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About Weekly chronicle & sentinel. (Augusta, Ga.) 1866-1877 | View Entire Issue (July 7, 1869)
OLD SERIES, VOL. LXXVI. (Chtouicle & Sentinel. I y\ , C» A WKIINKSDAY MOKM\(,. Jin Chattanooga the Terminus of the Cincinnati Railway.—A dispatch re ceived in Atlanta states that Chattanooga has been declared the terminus of the (rreat Southern Railroad, by an almost unanimous vote of the people of Cincin nati. Savannah and Charleston Rail road. —The Charleston News learns that the contractors are pushing forward with commendable vigor the work on this road, and that the line will be open to Graham ville —ten miles beyond the present termi nus -between the fifth and tenth of next month. It if expected that the whole road will be completed by December Ist, when the ears may run through to Savan nah. The Georgia Rice Crop.—The Sa vannah Jle/mlAican states “that on the Savannah, Ogcuchee, Ahamaha and Satil la rivers, the rice crops are in a flourishing condition, and unless some unforseeu dis aster occurs, the yield will exceed that of any season since the year 1860. This news is very gratifying, inasmuch as large crops of corn and rice are quite as essential to the prosperity of the South as good crops of cotton.*’ Planters' Roan and Ranking As sociation.—The books of subscription for stock in this Association will be open for ten days in this city at the oflice of Messrs, j Rranch, Sons & Cos., where all details in reference to the charter of Company and its privil ;ges can be ascertained by panics interested in the movement. From what wo have heard of the nature of the scheme we think that a most favorable opportunity is offered those who desire a safe and profitable investment for their money. We understand that a letter has been re ceived from Governor Jenkins, in which he promises to accept the Presidency of the ('ompany, thus furnishing another guaran tee of the future suoccssof the- corporation. Southern Securities in New York. -The last quotations from the Herald says that Southern securities were heavy and lower for the Alabama eights, the Lou isiana levee eights and the Missouris, steady for the North Carolina* and very weak for tho Tenuesseos, particularly the new bonds, which sold dowa t> 57, from which point, however, they showed a re actionary tendency at the close. Tho fol lowing were the final street prices : Tcn iicsseo sixes, ex-coupon, G2(q)72i; do., now 57(<<f57] ; Virginias, ex-ooupon, 56 <S SV; do., now, 6ljK'462j ; Goorgia sixes, N4!(sßs ;do , sevens, ‘J6j(rj>D7 ; North Carolina-, ex-coupon, 53£@59J; do., new, 55j@55i; Missouri sixes, 91(af91i; do., St. Joseph issue, 99 bid ; Louisiana sixes, 73(3)74 ; do. levee sixes, 68@70; do. do., eights, 85@89 ; Alabama eights, 981@99. Immense Immigration. The New York Herald has.a table which shows that tho country is about to be overrun with immigrants from the Old World. There j has boon nothing like it in the past. The j total arrivals for the first five months of the year 1869, and tho first sixteen days of June, wore as follows: From Ireland, 40,520; Germany, 47,700; England, 29,344; , Beotland, 4,402, Wales, 396; France, 1,186; Spain 105; Switzerland, 1,754; Holland, 810; Norway, 1,403; Sweden, 14,429; Denmark, 1,852; Italy, 502; American citizens, 20,145. Grand total, 144,233. Strange Conversion. --The Rev. .fames Crystal, an Episcopalian clergyman of New York, and a theological writer of some distinction, has become a convert to the Orthodox Eastern Church of Russia aud Greece. His profession of faith, made in writing to the most Rev. Archbishop Alexander, of Syjra and Timos, is publish ed in full in tho Greek and Russian pa pers. He was publicly baptized in the Greek Church, on the 18th of January last, ordained deacon on the 25th of March, and presbyter and archimandrite on the 26th of April. This is the first instance of the conversion of an American minister to the Greek faith. The Cincinnati Southern Railway. A dispatch was received by Col. Huh bert, in Atlanta, on Monday, giving the result of the recent election hold in Cincin nati to determine whether the great South ern Railway, from that city to Chatta nooga, should be built or not. For the railway more than fifteen thousand votes were polled; against it but fifteen hundred. Trustees will bo appointed this week. Exports and Imports.— Deputy Com rnissioner Walker has just reported statis tics: For the uine months ending March 31, 1868, exports wero #332,000,000 and imports #270,000,000. For the nine months ending March 31, 1869, tho ex ports were #295,000,000, and imports #303,000,000. American vessels shipped #200,0(H),000, aud foreign vessels #4,000,- 000. _ . Error Ceases to re Dangerous when Reason is Left Free to Combat it. —The Governor, anxious to promote the diffusion of knowledge, has issued his proclamation suspending the collection of State taxes assessed upon the value of type, printing presses and other property belonging • hereto, until the next session of the Leg islature. This is one good idea imported into the State as of universal practice* among enlightened States. Dstoperpetua. Tiik Caterpillar in Florida.— the Charleston Courirr, we learn that a commission house it) that city received yesterday a letter from one of the most re spectable and experienc'd planters in East Florida, dated Ellisville Poetoffioe, Co lumbia county. Florida, June 23, in which the writer says : “There is no doubt about the caterpillar being here, though they i are not doing any harm yet ; but they are ! here, and have webbed up in some places, but in small quantities. The fly can be seen almost anywhere. Ido fear that they will take the present crop. If so, I don't i see what will become ot the people.” The Late Railroad Consolidation. —From the Savannah Republican we get the terms on which the Cen ral and i Southwestern Railroads have consolidated. The Southwestern Company lease their road, with rolling stock, workshops, and ! property and franchises of every sort ap pertaining thereto, to the Central Compa ny, to be h, 11 and enjoyed by the latter during the t xisu-nce ol the S ntth western charter, w'< in w hvu limitation. In consideration 1 t’..is transfer, tue Central Company agrees to pay to the stockholders of the Southwestern Company, at stated and regular periods, dividends in the ratio of eight per cent. Southwestern is ten per cent. Central ;in other words, when ever the Central declares a dividend to its stockholders of ten per cent., it wili at the same time declare a dividend of eight per cent, to the Southwestern stockholders, and in the same proportion whatever may be the profits ot the Central Company The latter guarantees that under no cir cumstances shall the amount to be paid tall below seven per cent. While the entire management, control and property of every deserplion pass into the hands of the Central Company, the Southwestern Company is to maintain its organization, with officers of their choice, in order to preserve their charter, receive and distribute dividends, and generally protect the rights and interests of the stockholders uuder the new order of things. To BoMnfss Men. The Weekly Chronicle <Sc Sentinel I has a very large circulation in those i secti ns which trade almost exclusively with Augusta. It is the official organ for , seven counties, and, therefore, presents ! great inducements to the merchants and factors of Augusta to make their business known through its columns. Those who desire to bring their business prominently before the country people will consult their interest by availing themselves of the advantages which the Weekly Chronicle & Sentinel offers. The Daily Chronicle & Sentinel has also a large circulation on the line of the railroads leading to and from Augusta. The Negro Question. We present to our readers this morning two letters, written by ex-Judges of the Superior Courts of the State, upon the legal effect of the late decisions of the Su preme Court on the eligibility of"negroes to hold office. The letter of Judge Hillyer is compact, clear, logical and, in our opinion, perfectly unanswerable. He takes a thoroughly legal and statesman like view of tho sub ject, aud is not influenced in his opinions by any question of expediency. Judge Speer’s letter, like everything written by him, is forcible, strong and can did. The whole tenor of his letter shows that he is anxious that all matters of con troversy growing out ofthe status of tie negro in this State should be closed and settled. W'edo uot agree with him in the conclu sions to which he arrives, but we cheer fully present them to tho public that both sides of this important question may be examined and duly weighed. To-morrow wo will print letters from [lon. M. J. Crawford and Judge E. G. Cibiness upon the same subject. Oar desire is to furnish our readers with the opinions of our best lawyers, ’jurists and statesmen on this all-important subject, and hope to be able to continue these letters until all of our leadiog men are heard from. It will be seen that, although our own opinion is decidedly against that view of thcqujstion which accepts tho Supreme