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About Weekly chronicle & sentinel. (Augusta, Ga.) 1866-1877 | View Entire Issue (March 16, 1870)
' • ■ It/) SERIES, VOL. LXXVII. (Ehronulc & 'fKH.IIS OF “LBJM UIPTIOfI. UAILT. mis. •> •* .... ... >K ■■■ V.V.V.. »«* Ti.: -W* KKLt'"" t - i ... " *» M a* • l ' ir it; , 1 mi i j:.•• »<* WKII.\KHDAI KORMSG, MARCH 16. Special Dispatch t« the Chronicle & Sentinel. Wash isoton, March 8,5 pm. Butler's project defeated in the House by forty two majority and Bingham’s amendment adopted. The above dispatch, as the reader may see confirmed by rt ference to our tele graph columns, signalises the defeat r.f Butler and the down'all of the Loyal Peace and Pined r party of “the Nation.” The Georgia Bill, pure, was the pet cheme of the Democratic, loyal, squint eyed Republican, who knows no principle but polls, no policytmt profit, no mercy but gain ; a tyrant among the weak, the brute to defenceless and helpless females, the bully among cowards and the coward among brave men ; the man who sold friendship to gain notoriety, and who farmed out notoriety to gain position ; and now seeks to barter position to reach the pedestal of fame. Some hope yet re mains for the honor of American citizens ; some reliance, in the midst of venality, for the integrity of the American Unirn The Cotton Siates’ Mechanical and Ag. ricuttural Fair Association. It isgratifying to know that progress is being rapidly made in the affairs of this Association. The plan for laying out the grounds is in the hands of a first class civil engineer, and the walks, track, drives, planting, Ac., will be ananged with the utmost care and scientific a curacy. It was at first decided to open the Fair rn November Ist, but subsequent events induced the Board of Management to open it a week earlier—-October 25th. The Fair will continue five days, and from the amount of premiums offered—over sll,- 000 —a vast amount of interest will no doubt bo manifested. Among the premiums for field orops it would bo well to mention some for which immediate preparation would bo necessary in order to enable planters to compete. The following will be offered on CottOu and Corn : For the best aud largest crop rt Cotton produced upon ten or more acres upland, with statement of the mode of cultivation, tho amount and kind of manure used, tho period of planting, the number of times ploughed and hoed, and the variety of Cotton—the land to be measured and the Cotton weighed in the presence of three reliable and disinterested witnesses, with their affidavit, —the original fertility of the soil to be taken into consideration—one bale of not less than 450 lbs. to be exhibit ed as an average sample, S2OO. .For tho largest end best crop of Cotton produced upon one or more acres of Up land ; with same requirements as above, SSO. For the largest crop of Corn grown upon two acres of Uplurol— not loss than seven ty-live bushels to the acre ; same require ments as for Cotton—two bushels to be ex hibited as sample, SIOO. For the largest crop of Coro grown upon two acres of Lowland —not less than one hundred bushels per acre ; samo require ments as for Upland Corn, SIOO. For the largest crop of Sweet Potatoes raised per acre—ono eighth of an acre to be dug—certificate of yield to be furnished by three disinterested persons with two bushels as sample—s2s. Fpr the largest crop of Irish Potatoes; same requirements as for Sweet Potatoes, S2O. For the largest crop of Indian Corn, grown by any white boy under sixteen years oi age, upon one acre of land, the rules in relation to field crops to be complied with, Silver Patent Lever Watch, worth $25. For the largest quantity of cotton pro dueed by any white boy under sixteen years of age, upon oue acre of land, require ments as above, Silver Patent Lever Watch, worth $25. For the best-twenty bales common Up land Cotton, SIOO. For the best ten bales common Upland Cotton, SSQ. For the best five bales common Upland Cotton, $25. For the best one bale common Upland Cotton, $lO. For tho best one bale Upland Cotton, long staple, $lO. For t ue best five bales Sea Island Cotton, S2O. Foe tho best bale (400 lbs.) Sea Isiand or Black Seed Cotton, raised on upland, $25. F.xtraots from Rules governing exhibi tors : “No article will be received for oumpeti tition unless it is the bona fide production or manufacture of the exhibitor.” The Premiums on other field crops, and in fact on every article of Southern pro duction, will be equal