’s remarks about Canada, (the capture of which by the Fenians, he argued, would be a fatal blow to the com merce ofEngland by fittiug out privateers to prey upon it, aiodthis would occasion a suspension of manufacturing establish ments, throwing out of employment thou sands who would engage iu bread riots,and demand and make England grant to Ireland the liberty her sons battled for), be said that there was much talk amoDg the Southern people about the Irish hav ing fought on the side of the oppressors of «he South, depriving her of the very rights which the Fenians were now urged to contend for in their own country. Said the General: “It is well known that the Irish are true to the people they live among.” The Irish living North fought as zealously in the Union ranks—where I fought myself—as did the Irishmeu for the “Lost Cause.” If the North had its Corcoran, the South had its gallant Pat Cleburne. Had there been more Irishmen iq the Southern army there would have been more fighting, for you know “where an Irishman is there is fighting.” Near the close of his address the speak er aliuded to the recant action of a small clique of men, who, pretending to speak for the whole body oflrishmen in America, had declared that the Fenians must accept the doctrines of Charles Sumner as em bodied in the Alabama speech and ally themselves with the Radiea! pjrty. He emphatically denied the right which these men had assumed to speak for the Fenian organization, and said the men themselves might have Irish names but certainly they were not Irishmen. He stigmatized them as mere place hunters, whp, while loud-mouthed in their protestations of de votion to the cause of Irish Liberty, had, in reality, no object at heart save self aggrandizement. As President of the Fenian Brotherhood, he would state that the organization spurned these men from its ranks. Burglary and Attempted Rape.— We learn from the Charleston Xeics that at two o'clock yesterday .morning an able bodied negro man entered a residence in street, and made his way to the apart ments, where he robbed the clothing of the sleeping inmates of pocket books contain ing money. Not content with the crime, he went to an adjoining room where a daughter of the gentleman, a young girl about fourteen years old, was sleeping, and attempted to gratify his hellish lusts. She screamed, which aroused her father, who instantly repaired to the scene, but before he could apprehend the fiend, he leaped Irom the second story window to a lot be low and made his escape. AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, JUNE 3(>, 1569 Where are the Ku-htox? General Terry was selected and sent to this State by Grant in response to the Radical clamor for military protection to loil men here who Bullock and his minions declared were being slain daily in cold bleed by the horrid Ku-klux. Radical letter-writers and Radical presses again and again insisted that the civil officers either could not or would not make arrests for these cruel outrages upon loil people. They insisted that, unless military force was sent here underthe command of an of ficer who would not hesitate to use it on all occasions when it might be necessary, the Radical party would be driven from the State or its members butchered on the highways. Loil men were said to be flocking in great numbers to Atlanta a3 a place of refuge from Ku-klux barbarities, and. a long list of Radical members of the Legislature was published, who were prevented from return ing to t heir homes and families by this gs ng of outlaws. Terry comes, and with him andunier the protection of his shoulder straps,came sneaking back one R. B. Bullock, who, to keep up the appearance of truthfulness in the reports which he had caused to be cir culated, had, for months been squandering the State’s money in the dens and hells of Washington and New York to the great relief of the people of Georgia, al though tbeir own hard earnings were misapplied to his support in “foreign lands.” IVell, Terry and Bullock have been here nearly or quite two months. What have they done for the protection o: loil citizens? Have the exiled Radical members ot the Legislature been returned -to their homes under Federal guards and Federal protection ? Have the alleged murderers of the thousand and one reposed vic tims of Ku-klux outrages been arrested ? Have the parties who killed tho loil men on the cars at Barnett (and who the Radicals themselves know were never kill: ed) been brought to justice ? Has there, in fact, been a single arrest made yet for the scores of murders which Bullock said had been committed in various parts of the State ? Terry is here yet. Why does he wait ? Why does he permit this daily killing of loil citizens to go on in his Department without showing his teeth ? The truth is, the great humbug has been exploded. The mask has been tom from Booby Bullock, and he stands before General Terry and the world a woful and malignant falsifier of the people of the State. How an honest man, like Terry is said to be, must loathe and despise this bloated slanderer of honest people? In noticing the present condition of af fairs here the Louisville Courier makes the following very pertinent and sensible comment: “Wc all know how violently the Radical organs denounced the civil authorities of Georgia for failing to arrest the authors of two or three murders recently committed in that State. They proclaimed that the murderers were known ; that they neither denied their guilt nor made any attempt to conceal themselves—that they moved about in public, bold and defiant, glorying in what they had done. At length the Grant administration, as if not knowing that this was all “humbug,” ordered the military forces in Georgia to give vigorous aid in bringing the bloody criir inals to justice. As these criminals were said to be notori ous, tbeir immediate arrest might have been considered a thing of course. But weeks have gone by, a month is drawing to its close, and not only are arrests not made, but they ceased to be. palled for. They arc no longer even talked about- The Radical letter-writers, who pretended to know everything, now claim to know nothing. What was palpable to all eyes has suddenly become inscrutible. The sharp cry of vengeance is turned to a mere vague noise. It is a fact that, since Gen eral Terry and the officers and soldiers of his command were instructed from Wash ington