Court decision as binding upon the pres ent Legislature, we shall not oonfioo our publications to such letters only as accord with our own views. Ws wish to have tho subject thoroughly ventilated, and not confined to a strictly partisan aspect. Light is what tlia people want, and we shall do our utmost to furnish it to them. Impeachment. The wild and extravagant rumor that Gov. Bullock will be impeached by the Georgia Legislature is nothing but a slan der upon the Democratic party of Georgia, aud upon the Governor himself There is uo ground whatever for an im peachment,anil no one will be silly enough to attempt it. We were pained to read the above ex tract in the Atlanta Intelligencer of Sun day morning. We had noticed for several weeks past that the Intelligencer was al most daily charged, by one or other of the Atlanta papers, as being the organ of the man Bullock, but we could not bring our minds to tho conclusion that the charge was strictly just, though we had noticed now and then a little cropping out of what might possibly be called Bullockism. We fear now, however, that the in ferences and tnuendocs of its Atlanta con temporaries meant something more than the Intelligencer was willing to admit. The rumor that Bullock ought to be im peached is not a slander upon the Demo cratic party of Georgia. On the contrary, there is not, in our opinion, one real Dem ocrat in one thousand who does not feel that Bullock has committed a number of acts, either of which would render him liable to impeachment. All Democrats know, further, that his sins of omission are nearly as great as those overt acts of illegal conduct for which he has made himself quite notorious. The Intelligencer may be sincere in its declaration that “there is is no ground whatever foran impeachment,” but in that case its sincerity is only maintained at the expense of its intelligence. We could— the people of Georgia eouli— make out a catalogue of crimes committed by Bullock against the laws ofthe Stato and the good people thereof, longer and blacker, and more damning, than that made by our fore fathers ia ’76 against George tho Third. If Bullock had committed no other vio lation against the laws of tho State, his conduct during the Fall and Winter at Washington city in endeavoring to pur suade Congress to str ke down our State Government, and the thousand and one infamous slanders he put afloat against the people of the State to prejudice Congress against us, would be sufficient to convict him ofhigh erimesand misdemeanors against the people and laws which he was sworn to support. We cannot say whether the Legislature will, impeach his expresselency—that is their business. We do not hesitate to de clare our opiuion that he is most unques tionably amenable to impeachment, and that before a fair and impartial jury he could be legally convicted of grievous of tenoes, both against the sovereignty of the State and the peace and safety of her citi zens. Who Is Robeson? The President has again startled the country by the appointment of a successor •o Mr. Boric in the Navy Department, who has never been hitherto known either as a politician, statesman, lawyer or naval com- ! mander outside of the narrow limits of the ; little State of New Jersey, and one whose j reputation even in that State is not such j as gives any assurance to the public that the appointment is one “fit to be made.” George M. Robeson, the new Secretary of the Navy, is a lawyer of moderate prac- , tics and medisorc standing at the Bar of \ Camden. He w.is an old line Whig and protege of the Hon. A. M. C. Pennington, 1 with whom he practiced in cc-partn rship for several years. He afterward became a shrieking Radical and was rewarded by Governor Ward in 1867 with the appoint ment of Attorney General of the State. He is quite a yong man, being now only 41 years of age, and is said to have some prac tical ability and much energy aud industry in business. We have not learned which of the several gift enterprises for Grant he has taken stock in, but, from the character of most of the appointments made by the President, we think it quite safe to conclude that his name figures upou one or more for con siderable sums. Legitimate Fruits. The young white girl outraged the other day in Washington City by a negro was a pupil in the “Howard University,” a mixed school for negroes and white Radi cals. The father of this unfortunate child is a rampant freed m shieker of the true Radi cal type, anti unlike Sumner, Forney and others, was willing to show his faith by his works. He has three daughters, grown, or nearly so, all of whom he com pels to at ! tend this miscegenating school, and sit, I upon terms of perfect equality, with negro children and youths. The fiendish act seems to have created I little or no feeling in Washington, the people there, both Democratic and Radical, j evidently viewing the case as one of the legitimate results of the promiscuous com mingling of white and black children in the same school. Growing roses on apple t rees is the latest ! triumph of Illinois genius. Every other Berliner is suffering this 1 Spring from optbalmia. Annual Report of ihe Augusta Factory. The printed Annual Report of the President of the Augusta Factory for the year ending June 12th, ia before us, through the courtesy of a Stjckholder. Li'-e all of President Jackson's rei orts, it is brief, perspicuous and business-like. I 1 tells the history of the operations of the past year in a very few words and figures. The total earnings for year have been #169,763 75 The expenses have been 49,046 37 The net earnings have been... 120,717 38 The quarterly dividends of five per ceDt. have amount ed to 120,000 00 The balance of profit over dividends is 717 38 Which, carried to the credit of t rofit and loss, make the accrued undivided profits amount to $225,515 60 on a capi tal of six hundred thousand dollars. Mr. Jackson says the results “arebetter than anticipated,” when tim relative price for the year of manufactured goods and raw material are taken into consideration. These results may be briefly stated as follows: The mills have been kept full up to the standard of firgt-class mills, while run with “remarkable regularity.” The Stockholders have received four dividends amounting to twenty per cent, and a small balance added to surplus profits, while so many North and East of us have either not paid dividends at all, or have paid greatly reduued dividends, and have been kept running only oa short time. The op erations of the Augusta Factory during the past yt ar, which has been so unfa vorable for manufactures, with the results stated, will enable our Northern friends to make a fair estimate of the advantages of the two sections for manufacturing. The following tabulated statements afford da!a of interest to skilled manufacturers : GOODS MANUFACTURED FROM 13TH OF June, 1838, to 12th of june, 1869. Pounds, Pieces . Yards. 4-4 1,300,310 99,528 3,937,048 4-4 Hue 24.411 2,113 80,222 i 725,046 66,969 2,651,866 i 197,554 23,500 945,390 Drills 149,781 11,542 447,709 2,397,132 203,652 8,008,235 BALES OF MANUFACTURED GOODS. 4-4 4-4 9e. % % Drills. To l On hand 13th Jane, '68.. 53 00 35 24 7 'll9 Made 10 12cti June, '69... 4637 96 .3,19. 1064 f.64 9550 4690 96 3164 1068 071 1690 Sold to 12th Joce. OS 4651 Sli - SISJ 1030 663 9590 Onlnnt 12th June, ’69.. 79 00 4 58 8 109 Pounds. Cotton consumed (equal to 6,362 bales) 440 lbs. each 2,799,326 Average cost of cotton 25.09 Whole number of looms 508 Average nu m ber of Looms run ning 508 Average yards per Loom per day 51.62 Average number of hands em ployed 449 Aggregate wages paid # 167,939.22 Aggregate sales 1,032,648.86 Average per day perVVarpspin dle 8.51 ozs. A Suggestion. The Macon Journal & Messenger sug gests that the eligibility question can be solved (avoided) by a resignation of those members of the Legislature who were ad mitted to the seats of the rejected negroes, and anew election; and claims that if Bullock wants a peaceful solution of the difficulty he can have it in this way—as “there is no ques ion that these resigna tion would create bona, fide vacancies.” We hardly think think that such an ap peal to the country would meet Bullock’s approbation. His Expresselency does not want peace, he longs for war. He is com. mandor-in-chief of the army and navy of the State of Georgia, as may be daily seen by his proclamations, and this does not satisfy his ambition. Nothing short of the command of the army and navy of the United States in “the insur rectionary district of Georgia,” to hunt “the forces of the insurrectionists” will satisfy him. Bullock’s voice in Washing ton was for war. He wrote the Peace Jubilee Committee of Boston that he could uqt attend a Peace Jubilee, as his presence in the field was necessary. Our contem i mrary may rest assured that his Expresselency will never favor peace until he can rid himself o: that Angier shirt. The rollllcal Canvass In Alabama. The Democrats of Alabama have enter ed warmly into the canvass. In five out of six districts conventions have been held, and candidates nominated. In the fourth district, there is no Democratic candidate. Mr. Charles S. Hayes, a native of Alabama, is the Republican nominee. He is repre sented as a moderate Republican, and the Democrats will probably unite in their preference for him over a carpet bag pre decessor. In the four remaining districts the Democrats have candidates in the field. In the first district Col. W. D. Mann, a Northern man by birth, and anew settler, is the Democratic candidate. He was an officer of the Federal army in the late war, and says he fought to preserve the Union, not to subjugate the South, and that he believes that the war ended with the sur render of Lee and Johnston, and repu diates all “outside Congressional legisla tion.” In the second district, Hon. A. N. Worthy is the Democratic candidate. He is a moderate man, who accepts negro suf frage, as the dictate, but is opposed to uni versal suffrage. Col. G. C. Parkinson, the candidate for the third district, is a Northern-man by birth, who migrated to Alabama before the war. He is a Douglas Democrat, was an Union man during the war, and is a constitutional Union man now. The Hon. Piter M. Dox is also a North ern man by birth, but has resided in Huntsville both before and during the war. He opposed secession, but while he adhered to the Federal side of the contest, he always used his influence to mitigate the severities of war, and never for oppres sion. He was a Blair and Seymour elector, and is regarded with affection and esteem by the citizens of the district. In the Sixth District Col. W. C. Sher rod has been selected. He is a native of Alabama, and is spoken of as a sound, sensible, practical Alabama planter of large means, and much noted for his lofty private character, but has little or no po litical record, beyond being a staunch Democrat. In all the districts the issue made is solely against Southern Radi calism and carpet-bagism; and all accounts give good promise of success. In seme districts it is confidently asserted that the moderate Reputlicans will unite with the Democrats to defeat the thieving, plunder ing uominees of the Radical wing ot their own party. A Radical “ Gentleman from Michigan’’ Cornered. In Virginia the Reconstruction election waxes warm. Wells, the Radical candi date, who has running on the same ticket with him for the office of Lieut. Governor a “gentleman from Africa,” styled “Dr. Harris,” was asked by the Conservatives why he did not invite Harris to mess with him whilst filling with him, the appoint ments for the campaign? The question stirred the ire of the Radical candidate, and caused the “gentleman from Michi gan' ' (as the Virginians style him) to ask indignantly, “Did Ge"n. Wise, when Gov ernor, invite every vagabond Dutchman and Irishman with whom he acted during the Know-NothiDg Canvass to stick his 1 less under his mahogany ?” The gentle man from Africa, heir apparent to the gentleman from Michigan, would not ad mit the insinuation that he was the “vaga bond” of .he ticket; and thereupon de- I livered cuss words, with the affirmation that he had never voluntarily wandered far from where he was born—not so far as his honorable colleague. This brought an ex pDnation and with it Virginia jnleps or grog auxfine herbes, ordered as a peace jubilee, an 1 an harmonious schedule was agreed upon. The “Dutch and Irish vagabonds” will, of course, appreciate the Republican po -1 sition assigned them by a Republican standard-bearer. The Hod. A. 11. Stephens on the Ellgi- 1 blllty Question. The public will be pleased, tofiod in this issue ofthe Chronicle & Sentinel, a let ter from the Hon. Alexander H. Stephens touching the eligibility question, and the weight which the late decision of the Su preme Court is entitled to with the Gener al Assembly. Mr. Stephens’ letter ij as admirable for candor and liberality as for calm, clear, logical statement. It will be seen that Mr. Stephens takes ; the broad, clear, open ground that the j recent decision Hhould not, and cannot, af fect the decision of the Legislature as to | the adjudicated cases, and as legal au thority should only have weight and in fluence as to casesthatmay hereafter arise. This is his opinion, notwithstanding the fact he endorses the decision of the Su- | prerne Court as being correct according to I la a and the constitution, and dissents from j the judgment of the Legislature as made, j We need not commend the letter of this statesman to our readers for a careful pe rusal. The Cincinnati Southern Railroad. The Cincinnati Gazette, of the 28th ult., in announcing the overwhelming majority in favor of -the construction of this Rail way, at the recent ballot in Cincinnati, says that “the next step in the programme will be a meeting of Council to announce, i officially, the result. This will be accom plished to-day. Then the Judges of the Superior Court will appoint the trustees. It is likely that the Judges have already made up their minds upon this point, and there will, therefore, be no delay in arriv ing at and making public the conclusion. “Within a week the trustees will organ ize and proceed to business, and as soon as possible thereafter the work will be in pro gress; and the Cincinnati Southern Rail rad will be constructed as rapidly as men aud money can accomplish it. “In the matter of route and the mode of constructing the road, the trustees will be clothed with wide discretion-. This, we may be sure, will be judiciously exercised; and it is our impression that the result will be gratifying to our people.” Manifest Destiny. In early history it is written that the Republic of the United States is tho refuge for the oppressed of ali nations. In current history it is being demonstrated that the overcrowded populations of the Old World, whether oppressed, as first written or not, seek the North American Continent as an -Elysiau field. W hether we are to receive all Europe and all Asia is not yet determined, but that all Europe and all Asia contributes largely, and without intermission, to our increase in population, is decided, and this fully warrants the deduction that the whol e area from Alaska to Panama will be oc cupied with American citizens. If con firmation is needed in s .pport of such a deduction it is readily found in the recent announcement mide in the public gazettes that over six thousand European emi grants recently landed in New York; over seven thousand from the same Hive landed at Montreal, and that twelve thousand Chinese, fresh from the celestial Empire, have reached San Francisco, an addition of twenty-five thousand inhabitants in a sin gle week from across the boisterous Atlantic, and from across the gentle Pacific, is at least cumulative evidence that histo ry, so oft pronounced a lying guide, is at this time truthlul, becoming a living reality, and not a counterfeit presentment. We are also told that this is but the be ginning of the flood tide that Europe will not abate, but increase from her hive of two hundred and fifty million, and that a million or so of Chinese will swarm to us during the five or ten years from a more ancient hive of four hundred millions, but that so soon as steam lines for communica tion shall have been finally established, we may expect at least a hundred millions of tea drinking celestials, for whom pro vision must be made. Under such a forecast of the future, we regard these things as inevitable in our manifest destiny, first, that lands must ap preciate to a point approximating Euro pean and Asiatic prices; seoond, that wili follow the same rule, and third, that our “National Constitution” will need at least fifteen more amendments to make i c so completely Duplex Elliptical as to be adjustable to our expanding genius of lib erty. The Sea Island Cotton Crop.—An experienced planter on Edisto Island, South Carolina, writes a letter to the Charleston News in which he says that there is marked improvement in the labor ing population of the Sea Islands. Since the removal of the Freedman’s Bureau,the freedman finds he has to rely upon his own exertions for a support, and he works more cheerfully, more contentedly, and al together more efficiently. The system of labor is by contract —for two days’ work out ol every week for land, in place of wages and rations. Some for three days for land and rations in place of wages, and some for wages for the whole time, at the rate of a hundred dollars per year, and rations equal to fifty dollars more. The latter contract is in every respect the best, both for employer and employee ; but the freedmen much prefer the first, as it gives them more time at their own disposal, but much less money in their pockets in the end. The fine growing weather, with its hot and dry days, and heavy dews at night, which we have had for the past month, has caused the crops of cotton to recover from the effects of the cold Spring, and is pushing them rapidly forward to a state of fruitfulness and premise. Blooms are to be seen everywhere over the fields, and the crops are in a good and well-worked condi tion. About a month ago there was a great hueand cry raised about the appearance of the dreaded caterpillar already in our fields. It has passed away, as I predicted. If such a cool