to use all tbeir resources in bring ing to justice the Georgia murderers who wore said to fill the roads nightly with the bodies of dead negroes, not an arrest has been reported. The orders to Terry and his troops turn out to have been a political blunder. There should be a full under standing between the Federal administra tion and the Georgia scalawags. Let there be no more bungling.” History of a Consummate Scoundrel. “Detective Farley, of the Central Office, yesterday arrested one Andrew J. Rogers, an ex-Confederate Colonel, on a charge of a fraud. Several weeks ago the prisoner came to this city, and circulated a report that he owned the whcle of Morris Island, S. C., and was anxious to dispose of it. Ho afterward went to Providence, R. 1., and while there obtained $3,500 on a draft signed by himself from a real estate agent named Frank G. Alien, alleging that he had valuable property to give as security. Rogers also stated that he was authorized to recruit for the Cuban expeditionary forces about to leave from this port. Soon after procuring the money, Rogers came again to the city, and it was afterward as certained that his representations were false. Hence his arrest by Detective Far ley. The accused was taken before Justice Hogan,and consenting to go back to Provi dence, he was given into the custody of officer Slocum, of the Providence Police, and departed last evening with that officer. ’ ’ The notorious individual alluded to in the above extract, from the New York Tribune , was never a Colonel in the Con federate service. He enlisted as a private in Company G, 3d Georgia Regiment, in this city, under the name of Andrew J. Livingston, in the Spring of 1861, and went to Norfolk, Va., in that Regiment. Shortly after reaching Virginia he de serted, and in attempting to make his way back to Georgia was arrested by General (then Col.) Daniel, who, with his regi ment, was at the time stationed at Suf folk. He was tried for desertion, convict ed, and sentenced to be shot; but, by some unaccountable accident, the proceedings and decision of the Court was lost or mis laid in Richmond, and Rogers alias Liv ingston was kept in close confinement until the Spring of 1862, when he was, by di rection of the Secretary of War, drummed ou: of the service. After the battles around Richmond, when Lee’s army had gone on its march into Maryland, Rogers, by some sort of rascality, procured a Captain’s commis sion, and raised a small company of caval ry for service on the York and lower James rivers, and around Richmond. This com mand soon became a terror to all good peo ple on account of their robberies and other lawless acts committed on the people. Rogers kept his headquarters and an office in Richmond, where he also car ried on the substitute business. With a half dozen worthless scoundrels in his employment he was constantly furnishing substitutes who wouli serve a day or two, desert, return to Rogers, offer themselves again, and again after pocketing the money, desert. This business Rogers and ids band of thieves kept up until the fall of Richmond, when he retired with an escort of thirty or forty mounted men and a wagon train large enough for an army corps. This train of wagons, ambulances and teams was taken from him by the writer of this notice by direction of General Breckinridge, then Secretary of War, on the 14th or loth of April* 1865, at Greens boro, N. C. Rogers then made his way back to Geor gia, and on the way managed to steal a large number of mules and horses. He reached this city about the time of the great riot, and with his band of robbers figured largely in that affair, providing himself, as it afterward was discovered, with large amounts of clothing, provisions, horses, whiskey, Ac. With these ha travelled through south ■ era Georgia, selling out his stock and pro- visions and often stealing them again the day after making his sales. Hundreds of the people in Emanuel, Montgomery, Tel fair, Appling, and the tier of counties below these will long remember the exploits of this m ost inveterate scoundrel. *■ The next we hear of Rogers he had gone on to New l'ork in the latter part of the Summer of 1865, taking with him forged railroad receipts for a large number of bales of cotton along the line of the Gulf Railroad below Doctor Town. Arrive! with these bogus receipts he plunged into Wall street, wf.ere he soon sold a large amount of the cotton, which he pretended to have receipts for, and transferred the latter to the several purchasers. Getting the money in his possession he returned to Savannah, accompanied by an agent of the parties to whom he had soli the cotton and to whom he was to make the deliveries. A steamer was duly chartered iu Savan nah to go round to Darien and thence up the river to DdctorTown, where the cotton was to be brought up by rail and shipped to Savannah. Everything was got ready for the trip—the steamer fired up—a num ber of invited guests were otf board to enjoy •he excursion—the ch am pag ne and ice and segars were duly stared—this ship's stores all on hoard, when Rogers, just as the boat was about to cut loose from the wharf, suddenly ascertained that he had left some important"papers at £he hotel- He would not detain the boat, it could go on, and lie with his 2-40 horse and fine buggy, would cut across the neck and intercept the boat at Thunderbolt, only four miles by land, while it was distant by water some sixteen or eighteen miles. The boat left and so did Rogers, When the steamer reached Thunderbolt, Rogers was not there. They waited a couple of hours and then concluded that Rogers might have been delayed longer than he anticipated, and that he would go on across the country and meet the party at Doctor Town. Thither the boat started, but from that day to this, Rogers has not been found. It is needless to say that no cotton was procured on that trip. The State Press on the Eligibility Decis ion of the Supreme Court. We give below the opinions of the Geor gia papers, so far as they have been ex pressed, on the recent decision of the Su preme Court, which declares negroes eligible to office in this State. The Macon Telegraph thinks that the present Legis lature, under this decision, has no right to exclude the negro members from their seats in that body. On this subject it speaks as follows : “The Constitution,it is true, makes each House the judge of the qualification of its