and dry Spring as we have had pro duces the caterpillar, then the experience of forty yekrs is’worth nothing, nor are the Sea Island lands worth planting in cotton. I have no doubt that this enemy to the cotton plant is always present when the | plant grows, but it'requires a wet and hot May and June to produce them destruc tively. Bad and cultivation, by which the plants are kept back and made to produce young and tender branches at a time when they should be ripening to maturity, will furnish suitable food for this worm late in the Summer; whereas by judicious cultivation the plants would have been too matured to be injured by them or to encourage their increasing in numbers. The system of cotton planting speculation which has pre vailed for the three past years has had something to do with the regular appear ance of the caterpillar in our fields. Sever al hundreds, or even th'ouoaod o of acres are put in cotton, little or no manures are used, the cultivation bad and slovenly, the plants contending all the while with gras; and poverty, no progress toward fruitful ness is attained until the grass growing period is over, when the cotton plant st :rts to put forth its young aud tender branches }nst in time to feed these worms, always more or Ipss present about the first of j September. Coiton Factors. —In anticipation of an active opening of the cotton season, our warehousemen are already making ample preparations to meet the wants of their friends in the country. Some have already advertised and others wm do so shortly. Wheless k Cos., cotton factors, will con tinue to store and sell cotton and other prodace, and solicits planters business. J. J. Pearce k Son have associated with them in the warehouse and commission business Mr. David E. Butler, of Morgan county. The firm-name is J. J. Pearce, 1 Butler & Cos. AUGUSTA. GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, JULY 7, 1869 The Legal Status ol the Expelled Negro Members ofthe Legislature. waifTKN t ?£:ru.LT roa ths CHtvtax.* «fc sestljtel. Letter iroui Judge Junius Hillyer—An Unanswerable Argument. BOTH SIDES OF THE QUESTION. Letter from Judge Alex. M. Speer—His Views Strongly Presented. Athens, Juae 24th, 1869. Gen. A. R. Wright : My Dear Sir :-—I received by yester day’s mail your letter retering to “the re “cent decision ofthe Supreme Court of “this State, in relation to the eligibility of “negroes to hold office,’ and asking my opinion upon the effect of this decision up on the status of the expelled negro mem bers of ihe present Legislature. At your request. General, I willingly give you my opinion upon the question stated. In doing so, I think it best not to crowd the columns of your paper by an elaborate argument, but to content rnyselt with u simple statement of my oi»iuion, with such reasons an i remarks as may be necessary to make.it clear aud intelligible. I have all my life been a law-abiding man, and have made the principle of obedience to the laws of my country a part of uiy re ligion and a matter of coasci,Ace,and while I regard the Supreme Court ofthe State as the proper final arbiter of all questions which come within its exclusive jurisdic tion, yet I am clear and decide! in the opinion that the decision referred to in your letter does not affect the power and duty of each House of the general Assern-' bly to determine the right pf the negro to scats in their respective bodies. There is uo Court in this world which is clothed with power or jurisdiction to judge .ofthe election returns and qualifica tions of the members of the General As sembly of the State of Georgia. Tho Constitution expresily devolves that high duty upon each Home to determine for itself. And when the Constitution de clares that “each House judge of the “election returns and quilifications of its ‘‘members,” it means tliat each House shall pass its own judgment accord.ng to the view taken by it of the law of the case before it. It does not paean that each House shall endeavor to make its views conform to the supposed, opinions of other departments of the Goveffiment, but, like every other judicial tribunal, each House is bound oy the Constitution to_ announce it3 own judgment accordijg to its opinion of the law. And this judgment when an nounced —is final. From It there is no ap peal. The power is not given to reverse their own decisions, and i:j the case before us, iu my judgment, the (egroes expelled by the two Houses of the General Assem bly cannot be reseated According to law. With them the case is rtf ad judicata, and no tribunal has jurisdiction lurther to act, upon it. . , It may be said that the Legislature ought to follow the decision of the Supreme Court as a high authoritative preceded. I don’t think so. The duestion of pre cedent don’t apply in this case. It is ex pressly excluded. For tho Constitution declares that the jurisdiction of the two llouses shall be exclusive over the election returns aud qualifications of the members of each. Each for itself- indejcndent ot each other, and independent; of every other tribunal. It would be equivalent to abro gating that salutary clause of the Consti tution to aijopt the rifle that the.two Houses ofthe General Assembly ought to follow the rulings of the Supreme Court in cases supposed to be analfgous. _ It would reduce that c'.eir, comprehensive clause to this absurdity that ‘‘the two Houses "shall judge of the eleciion returns and “qualification of their members except “where they have reason to .suppose that “the Supreme Court would differ from ‘.‘them, and in all sue’n cases they shall de “cide according to what they think would “probably be the opinion of the Supreme “Court." For it will be remembered that the Supreme Court have not decided that negroes are eligible to seats in the Legis lature. and never can so decide, for the question never can be brought before it. It has simply decided thit a negro was eligible to bo clerk of the Superior Court of Chatham county, and it is inferred that two members of the Court are of opinion that negroes are eligible to the Legislature. And this is the au thority which we are called on to respect, when it is urged that every cautious judicial trikmal will always respect the adjudications of the same ques tions by other tribunals. When we come to view this decision in :his light as au thority and to consider haw much weight should be given to it then we meet the im portant fact that it was made by a divided court—and the two Housed of the General Assembly may well imjaire, and they ought to inquire (if they ibfer to the decis ion at all as authority), whether Judge Warner, the dissenting Judge, is not en titled to more weight and his opinion, as a mere matter of legal authority, entitled to more respect by all careful, conscientious tribunals than both the other members of the Court togeth r. In making this point 1 mean no disrespect to Judges Brown and McCay It is a fact well known that in Georgia,ona point of law, Judge Warner’s opinion would weigh dow» half the Bench and Bar of the State. If pr cedent is to govern this question we may well inquire why the Supreme Court ventured to disregard the high au thority of the two Houses of the General Assembly who were clothed in the Consti tution with jurisdiction to try and deter mine the question before him? Why did not the Supreme Court infer that the Senate and House were of opinion that uuder the laws of Georgia a negro could not hold office and give effect to what they supposed to be an authority in point ? Here we have two decisions made upon what most persons consider analagous cases by two distinct tribunals, independ ent of each other, and both having juris diction to try the question made in the cases before each. And strange to say the tribunal which rendered the first decision is called upon to reverse its own deliberate judgment and adopt the decision of the other tribunal. Can they do th’s without a virtual admission of their own intellectual inferiority? I am aware that I have gone somewhat beyond the precise point made in your let ter, which is confined to the status of the expelled negro members of the present Legislature. lam of opinion that **s to them the decision of the two houses is final and irreyoeable, and they cannot be reseat ed without a violation of the law. I am further ofopinion that in all future cases the constitution makes it the duty of each house of the General Assembly to judge for itself of the election returns and quali fications ofits members. They are bound to pass their own judgment. They are not permitted to adopt the judgment of other departments of the government. General, there are questions of policy and political results involved in the con templated action of the Senate and House of Representatives that Ido not wish to discuss. I greatly regret that there is reason to fear that onr cruel conquerors, after compelling the members of the Logis lature to swear that they will judge of the election returns and qualifications of their members, will then punish the people of Georgia because they will not violate their oaths by making a decision contrary to their judgment. Lot the Logislat ire do what they believe to be right and let us all cheerfully abide the consequences. Junius Hillyer. Griffin. Ga., 24th June, 1869. Gen. A. R. Wright : iJeetr Sir: Yours of the 21st inst., in viting an opinion from me “upon the ef fect of the decision of the Supreme Court upon the status of the expelled negro mem bers of the present Logislaturo” has been received. Permit me to preface my reply with the remark that considerations alone, person al to you, has induced me to make one. I have no desire to express, through the Press, any political opinion; neither do I suppose that I cod’d influence to any ex tent the action of the Legislature upon the question you propound by anything I might write. Still, courtesy to you and a common de sire with you to see this question settled upon the common basis of justice and iaw, forbids me remaining silent under the call you have made upon me. Whether the recent decision made upon this subject accords with our own views, should not, in my judgment, influence the course we ought to desire adopted by the 1 Legislature. I am candid to say that my own opinion has been that the Constitution adopted re cently for the State, conferred the right to hold office upon t-.e negro. Such were the views entertained by most of the Demo cratic Press of the State—by the leaders and organs of the party, and it was made in the canvass one of the most prominent objections to the adoption of that Constitu tion by the people. Were we sincere then, or were we making an objection to a consti tution we did not think well founded? I cannot believe those who entertained those views then were acting insincerely with the people in urging an objection they did not believe existed. If these were our opinions then —and we so expressed them—l cannot see with what consistency or propriety we can now complain, that the decision sus tains our opinions heretofore expressed. A majority of the Legislature, however, upon the question being made and dis cussed, entertained different views, and by resolution declared the colored members ineligible—their seats were vacated and the white members admitted. As might have been anticipated, ■ this course aroused the indignation of a large portion of the Radical party, and it has been made the excuse or groundwork for a determined aud persistent effort to place the State again under military rule—have her civil government declared provisional and subject to the future action of Con gress. It has been the means of excluding us from a voice in the United States Senate, and has left some of our members of the Lower House dancing attendance as lobby members vainly scekmg admission to seats for which they had been selected, To break the force of this storm the ac tion of the Legislature had raised agaiust our State they, by joint resolution, agreed to submit the question ofthe eligi bility of the negro to the Supreme Court and abide its decision. „This resolution passed both branches, and notwithstand ing it met executive opposition, and is not now a “legislative act,” yet, morally speak ing, the Legislature are bound to abide by their own pledge. Honesty and sell-respect, in my judg ment, leaves them no other alternative. But apart from this, is not the Lsgis lature bound by the decision of tho Su preme Court to observe it and act upon it? It is claimed that the decision of the Legislature as to these members is “res adjudicata. ’ ’ i do not understand that the rule of "‘resadjudicata" . applies to Legislative action. • The rule is applicable with all its vigor and force to the Courts of the country—for the policy of the law has been from time im memorial to settle and qujet controversies between its citizens —by the ■ application of this rule. But not so with the Legislature. The same session can review, modify, change or abrogate entire its former action. How often have we known again and again resolutions agreed tc, modified subsequent ly, and finally rescinded. There is a provision in the Constitution which forbids the same Legislature (at tue same session) “from proposing (unless with consent of two-thirds) any bill, ordi nance or resolution, intended to have the effect of law, which shall have been reject ed by either House.” But this does not extend to bills, ordinances or resolutions which have been passed or agreed to by either House, • The whole question, then, is subject to the action ofthe Legislature, and me rule of “res adjudicata” does not apply. And such has been the uniform action of legislative bodies. It has arisen in every case where a member has been seated, and afterward, upon investigation, declared ineligible. In such cases the Journals show the mem ber has been found qualified and sworn. Subsequent investigation shows him in eligible and he is removed. And yet, I have never heard the first action claimed as res adjudicata, and plead as a bar to investigation and removal. These negro members at the first or ganization were allowed to be sworn in. The Journals show (Ipresume) they were, declared qualified arid sworn as members. It was not claimed that the question was res adjudicata when they were put upon trial, why, then, claim it in behalf of those who took tbeir places ? One other view and lam done. The Legislature are the law-making power, but they are not superior to law. Asa body, they are bound by the Constitution and laws, as every other body or citizen, until modified or repealed. The Constitution has established a tribunal for the construc tion of laws, where a controversy arises, ! ‘Tho Supreme Court.” To its mandate we all bow and give obedience. Shall it be said that this body may obey or not as they choose? I hope not. It is not a proper example to establish for our people. If they have erred on a question of law, and it has been so pronounced, let them show their perfect obedience to law, by retracing their steps and conforming to the law as expounded. It is .true, obedience to law in their case may bring evil upon us in one sense —it may foist into office some utterly unfit, and displace (as in this case) others who are of priceless value to our councils. But let us adhere to the old landmarks. Let us ac cord in a spirit of justice and of obedience to law, every right the Constitution con fers upon the colored race; it will be a moral triumph over our feelings and preju dices that will elevate the character of the Georgia Legislature for politic tl and per sonal integrity, that in due time will bear the fruit of peace and stability, and go far toward crushing out the slanders upon us as a people. Let not the Legislature rest upon a quibble that belongs 1 5 the Courts t) jus tify a departure from the broad path of justice ard right. If reckless legislation and unwise resufts follow this decision and its legal consequences, the great majority of the white citizens of Georgia are not re sponsible, and in due time, intelligence and worth and property will claim and take control. And we may theu point with pride to this period in our history—when, amid the c'amors of the'thoughtless —the prejudices of race, and the evil results that threatened our State, the Legislature dared to do right. I am, very truly, your friend, Alex. M. Speer. Letters from Hon. M. ./■ Crawford and Judge E. G. Cabintss. LETTER FROM HOST. M J CRAWFORD. Columbus, Ga , June 24th, 1869. Gen. A. It. Wright: Dear Sir : —Yours of the 21st iost., in which you ask my opinion upon the effect of the decision of the Supreme Court touching the eligibility of negroes to office has been received. In reply, I have to say, that the extent of their jurisdiction over the question, their decision will be binding and obligatory upon the people of the State. Tne trial and correction of er rors from the Superior Courts of the State is the limit by the Constitution to that jurisdiction. The effect, then, willbe, in all cases where that tribunal has the legal authority to en ! force their decision, to require that it be observed, and that negroes be installed in- I to such offices as they may be elected to ! fill. But so far as the status of the negroe i ; elected to the Legislature is concerned, that is not in . the slightest de gree altered or change If because | —by the Constitution—the qualification | of members is exclusively given to the two Houses respectively, and from their judg | merit there is no appeal. No power is lodged anywhere by the organic law to re view errors if they be committed in this respect by either of the Houses composing the General Assembly. Their action in the premises, therefore, in finsi iin*e« they should consent to re open the question of the eligibility of the negro to their respective Houses, aod upon argument had reversed their own decis ions and adjudge him competent and qualified. To the extent that the members have respect for the judgment pronounced by the concurring Judges, they would give it consideration, and if suffisient to change their views, they would no doubt act iu conformity therewith. But the whole matter rests necessarily in foro con science!, and must be decided according to the individual opinion of members them selves. No man can, therefore, speak for