own members, but only in subordination to law • The Legislature is the creature of the Constitution, and tho subject of law. It is not endowed with judicial powers of any kind. The Constitution, on the con trary, vests judicial powers exclusively in the Courts. True, it declares that “each House shall bo the judge of the election re turns and qualifications of its members, and shall have power to punish them,” etc., etc., but this merely arms them with the power of self-protection against fraud, illegality, and disorder ; and it is no more intended to make the Legislative Depart ment superior to law, than the Executive or the Judicial. “All are co-ordinate, and no one of them more independent of law than the other. All are subordinate to the Constitution and laws made in pursuance thereof, and if either can trample upon the rights of the citizen in defiance of law, so can all; and if one can do it in one particular, all can do it in all particulars. Any interpre tation of law which mate its creature ir responsible and lawless, is bound to be false, and to lead to the most absurd and disorganizing conclusions. Consequently, it is plain to our minds that the Legisla ture of Georgia is legally and properly the subject of this decision and any attempt to assert independen e' of it, will be as illo gical as unavailing. “What theNorthernßidicals claimed to be law in Georgia is now made so. The expulsion of the negroes they called a second act of rebellion against law by the Georgia rebels, and they have by no means yet abandoned the idea of punishing it by putting the State in the hands of a dicta tor. Indeed, Mr. Forney in one of his laie occasional 'bulletins proclaims Georgia as hopelessly lost to the Radicals, unless she can be again run through the Congress ional crucible and purged by disqualifica tion and disfranchisement. “No well-informed man can have a doubt that the Federal Government is determin ed to reseat the negroes in the Legislature at all hazards, and that all our opposition will be futile. The refusal of the Legisla ture to respect this decision of the Supreme Court, will only bring ahout a legislative purgation by bayonets; but we should care less for that, than to see the Legislature assume an indefensible and untenable po sition, against an authoritative, though un satisfactory,exposition of the law; or adopt any temporary expedients which would be practically unavailing against the dominant despotism. In the midst of all our troubles let us preserve a respect for law. Let us arm ourselves with patience and look for ward in hope to better days.” The Savannah Republican, without ex pressing any opinion of its own with regard to the decision, thus presents two opposing views of the question: “It is contended by some that the de cision ju»t announced can have no bearing upon the matter under consideration. That question has been settled by the only courts having jurisdiction of it—that is by each house of the Geueral Assembly. They alone have constitutional jurisdiction of the subject, so far as tbeir respective bodies are concerned. They have decided, so far as this Legislature is concerned. Their decision, when rendered, is a judicial de cision, which cannot be reversed by aDy other branch of the government. All that could come of such a decision of the Su preme Court, in the future, so far as re lates to holding the office of legislator, would be to use it as an argument in the next Legislature, if the question should again come up in either house. It could not bind the Legislature; for, by the Con stitution, each house is the sole judge of the election and qualification of its mem bers. No other court can control that judicial judgment in the matter, and, not withstanding the decision of the Supreme Court, the Legislature must and will stand as at present constituted. “In opposition to this there are two con siderations that may be offered, one in volving the law, and the other the policy, of the case. “It is admitted that the Constitution makes each branch of the Legislature the exclusive judges of the election and quali fications of its own members; but it may be asked, is this a power given without any implied limitation, and with the under standing that the two houses can use 4 it ar bitrarily, according to the will of the ma jority and without any restraint whatever ? Are they not bound to exercise the discre tion thus granted according to the Consti tution of the State as authoritatively expounded? Is it possible in reason that the Legislature can be invested with a pow er to violate the Constitution ? Could they expel a member just because they happen not to like his society, and when no crime or improper conduct is alleged? The two houses are authorized to determine for themselves exclusively two things, first the election of a member, or whether he re ceived a majority of the legal votes cast; secondly, whether he be qualified as a Senator cr Representative or net—that is, whether he possesses is himself those qualities which toe Constitution and laws make necessary in order to constitute him a member of the Legislature. If these conditions have been determined by the supreme interpreter ot the Constitution and laws of the State, are the Legislature at liberty to set aside such decision ? “In the second place, it may be contend ed that as the Legislature voted to refer the question of eligibility of negroes under the Constitution to the Supreme Court, notwithstanding the failure of the measure through Executive Interposition, are they not morally, as well as legally, bound to accept its decision as final “And still another point may be raised. In view of the doubtful relations of the State to the Federal Government, and in deed of the Government of the State to its own people, would it not be wise and pru dent, without contest, to allow the negro me mbers to occupy their seats for the only remaining session of the present Legisla ture—and it may be made a very brief one —thereby submitting to a temporary evil —and everything indicates that it will be only temporary —lather than embark in a local and national strife, the end of which no man can foretell.” The Albany News thinks the people of Georgia should stand by the law as ex pounded by the Supreme Court “The Supreme Court of Georgia has ren dered its decision in the important case of Clement vs. White. The Court determin ed, after able argument on both sides, that negroes are eligible to office in Georgia. However contrary to our own convictions of the law, or, to the convictions of the mass of our people and a majority of the Legislature, it is the decision of the State Supreme Court—the tribunal to which it properly belonged, and to which We ap pealed whilst our enemies were urging Congress to usurp our Government and destroy our rights and property, and the people of Georgia will stand by it in good faith. We trust that Congress and the peo le of the United States, will recognize in the action of our people the wrongs which they have done us, and will hasten to restore our State to its proper relations to the Government, and our people to that peace and prosperity which they have so long sought.” The Maeon Journal & Messenger takes a hopeful view of the situation: “The law must stand,for the present, at least. Whether it will be of any great practical detriment to us remains to be seen. We incline to the opinion that it will not. But whether it does or not, Dot many years will elapse before we will be able, if we wish, to make, it entirely harm less. The people of Georgia will find the way tc get rid of it whenever any exigency arises calculated to create the suspicion that their political supremacy is in jeopar dy. They are not to be scared into excess es by any panic about negro domination. That ghost nas been laid, for good and all, in Georgia. We suppose the expelled ne groes will be rc-seated in the Legislature, and in all other offices where they have been thrust at the point of the bayonet, but that don’t amount to a great deal. The great question ot white supremacy has been fixed as firm and sure as fate itself, so tar as Georgia is concerned. ° The Americus Republican does not be lieve that this decision will reseat the negro members of the Legislature: • “ Besides evidence of the inevitable downfall of this mongrel party, we behold other good which must surely come out of this adversity. This judgment does not, as we understand, reinstate the negro members who were expelled from the Legislature. In this ease of White, the courts were invoked as umpire in the mat ter, and have thus determined the issue submitted; upon the question of qualifica tion as legislator, the Assembly of Georgia is the constitutional and sole judge, and its voice has pronounced adversely to the eligibility of negroes as members of the body. The Assembly has determined the question by a decision which can only be revoked by the power which delivered it, and reconsideration on the part of its mem bers can hardly be expected. “This then leaves only the other offices of the State open to negroes ; and from this with the great evil, may wo not anticipate material benefit? Without a lengthy elaboration of the proposition, we suggest that this may force upon us the selection of more competent, more efficient and more worthy men to occupy the position of trust and importance with the gift of the people. It is notorious that a vast number of men in office are eminently unqualified for the duties of their respective positions; and through their unfitness and incompetency the State, the county, the community, and each citizen, sutler harm and losses and injury. By the adoption of the rule for the exclusion of all incompetent persons from official posts nearly all negroes will be excluded and as far as the voice of the people is to be heard in elections, the evil can be remedied.” UNNECESSARY. “We beg to respectfully suggested our cotemporariesof the Augusta Constitution alist and SavanDah Republican that their invocations to the people to respect and obey the law as laid down by the Supreme Court, in its recent decision at Atlanta, are not only, in our humble opinion, wholly unnecessary, but somewhat unwise. We do not suppose any man in the State has the remotest intention of doing any thing else, but our enemies abroad may pretend to find in such appeals a corrobora tion of thoir infamous charges of lawless ness against the people. ‘See here,’ they may say, ‘these Democratic papers are afraid their friends will resiso this law just as they do other laws, and are counselling them against such a course beforehand.’ We are sure there will be no resistance made to the enforcement of tho law any where, and any doubts on that pent sug gested by appeals, of tho character we re fer to, do the people injustice.”— Journal & Messenger. Can’t Stand the Nigger. The white bricklayers of Washington city have refused to permit negroes to work with them on the same job, and the Bricklayers’ Union, at a meeting held on last Saturday, expelled six of its refractory white members who continued to work in the Navy Yard alter the introduction of negroes there by the order of Borie. These bricklayers who thus refuse to permit a negro to “handle bricks and mortar” on the same job with themselves are nearly all Radicals. They vote to sus tain the Radical party and cheerfully en dorse its efforts to force negroes into all the offices in the South, yet they refupe to permit the same class to work with them. Their Caucasian blood revolts at the con tact on the builder's scaffold with loil blacks, yet they think them marvellously proper persons to sit in our Legislative Halls, to preside in our courts of justice, to serve on our juries, to sit on the same bench with our children in the school house, and with our wives and daughters in our churches and places of amusement. Verily the day of tho wrath of an offend ed Deity must be near at hand for these Radical freedom sebriekers! More Ratification. Florida, which like the other rebel States is blesse i with a very carpetbag ish Legislature, has “ratified” the negro roting Fifteenth Amendment. The inter esting Legislature in question convened last week in extra session, ostensibly to act on the project for selling western Florida to Alabama ; and the members have taken advantage of the chancato kill two birds with one stone, by seizing this time to “ratify” the amendment. That makes, we believe, 23 States—if such questionable action as the no-quorum Leg islature of Indiana be accepted as the valid action of the State. But it is useless to begin with specifying one State, when there are so many more whose recorded action on this subject has been so mani festly against the sentiments of their peo ple. The whole proceeding is but one gigantic fraud. We suppose