another in such a matter, and whilst a majority of the present Ligislature may be of opinion that the negro is ineligible, the very next may think and decide other wise. The whole power over this subject is vested by the Constitution permanently in each House. It wasoot a provision made for a day or a case, but for all time, and therefore written in the organic law. It has been thus in all Constitutions of all the States as well as in the Constitution of the United States from the beginning, and must of necessity be there so long as the present form of government stands. But whilst I suppose this will be admit ted, still the important question remains, what is the proper course to be pursued by the Legislature and the people? In my judgment, it is to lender obedience to the law and the officers thereof, giving to the Legislative, the Executive an I Judi cial each in its own sphere, all the rights, powers and privileges thereunto belonging and in no case contravening them. By so doing the harmony of our governmental system will be preserved and the will of the people, where they are permitted, car ried out. This necessarily throws upon the members of the Legislature the duty of disposing of this question of negro eli gibility, and were 1 a member of either branch thereof, with my views upon the subject, I should vote unhesitatingly against it, and let consequences take care of themselves. This I should do con scientiously and in conformity to my opin ion of the law, at all times, and in every form in which the subject might be pre sented. But another and very important form in which this question may arise, is, in cases made before the Judges who are under the supervisory power of the Supreme Court, and whose decisions must conform under the law to those made by the higher tribunal. Over this class of officers the decision operates, and will bo executed as the law until the same shall be changed by a reversal in the Supreme Court itself, or by the people in the manner prescribed by law. I look upon the opinion of Judge Brown, even admitting his premises as the clearest case ot’a non sequiter that over was written; in fact, illustrations, if such were ever collected, none could be found so apt as t ;at pronouuced by the Chief Justice in this case. As to Judge MeCay’s, before he can make up his judgment he has to put us outside of a 1 constitutions and all laws, aud take his start from that point. And with his theory lie makes the negro a consistent element in the formation of the present Stato government, and, therefore, lie has all the rights ind privileges appertaining to any citizen of the Commonwealth. I confess that the negro constituted about ninety per cent, of the elements which made up the present Constitution of the State, the Federal soldiers with the bayonet about seven, and the remaining three per cent, was composed of native and imported whites. The white, element was, however, in creased in the ratification of tho constitu tion, but this was due in a great degree to the clear and convincing argument of Judge Brown against the constitutional right of the negro to hold office. But,taking Judge McCay’s view, that we were outside, leaves me greater difficulties to overcome. I cannot see how one from his standpoint can come to the conclusion that the Constitution of the United States had even become void or inoperative in these States, when the whole war was waged by the Federal Government upon the ground that it was impossible for ns to get from under its authority, and that it extended throughout the States and Territories of the whole Union. AVe were conquered into obedience thereto, aud then tor the first time it was discovered that it was not of force in these States; in its name we were subjugated ; in its name wo were de nied its rights and privileges, and in its name .the sword and not the judge declares the law. The inconsistency of coercing a State into subjection to the Constitution is, only equalled by the euarmi y of the propo sition that when she is coerced that the Constitution does not extend over it at all. But to conclude our hastily written let ter, we say that our duty is to obey the lav; as it is made and decided by each depart ment of tho government, according to ils power and authority to decide, and make no effort to “disrupt, the ties, &a., because the President prefers a “colored” to a “plain” Republican. With me a spade s a spade, and the “plain” will he for dis rupting the—party unless the thing is stopped. Respectfully, yours, &c. Martin J. Crawford. LETTER FROM JUDGE E. G. CABI NESS. Forsyth, June 24th, 1869. Gen. A. R. Wright: My Dear Sir: You requestme “to give you, for publication in the Chronicle & .Sentinel, my opinion upon the effect of the decision of the Supreme Court of this State in relation to the eligibility of negroes to hold office —upon the status of the ex pelled negro members of the present Legis lature.” By the constitution “each house is made tliejudge of the election returns and quali fications of its members,” and from tire decision made by either house there is no appeal. No tribunal has been created with power to supervise the judgment of the two houses in regard to election returns and qualifications of their respective mem bers, and when a decision is made ousting a member from his seat in either house, the decision is conclusive so far that the member ousted can take no appeal from it and no other tribunal has jurisuiction of the case. The effect, then, of the decision of the Supreme Court holding negroes to be eligible to office does not necessarily restore to their seats the negroes who were removed for want, in the opinion of bnth houses, of eligibility to office. The decision of the Supreme Court can not act upon the judgment of the Legis lature and reverse it. That judgment must stand unless it should be reversed by the bodies which rendered it.’ And that is now the practical question which tho Legislature must meet when it reassem bles. Shall the negroes who were removed from their seats be restored, and can the two Houses of tbe Legislature reverse their action ? In mv o iaion, they can,-and policy re quires that it should be done. No judgment has been passed by either House upon the right of the successors of the removed negroes to the seats- they oc cupy. Upon the removal of the negroes, those who claimed their seats were held prima facie, entitled to them, and were seated accordingly. No question as to their right to iheir seats was raised, and never has been decide 1 If their riafct to the seats they hold should be contested upon the ground that other persons eligible to office, received a higher number of votes than they did respectively, it vroull it not be competent for each House to declare them not en titled to the seatstli ?y occupy,and would it not follow, as r. matter of course, that tbe persons eligible to office (and it must now be considered a settled question that negroes are), would it not ne cessarily follow that such persons having received the highest num ber of votes should be admitted to their seats? Reeollect that no decision has been made, and no judgment rendered fixing the successors of the negroes in their seats. There is no res adjudicata as to their rights to seats. Let the question be raised whether they are legally entitled to mem bership, and in the present aspect of mat ters and the present state of the law, and what we must receive and recognize as law, it woull be competent for each House to declare them not entitled to seats, and readmit those who received the highest number of'votes. And policy requires this should be done. We must submit to whatever it is not in our power to correct. If wc had control of this question of negro suffrage and negro eligibility to office, we would give it a different direction and would soon lay it at rest. But it is not under qur control. A power whiob we cannol resist, is giving and will give it direction, whether rightfully or not, it matters not now to say. it is sufficient for us to know that this power is in active exercise, and will be, uutil this question is finally settled, as “the powe.s that be ’ desire it. . Let us raise no more questions with it. All the issues which we may make with the Congress of the United States, upon the terms of Reconstruction will be decid ed according to their will, and not ours. And they have the power to enforce their decisions. Let us submit to inevitable necessity, however bitter the piil, and make no more issues with power. It is related of the Emperor Adrain who reigned in the decline of the Roman Empire, that one day he found fault on a point of grammar with a learned man of the name of Favorinas. I avonnas could have defended himself and justified his language, but continued silent. His friends said to him, “why did nt you answer the Emperor’s objections?” “Doyou think,” said the grammarian, “that I am going to enter into disputes with a man who com mands thirty legions?” Is it wise to oontinue to raise questions with a. power which oan command as many legions as may be necessary to en force its will ? Not only the peace but the good of the