it will not be difficult to get, by hook or crook, the re maining four States necessary to make up the three-quarters of the happy family., There are ways to do it. Radicalism is not fastidious. Wendell Phillips has found time, amidst his other pressing duties in counseling the Western Indians to murder all the whites they can, to stop a moment and declare, in a “resolution,” that if the Amendment cannot be carried in any other way, Congress must carve up Texas into four States ; taking it for granted that their Legislatures—beiDg, of course, of the loyal carpetbag strtpe which so well ex presses the sentiments of the people con cern^ —wiil immediately “ratify.” These Radicals, who rule Congress, are making of our American experiment of self-gov rnent a monstrous farce and mockery. And they mean to end it, as soon as they conveniently can, as effectually as the Mussulman ruler’s agents and the subjects of their experiments, with a bowstring, that makes the subjects’ eyes and tongue hang out.— Hartford Times. Bullock and the Legislature.-— The Atlanta Constitution asks if Governor Bullock wants to call an extra session of the Legislature, why don’t he do so? This thing of writing a Proclamation, convening the Legislature, and then laying it up to dry, is not exactly the clean thing— out with it, Governor. Bea man —be bold. What if they do impeach you? Your bet ters have experienced a worse fate and you ought not to grumble. Take courage, old chap, and let slip that proclamation. Yonr thirteen hungry democratic organs are ex ceedingly anxious to proclaim. Status of the Expelled Negro Members of the Legislature. The editor cf the Macon Telegraph mis takes, unintentionally, no doubt, the posi tion of this paper in regard to the effect of the late decision of the Supreme Court upon the eligibility of negroes to hold of fice. We have never “taken exeeptions to the position of the Telegraph and others, that the Legislature should respect the ruling of the Supreme Court in relation to the eligibility of negroes as members of that body.” Wo have insisted, and con tinue to insist, that the decision can have no effect ifpon the status of those negroes who had been declared ineligible to seats in the present Legislature before the de cision was rendered. We said that the cases of the expelled members had been heard and decided by the only tribunal known to the laws of the State which ha3 jurisdiction in the matter —that the question was as to these, res adjudicata. The Telegraph thinks that our logic is “all based on the false assumption that tho Legislature is a Court of ultimate arbitra ment upon any of the rights of the citizens under the Constitution.” Agaio, our con temporary says : “It (the Legislature) is no Court at all. The Constitution restricts the judicial power to the Courts, as strict ly as it does the Legislative power to the General Assembly. The •General Assem bly can no more make the Constitutional rights of tho citizen res adjudicata than the Courts can enact a statute.” Unfortunately for this view of tho 7cl"- grapli, it is in palpable opposition to the first paragraph of Section 4 of the 2nd ar ticle of the State Constitution, which is a literal copy of a like provision of the sth Section of the first article of the Con stitution ot the United States, and which is as follows : “Each House shall be the judge of the electiea returns and qualifica' tions of its members, &c.” Here, then, is the power expressly given to each House to judge of the qualifications of its members. The present Legislature has already exer cised this power of judging the qualifica tions of certain of its members, and its judgment thus rendered, is final and con elusive of that question. Neither the Supreme Court of Georgia or of the United S ates has any jurisdiction over this sub jeet. Neither is it true that the Supreme Court has decided that the expelled negroes were entitled to seats in the Legis lature—if it had, it would have been mere ly brulem fulmen. The decision of the Supreme Court i?, that under the Consti tution and Code of tho State, negroes are eligible to hold offiee. Tho Court has not dared to say that the Legislature shall ad mit negroes to seats in that body. Each branch of tho Legislature is a court, and tho only competent court to hear and determine the qualifications of its own members. We do not say that they would be justified or authorized in deciding upon a question of qualification, right in the teeth of a judicial decision made by the highest judicial tribunal known to our laws, upon a like question in another case. Precedents are valuable, and when author itatively made should, as a general rule, be acquiesced in by each branch of tho Gov ernment ; but no decision made by any Court or other body having authority to make it, can be so construed as to apply to and set aside decisions or judgments which have been previously mado upon the same issues, and from which no appeal has been taken. Right or wrong, such decisions must stand. But the main point now made by tho Telegraph is that tho decision of the Leg islature has not the weight, force or dig nity of a judicial decision. Here our con temporary is again at fault, or the states men and jurists of thi3 country for the last half century have failed to comprehend the power granted under the clause of the Constitution wo have quoted. Mr. Justice Story, in commenting upon this clause of the Constitution, says: “It is obvious that a power must be lodged somewhere to judge of the election returns and qualifications of each House com prising the Legislature; for otherwise there could be no certainty as to who were legitimately chosen members, and any in truder, or usurper, might claim a seat, and thus trample upon the rights and privileges, and liberties of the people. In deed, elections would become, under such circumstances, a mere mockery; and legislation the exercise of sovereignty by any self constituted body. The only pos sible question on such a subject is, as to the body in which such a power shall be lodged. If lodged in any other than the legislative body itself, its independ ence, its purity, and even its existence and action may be destroyed or put into im minent danger. No o’her body, but itself, can have the same motives to pieserve and perpetuate these attributes ; n- other body can be so perpetually wa* chful to vindicate its own character, and to. pre serve the rights and sustain the free choice of its constituent;. Accordingly power has always been lodged in the Legislative body by theuniform practice of England and America. —Story on the Constitution vol. 1. 576. It will be seen from the above extract that the position of the Telegraph is wholly untenable. It is fully shown that for all the purposes of a legal find full de cision upon the qualifications of its mem bers that the Legislature is not only acourt but the only court that can exercise juris in in such matters. The only Ctfurt having jurisdiction in the- matter having decided that the indi vidual negroes returned to the present Legislature were ineligible, that question is forever decided —it is res-adjudicata. It may be true, indeed we know it. is so, that the principle involved in that decision has been by the Supreme Court of the State decided quite differently. Whether the Legislature will in future cases which may arise, conform their action to this decision of the Supreme Court is quite another question We have no hesitation in de claring that while we do not believe that they would be legally bound to do so, we think that, in view of the relative powers and duties of these two branches of the government, they would be morally bound to accept this judgment of the Court in the case of White as decisive of the right of negroes to hold seat? in the Legislature. Several months since the Chronicle & Sentinel urged that a case should be made and taken to the Supreme Court in order to test this right claimed by the Scala wags for the negroes to hold office under our laws. We then said, and we_now re peat it, “that it would become the duty of all good citizens to yield cheerful obedience to such decision when made, and we doubt not that all portions of our people will accept such a decision a3 the law of the land.” We have seen no reason why we should now change that opinion. We still think, in future—or, more properly speaking—in all cases which have not been already au thoritatively decided the principles involved in the late decision should be enforced. We go further and say that we believe that it would be the duty of the present Legislature to carry out those principles in all cases which may hereafter come before it. What we mean is this. If the vacan cy created in the Senate by the death of Adkins should be filled by the return of a negro and if a negro should also be return ed to the House in the place of Ayer, that such negroes should be admitted to their seats. These cases have not been decid ed. But if Alex Stone, negro member from Jefferson county,should present him self and demand the seat Irom which he had been ejected, that such demand would be untenable —his case has been decided. The Supreme Court have no ■ power to NEW SERIES, VOL. XXVIII. NO. 26 overrule a decision made by the Legisla ture upon the qualifications of its individual members. Ike Legislature has no right to decide that negroes are ineligible to of fice. Each department is supreme and in dependent in its own proper sphere of the interference of the other. The Supreme Court decides principles, the Legislature decides the special qualifications of its own members. If a negro should hereafter be elected a Justice of the Peace or Ordinary, or to any other civil office in the State aDd his commission be withheld or the Courts re fuse to recognize his right to the office, he has his remedy before the Supreme Court, and its decision must be obeyed. But if a negro should be elected to the Legislature there is no power in the Supreme Court which can compel them to admit the De gro to his’seat. The Legislature is a co-ordinate branch of the Government and within its own sphere entirely independent of the judiciary. As we have already said we believe such a refusal would be wrong , but we do not admit that that body can be compelled by the judicial branch of the Government to do right. As far back as the first, of January last, the Chicago Republican , a Radical organ, in commenting upon this very question took the true and safe constitutional view of the matter. It said: "In organizing the State Government of Georgia, the qualifications for members of the Legislature were so obscurely set forth in the Constitution that the white majority in each branch of the body felt warranted in excluding all the members who were known not to be of pure white blood. The Constitution of the State gave to each House the exclusive right to decide upon the elections and qualifications of its own members; these Houses acted in the man ner we have stated, and, while we believe the decision was wroDg, and was in deroga tion of truth, law and justice, still, having the authority to make the decision, the remedy is at the ballot-box. The House of Representatives in the National Con gress has the same exclusive right, and has repeatedly reversed its own previous decisions in contested cases. Last Spring the present House most unjustly excluded General Morgan, of Ohio, giving the seat to his opponent. The excluded member appealed to the people, and.the people re versed the decision of-4he political majori ty in the House.” We can add nothing to the force of this argument. We commend its careful perusal to the editor of the Telegraph. We do not wish to be misunderstood. YV e have not said, and do not say, that the recent decision of the Supreme Court is not an authoritative and binding exposition of the right of the negro to hold office in this State. We have simply protested against an improper and illegal application of that decision to the status of the expelled memhers ot the Legislature. Religious Intolerance. The fiftieth annual convention of the Swedenbo’rgian Society was held in New York last week. There were in attendance delegates from most of the Eastern and Middle Stateß and quite a number from tho South and West. The annual election of officers was held on the last day of the session (Saturday), when Governor 11. V. Johnson, of this State, who had been, we believe, for several years a member of the “Executive Committee,” was defeated for re-election on the ground that he was a “Rebel.” We quote from the Herald's account of the affair: The time having arrived—sloven a in. — to proceed with the election of officers for the coming year, the ballots were received and the result announced in the course of the afternoon as follows : President—Rev