whole couotry requires that all questions connected with Reconstruction snould be settled as speedily as possible. It is Re construction and the issues growing out of it, whioh preserve the unity of the Repub lican party. In Reconstruction they “live and move, and have a being.” Strip them NEW SERIES, VOL. XXVIII. NO. 27 ! of the support which this question gives them andgheir dissolution wili speedily follow. \ou take their life when you take the means whereby they live.” Though negro suffrage and negro eligi bility to office may be distasteful to us, let us submit to them without further opposi tion, if by so doing we can put a stop to these questions and thus destroy the bond of unity which holds the Republican party together. Very respectfully, E. G. Cabiness. LETTER FROM HON. A.H.S TEPHENS. Liberty Hall, 1 Crawfordville, Ga., June 29, 1869. j Gen. A. R. Wright, Chronicle & Sentinel Office, Augusta, Ga.: Dear Sir Your letter of the 21st instant was duly received, but it found me in worse condition physically than I have been for several weeks. This, with other pressing correspondence, has prevented me from giving you my opinion upon the question propounded sooner. I must now be brief. Indeed there is no necessity for any extended views. The argument is already exhausted by you, yo.. neighbor ot the Constitutionalist, the Constitution at Atlanta, the letter of Judge Fleming, and the communication of Tully in your paper, some days ago, to say nothing of the labors and productions of others. But in what I have to say, it vs proper to premise by stating that I be lieve the decision of the Supreme Court on tho question of negro eligibility to office in this State to be in aceordanoe with the law and Constitution which were their guide. Had I been on the Bench I should ha re come to the same conclusion under the same law and Constitution, that a majority of the Court did, though not ex actly by the same process of reasoning pursued by these learned Judges The result of my judgment, however, would have been the same. I thought the two Houses of our Gen eral Assembly committed an error in decid ing thatthose members who hadbeen elect ed, and returned to their respective bodies with an eighth or more of African blood, were thereby disqualified to bold seats in the Legislature under the laws and Con stitution of tho State as they now stand. But it was a question which, they alone— each House for itself—had the right and power under the Constitution to adjudicate and determine. By the Constitution of the State, each House is made the sole judge to decide upon election returns and qualifications of its members. This ques tion of eligibility and qualification to hold office on the part of this class of persons, who are elevated to the status of citizen ship by the present Constitution of the State,l knew was one not free from doubt, one ou which able and true men might and did differ. Therefore, while I thought the decision was erroneous, I also thought that all charges against these Legislative bodies upon the grounds that their judgment had been made from captious and factious motives were altogether unjust. This now clearly ap "ears from the able dissentient opinion of Judge Warner, an eminent jurist of the Republican party, who still maintains, after all the discussion since had, that the decision of the Houses was right. Meu on both sides, therefore, should learn to be more charitable in their opinions of the motives of men i j the dis charge of public duties. But your question tome is, what effect this decision of the Supreme Court now rendered, can have upon the cases of those members, who were decided by the re spective Houses of the Legislature, not to be qualified to hold seats therein ? Will it be to reseat these excluded members, or are they legally entitled to he reseated thereby f To this there cau bs but one legal and judicial answer. That is, no ! These cases have been decided by the only tribunal having constitutional jurisdiction over them, and having been decided they cannot be again opened even by the Houses who decided them. Their judgment after being finally rendered cannot be again taken up.or reversed by themselves, any mere than the Supremo Court itself cau go back to the docket of last session and reverse any of its own judgments then rendered to the unsettling of the rights of the parties therein adjudicated. Much less can this judgment of tho Supreme Court legally affect in any way the aotion of tho two houses in the premises. It can have no binding or obligatory effect what ever upon the past or future iction of the houses of the General Assembly upon the question involved, for by the constitution, as stated above, each house is the solo and exclusive judge of this question so far as membership of their respective bodies is concerned for all time to come, or so long as the constitution shall remain as it is on that point. No change, it is presumed, will ever be made in it in this particular, for it is in strict conformity with that uni versal law in all representative governments whenever and whenever established, either civil or ecclesiastical, by which tho sole power to decide absolutely upon the qualifi cations of the members of the Legislative bodies is and has been, without exception I believe, vested in those bodies them selves. From their decision there is no appeal to any other tribunal; and from the very nature of the subject there cannot properly be. This power, like all other delegated powers, has often been very grossly abused in this as well as in other countries. It has been grossly abused repeatedly, perhaps, by one house or the Other of the Legislature, in every State of the Union, as it has unquestionably often been most grossly abused by Congress. Its gross abuses in the British Parliament are well known by students of history. Still this arrangement in the distribution of the powers of Gov ernment is the o .ly one, or the best one, yet discovered for keeping separate, dis tinct alpd perfectly independent of each other the three great Departments, to-wit: the Executive, Judiciary and Legislative. Monstrous as the doctrine seems to some, yet it has come down to us stamped with the wisdom of our ancestors after the ex perience of centuries. This sole power to decide upon the elec tion, returns and qualifications of the mem bers of each Hou.-e which is vested in it by the Constitution, is, however, b. no means an unlimited power. Because there is no appeal from its exercise, this by no means justifies a capricious or illegal decision under it. It is a power of great trust to be exercised as all other judicial powers are- Each House is constituted a judge for the purpose—this Court so constituted is to hear and decide both the law and the facts in each case as it comes before them. First, to hear the fxets and then apply the law to them. In forming their judgment upon the law and the facts, they are to be governed by the same general principles which govern all other courts in arriving at truth, right and justice. Their decisions when made in any case stand as the decisions of all other courts, from which no appeal or writ of error lies. This is the law ot the case. But how for members of the Legislature might very properly be influenced (in de ciding doubtful questions of law involved in the legal qualifications of those elected and returned to the respective Houses) by the judgment of the highest judicial tribnnal in the State upon the same ques tions in all other offices of the State, is a very different question. My opinion is that in all doubtful questions, or where their own convictions are not beth clear and strong, they should be influenced, bqt not otherwise. The two Houses of o«r Gener al Assembly at the last session, 1 have been informed, concurred in a resolution submitting this question as one on which th"y had doubts to the Supreme Court, with a pledge to conform to tbe decision of that Court in their action. How this is, I do not know, but if my information is cor rect, it certainly relieves them of all impu tation of improper or factious motives in their first action. The effect of the decis ion now rendered under that resolution, would In a requirement of them in all future like cases which may come before them to deo do, in accordance with the prin ciples established by the j; foment of' the Supreme Court. This is all the fulfilment of the pledge that they e-an legally a-id | constitutionally render. This, 1 think. fi,e i same Judges who made tips duel-don i would, if inquired of, pronounce to be a right view of the sub,eat. Your- most respectfully, Alexander H. Stephens. A Thrilling Btory.