Thomas Worcester. Vice President—Mr J Young Scammon. Secretary—Rev T B Hayward. Second Secretary—Mr Thomas Hitch cock. Treasurer —Mr Robert L Smith. Executive Committee—Rev J R Hib bard. Illinois; Oliver Gerrish, Maine; D L. Webster, Massachusetts; Sampson Reed, Massachusetts; Rev W H Hinkley, Mrryland; E Laihle, Miohigan; Rev J P Stuart, Missouri; Rev C Giles, New York; Lyman S. Burnham, New Yolk; Milo G Williams, Ohio; Kev W II Benade, Penn sylvania; B F Glenn, Pennsylvania; John Hitz, Washington, DC; Glendy Burke, New Orleans; C T Dunham. South Caro lina; Jacob L Wayne, of Ohio. During the progress of the election it was perceived that from the printed bal lots, as distributed, the name of Herschel V Johnson, of Georgia, nominated for a member of the Executive Committee, was left out and that of Glendy Burke, of New Orleans, substituted. The cause for this was privately rumored to have been that Herschel V Johnson, known as tho Vice Presidential candidate on the Douglas ticket in 1860, was a “rebel,” while Glendy Burke was vouched for as a Union man, and though this was not stated publicly Johnson’s standing in the Church was only arraigned. To overcome the difficulty, Rev Mr Hibbard, of Church, moved to increase the number of the Executive Com mittee to twenty-one, which was adopted, yet Johnson only received twelve votes out of seventy-eight. Even the attempt made by Mr. Hibbard to save Governor Johnson by increasing the number of the committee so as to let in tiie "truly loil" Glendy Burke, result ed in defeat. Even the Herald thinks this action of the Convention “ slightly unchristian in spirit." We give tho comments of that paper in its own words: ThcChurch was evidently divided during the election for members of the different executive committees for the ensuing year on the question of “rebel” and “Union” men —a point which, to say tho least, ap pears slightly unchristian in spirit, particu larly when urged at a period of time so loDg subsequent to the close of the war. The ad journment was voted in excellent harmo ny and the members separated each per haps convinced of his election to grace in the words of the expiring Swedenborg. “I have written nothing but the truth, as you will have it confirmed hereafter all the days of your life, provided you always keep close to the Lord. ’ ’ Supreme Eourt— Evening Session. Bep-irted Expressly for The Constitution. Tuesday, June 22, 1869. — The evening session was consumed by . General G. J. Wright in finishing his argument in the case of Clark et al , vs. Bell, No. 17, Southwestern Circuit, and the reply of B. 11. Hill to him. W. A. Hawkins will conclude for plain tiffin error to-morrow morning. The Supreme Court of New York has decided that if a passenger on a railway train cannot find a seat and gets injured while standing, in consequence, upon the platform, hq is not to be blamed for n gli gence; but that the negligenoo must be imputed to the conductor. It is the lat ter’s business to find a seat for the passen ger, not the passenger’s business to look for one. This is a righteous decision. From the N. O. Picayune, June 15, Southern Historical Society. There was a regular meeting of this So ciety last evening, in the offiee of the How ard Association, which was well attended, and important business transacted. Gen. Braxton Bragg officiated as President, in the absence of Dr. Palmer, The permanent constitution and by-laws were read, adopted and ordered to be pub lished. Letters were read from a number of the Vice-Presidents elected at a previous meet ing. We append an official list of the officers of the society: OFFICERS OF PARENT SOCIETY, NEW OR LEANS, LA. Rev B M Palmer, D D, President; Gen Braxton Bragg, Vice President; Joseph Jones, M D, Secretary and Treasurer. ADVISORY COMMITEEE. President, Vice President and Secretary ; ex officio, J Dickson Bruns, M D, Hon j Thomas J Semrnes, W S Pike, Gen Harry T Hays. * VICE PRESIDENTS OF STATES. Gen R E Lee, Virginia; Hon S Teakle I Wallis, Maryland; Gen D H Hill, North j Carolina; Gen Wade Hampton, South Carolina; Hon Alex H Stephens, Georgia; Admiral R Semmes, Alabama; Gov Isham G Harris, Tennessee; Gov BG Humphreys, Mississippi; Col Ashbel Smith, Texas; Gen J C Breckinridge, Kentucky; Gen Trusten Polk, Missouri; Hon A H Garland, Arkansas; Hon S R Mallory, Florida. The following able address was read by the Secretary and Treasurer, Dr. Joseph Jones, and unanimously adopted. It very I'uliy explains the objects and scope of the society : OFFICIAL CIRCCLAE. On the Ist of May, 1869, after several preliminary meetings, a number of gentle men in the city of New Orleans formed themselves into a permanent association, under the style of the “Southern Histori cal Society,” with the following general outline: A parent society, to hold its seat and its archives in the city of New Orleans, with affiliating societies to be organized in all the States favorable to the object pro posed, these in their turn branching into local organizations in the different town ships—forming thus a wide fellowship of closely co-ordinated societies, with a com mon centre in the parent association in this city. Toe object proposed to be accomplished is the collection, classification, preserva tion, and final publication, in some form to be hereafter determined, of all the docu ments and facts bearing upon the eventful history of the few years, illustrating the nature of the struggle from which the country has just emerged, defining and vindicating the principles which lay be neath it, and marking the stages through which it was conducted to its issue. It is not understood that this association shall be purely sectional, nor that its labors shall be of a partisan character. Everything which relates to this critical period of our national history, pending the conflicts, antecedent or subsequent to it, from the point of view of either, or of both the contestants; everything, in short, which shall vindicate the truth of history is to be industriously collated and filed ; and all parties, in every section of the continent, who shall desire to co-operate in the at tainment of these ends, will bo welcomed to a share in our councils and our toils. It is doubtless true, that au accepted history can never be written in the midst of the stormy events of which that'history is comprised, nor by the agents through whose efficiency they were wrought. The stroog passions which are evoked in every human conflict disturb the vision and warp the judgment, iu the scales of whose criti cism the necessary facts are to be weighed; even the relative importauoe of these"facts cannot be measured by those who are in too close proximity. Scope must be afforded for the development of their remote issues before they can bo brought under the raDge of a philosophic apprehension; and the secret thread be discovered, running through all history, upon which its single facts crystalize iu the unity of some great providential plan. The generations of the disinterested must 1 succeed the generations of the prejudiced before history, properly termed such, can be written. This, precisely, is the work we now attempt to construct, the archives in which shall be collected these.memoirs to serve for future history. It is believed that invaluable documents arc scattered over the whole land, in loose sheets, perhaps, lying in the portfolios of private gentlemen, and only preserved as souvenirs of their own parts in the historic drama. 1 Existing in forms so perishable, regard ed, it may be, only so much waste paper, by those into whose hands they must fall, no delay should be suffered in their col lection and preservation- There is, doubtless, too much that is yet unwritten floating only in the memories of the living, which if not speedily rescued, will be swallowed iu the oblivion of the grave, but which, if reduced to record, and collated, would afford the key to many a cipher, in a little while to become unintel ligible for want of interpretation. All this various material, gathered front every section, will need to be industriously classified and arranged, and finally deposit ed in the central archives of the society, under the care of appropriate guardians. To this task of collection, we invita the immediate attention and co-operation of our oopatriots throughout the South, to facilitate which, we propose the organiza tion of State and district associations, that’ our whole people may be brought into harmony of action to this important matter. The rapid changes through which the institutions of the country are now passing, and the still more stupendous revolutions in the opinions of men, remind us that wo stand to-day upon the outer verge of a great historic cycle, within which a com pleted past will shortly be enclosed. An other cycle may touch its circumference ; but the events it shall embrace will be gathered around another historic centre and the future historian will pronounce that in stepping from the one to the other he has entered upon another and separate volume of the nation’s record. Let. us, who are soon to be in that past to which we properly belong, see that there are no gaps in the reoord. Thus shall we discharge a duty to the fathers, whose principles we inherit, to the children, who will then know whether to honor or to dishonor the sires that begot them; and above all, to the dead heroes sleeping on the vast battle-plains, from Manassas to Vicksburg, whose epitaph history yet waits to engrave upon their tombs. The funds raised by initiation fees, as sessments, donations and lectures, after de fraying the current expenses, will be ap propriated to the rent or purchase of a suitible fire-proof building for the safe keeping of the archives. For- the accomplishment of these ends contributions jre respectfully solicited from all parties interested in the establishment and prosperity of the Southern Historical Society. Contributions to the archives and libra ry of the society are respectfully and earnestly solicited under the following specific divisions: 1. The histories and historical 'Collec tions of tho individual States, from the earliest periods to the present time, in cluding travels, journals ani maps. 2. Complete files of the newspapers, periodicals, literary , scientific and medical journals of the Southern States, from the earliest times to the present day, includ ing, especially, the period of the American ciyil war. 3. Geological, topographical, agricultur al, manufacturing and commercial reports, illustrating the statistics, climate, soil, re sources, products and commerce of the Southern States. 4. Works, speeches, sermons and dis courses relating to the recent conflict and political changes, Congressional and State reports, during the recent war. 5. Official reports and descriptions, by officers and privates and newspaper cor respondents aod eye-witnesses of cam paigns, military operations, battles and sieges. 6. Military maps. 7. lie ports upon the munitions, arms and equipment, organization, numbers and losses of the various branches of the South ern armies—infantry, artillery, cavalry, ordinance and commissary and quarter master departmeDtk 8. Koports of the adjutant general of the late C. S. A., and of the adjutant gen eral of the armies, departments, districts and States, showing the resources of tho individual States, the available fighting population, the number, organization and losses of the forces called into actual ser vice. 9. Naval operations of the Confederate Stales. 10. Operations of the Nitre and Mining Bureau. 11 Commercial operations. 12. Foreign relations, diplomatic corre spondence, etc. 13 Currency. 14 Medical statistics and medical re ports. Id Names of all officers, soldiers and sad irs in the military and naval service of the Confederate States who were killed in battle, or died of disease and wounds. 16. Names of all wounded officers, sol diers and sailors. The nature ofthe wounds should be attached to each name, also the loss of one or more limbs should be care fully noted. 17. Published reports and manuscripts relating to oivil prisoners held during the war. ... , , 18. All matters, published or unpub lished, relating to the treatment, diseases, mortality, and exchange of prisoners of war. 19. The conduct of the hostile armies in the Southern States. Private and public losses during the war. Treatment of citi zens by hostile.forces. 20. Number, occupation, condition, and conduct of colored population. Effects of emancipation upon the and upon the material prosperity of the South. 21. Southern poetry, ballads, songs, etc. All communications, works and reports mutft be (by mail or express, prepaid), to Dr. Joseph Jones, Secretary and Treasurer ofthe Southern Historical Society, New Orleans, La. After some further business, the meet ing adjourned.