— The Lynchburg Virginian of the 23d instant says : Three little children of Mr. Crouse at tempted to cross the railroad bridge over Blackwater Sunday evening. When near ly over thoy heard a train coming and at tempted to run back, thinking it came from the West- But in that they were mistaken, and the train came on the bridge before they could get off. The oldest, a girl, seised the youngest child and jumped from the bridge, down an em bankment eighteen or twenty feet high. The other, a little boy, clung with his hands to the bridge uutil the train had passed, and then fell to the ground and rolled down a declivity of some SO or 90 feet. His head was badly out and bruised, but his injuries are not serious. The es cape of the little ones is almost miraculous. OIK TKAYJCLLINS CORRESPOXDKJfOK. SP«OIAL OORKKBP3NDCNCS OF Till? CUBONICLS * BEWTISKL. On the Wing, June 24th, 1869. Editors Chronicle & Sentinel: Allow me to give you one or two exam ples ot the result of advertising, for I do not suppose it would be necessary to dis cuss its importance with intelligent men. Those of the most ext ensive business range, and in the highway to fortuue, are exam ples to the truth of all that might be said in the advocacy of the subject. There is a great deal in making a noise : it attracts attention, diverts the footsteps and draws the crowd. This is philosophy, experience and observation. Pa-sing a station a few weeks ago a geutiemaa informed me that he had long desired a family governess, with certaiu qualifications, and had made diligent in quiries, but all in vain, to secure one. He i urned to the advertising columns of the Chrot.icle & Sentinel and there found the very character he desired Another advertised his farm for sale (which from his verbal description must have been highly desirable) and had just mailed eighty letters in response to inquir ies in relation to it. The hotel keeper who told me a year ortwo ago that he regarded advertising a humbug, has quit the busi ness for the want of custom, and I guess has learned wisdom by experience, for 1 discover his present business is liberally advertised. Whiie cbe advertisement can only draw tho people and give its author a chance at them, it cannot make the business; this important part devolves upon the tact and qualifications of the man. Perhaps it would be unnecessary to give a repetition of the great results of this sys tem of doing business in Northern cities, where economy is tho controlling clement, and 1 only speak of this matter as inci dental to my observations. 1 made a brief visit to Washington, in Wilkes county, and found Judge Andrews presiding with his usual ability, over an other called court. Tho two negroes charged with the murder of Mr, Thaxton were on trial, r.nd the testimony about concluded when I left. Col. Reid, of Lex ington, for the prosecution, and General Dußose, of Washington, for the defence; so you may judge they had a fair trial. The wheat harvest in Wilkes was over and the yield very good. I learned that scarcely a farmer that sowed any of conse quence but had a surplus. It was thought t tie price would be about one dollar and lilty cents per bushel. There is a great deal of interest upon the subject of improving lands and developing, in the highest degree, their productive qualities. About three years ago, i the month of January, a gentleman turned flym an old sage field and let it remain uutil May or June and then sowed it in peas, and in August turned them under, and iu October sowed in wheat, from which ho realized five bushels to the acre. He re peated the same process and the second year got seventeen bushels, and this year I think about thirty bushels to the aero. It is thought this me* hod is cheaper and better for wheat than .-he commercial fer tilizers. In fact, I think there is a con siderablo reaction in the public mind upon this subject. Some of the farmers say those imported fertilizers are taking all tbe money out of the country, and they must adopt, as far as practicable, some other sy.-'nm of improvement. Would it not be economy to raise more giain and more stock of all kinds, and thus increase the facilities for raising manure, and relieve our people of the Western as wel' as Eastern drains upon their pockets? Would it not be better to plant ten acres in cotton and get 30 cents lor it, than to plant thirty acres and get 10 cents? This is one of the many reasons why my friends in Hancock are so much, opposed to emigra tion. The fewer the number of laborers, the higher will be the price of cottqn, and greater will bo the amount of money re alized to apply to building up tbe institu tions of the country. If you will allow the digression, I must say that intelligent gentlemen in Hancock (and among the best farmers in Middle Georgia) are quite enthusiastic in their opposition to all emi g'ution schemes, and say that three-fourths of the people of that country agree with them on this subject. As their views are rather original, and different from any I have seen, and this question is one involving great moral, social, political and religious considerations, I would like to see them in print. The land owners oi the county are the proper judges of the neces sity and practical operations of the scheme, and as they would be more directly involv ed, it may best behoove them to settle it. I would as soon abide the judgment and decision of the poople of Middle Georgia, upon this and all kindred subjects, as any other section of the Southern country. Traveller, Supreme Court of Georgia—June Term, 1869. (Reported Expressly for the Constitution , by N ../. Hum rnotid, Supreme Court Urp >rtcr.) Sattrday, June 26, 1869.—Argument was resumed and concluded in case No. 30. Taylor vs. M &. A., of Americuß. Certiorari, from Suinter. No. 31. Nicholas Wiley, plaintiff in er or, vs. Nancy Whitely et at, Rule Nisi, from Sumter, was argued. George W. Warwick, Vason& Davis for plaintiff in error. W. A. Hawkins, S. H. Hawkins for defendants in errors. In No- 32. Jas. W. Wilkinson, plaintiff in error, vs. _N. G. Christy, defendant in error. Motion for new trial from Lee, There was an argument that original in terrogatories might be used here, and they did not come up by copy, or otherwise. The Court dismissed the case. F. H. West, by D. A. Vason, for plaintiff iu error. C. B. Wooten, R. Lyon for de fendants in error. A. W. Hawkins moved to "affirm tbe judgment below, in the case of James H. Wilson, plaintiff in error, vs. W. S. Reese, for use of W. A. &8. H. Hawkins, from Suinter, because, after one bill of executions bad been filed, it was withdrawn, and u new one was filed, and it was sent up so late as to be docketed for the next term, anil because it is a bill of exceptions, in a cau-e, which this Court has finally decided. N. A. Smith, representing Colonel Goode, resi-ted this motion. The Court dismissed the cake upon the ground that, when the first bill of excep tions had been filed in the Clerk’s office,no new bill could be filed, etc. The Court then went back to No. 22, Fataula Circuit, which had been placed to the heel of the Southwestern Circuit, be came of Judge Lyon’s illness. It is Sharp & Brown, plaintiffs in error, vs E. B. Loy less, defendent in error. Arbitration, from Terrell. L. C. noyal, Lyon &DeGraffen reid. for plaintiff in error. F. M. Harper, N. J. Barker, W. A. Hawkins, for defend ani :u error. Pending the opening argument, by Judge Lyon, tbe Court adjourned till 10 o’cl >ck, Tuesday morning. Monday is consultation day as usual. There are yet two eases, on the So afh western Circuit to be argued, ar,d the Court has notice of motion to dismiss two other causes, which came up coo late for this term, and have the judgment below affirmed. The two to be argued, are A. W. Green vs. The Southern Express Company, and tho same parties vice versa, being Nos. 4 and 15, which had also been passed, be cause of Judge Lyon’s illness. They will, I in a 1 probability, be argued together. I The Middle Circuit is next in order, and its Bar should be here by Tuesday morn ing. The Beauties of the New Jury Law. —Away up in Marion District they have the ".ew jury law in lull operation, and like the good people of the entire State they exp nance its benefits. Some few days ago two men, the brothers Wiggins, were in. die f i for assault with intent to kill. The proof against the Wiggins waa en tirely circumstantial. After the struggle was over a pistol, hat and pair- of shoes were found, which had been di-opped by the assailants. These articles were identified as the property of those brothers. 'L’h : finding ci the jury took toe commu | nit” l*y surprise. James Wiggins was ae I quitted and Edward Wiggins convicted, i and sentenced to serve thirty years iu the i State Penitentiary. i James Wiggins was said to he the [ owner of the pistol and famous hat -which identified the party, and the principal testi mony against Ned Wiggins was that he was with Jim that night, that the shoes left fitted bim. and that he was seen the nextday with a muddy sock on, showing that he had walked in mud lately without his shoes. It has been suggested that a part of the jury were for acquitting both —a part for convicting both, and that they agreed as a compromise to clear one and convict the other. This having been determined up on, they threw up heads and tales as to whom they should clear, and Janies Wig gins got it! Jim must certainly lie a very lucky follow, for the signs of guilt as be tween him ami Ned were altogether against him, yet he got clear.— Charleston Courier. Sheridan, Kansas, is a village of tiff houses, of which forty-three are whiskey shops.