y liberal and judi cious aud cannot fail to excite active com petition. The Dry Quods Trade The Financial Chronicle of March 5, j says: The market has been completely unsettled by the action commenced ten days -igo by Messrs. A. T. Stewart & Cos., in offering Prints at great reductions from the mliog market price. It is useless to ;peculate as to the object of Mr. Stewart in'.ski: g the Trade by surprise with hi 3 i x!r:u rdinary ‘‘flank” movement; the fact, of the movement and its results are of more importance to our readers. It seems to be quite evident that the effect will bo, and it was intended to be, something much more permanent than merely to draw the attention of buyers tothe Dry Goods Palace on the corner of Broadway and Chambers Street. The result has already been shown in a general reduction of prices in prints, in many brands of bleached and brown goods, ar.d also in imported dress goods. It may be fairly said that the movement was inaugurated by the most prominent dry goods merchant in the United States, and his deliberate opinion as to the course of business in the immediate future, as shown by this important reduction in goods is to much weight The range of cotton and gold have recently been such as to warrant lower prices, and since the first rush at Stewart's store the tendency of these has been duwnwards, confirming in a remarkable manner the anticipations which he probably bold of. such a course of affairs. The New 1 u.» J,er can tile Journal , commenting on the same state of affairs in the metropolis, says, bitterly : “It is seldom that we are called upon to report more disgraceful operations, carried m under the pretence of doing a legitimate business, than the course pursued by Messrs. A. T. Stewart a- CO., in opening small lots of Prints and other Roods, and offering them (to those whose vigor of mus cle would enable them to grab and retain a j., rtion of them) at less than cost , with the \ iew of making false quota' ions in order to disturb the market and break prices. Busi ness at best has been unprofitable during the past two or three years, and an attempt to unduly depress values acd injure trade, to the great detriment of the average range of dry goods houses, is a wrong which all business men ought to resent. By com bined action on the part of dry goods job bers, manufacturers and others concerned, the would be king caD be easily dethroned. Such action should be taken at o»oe in the promises as shall teach Messrs. A. T. •Stewart k Cos. that they cannot ride rough hod over the trade with impunity. We have no hesitation in saying that if a firm of moderate capital should pursue such an unbusinesslike course they would be compelled to go out of trade at an early date for lack of purchasers of their goods, as well as a lack of parties who could be found to sell them even for cash. We have been asked the question , whether we thought the goods which were I thus opened as “drives” in this uopre i cedented manner, were really taken by bona fide buyers or aot? Bit we decline making any reply, further than toeondemn i in unmeasured terms that mode of doing business. Other houses, by way of honor able competition, occasionally put “drives” , upon the market, but we have yet j to learn of another concern that re used to sell whole Hues at the -price to any party who would comply with the terms of sale. The very idea of selling five or eight eases out of a large lot at a figure so low that it would induce buyers to act like wild animals scrambling for their prey, and then within five min utes thereafter to refuse to sell any more unless at an advance of ten or fifteen per cent., is an ontrage upon country buyers as well as cotemporaries of the trade. The heavy decline in gold which has taken place during the past few weeks has unsettled the price of cotton and caused a decline to an extent which has had a de pressing effect on values of all cotton fab rics. This influence has been counteracted in a measure, however, by the needs of the country for immediate consumption. Ticks, Denims, Stripes, Osnaburgs, Cottonades, and kindred goods, are all dull at quota tions. Article 111 Reconstructed Constitution. I. The Legislative Power shall be vested in a General Assembly, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives, and until otherwise directed, the members thereof, after the first election, shall be elected and the returns of the electioo made as now prescribed by law. 11. The members ot the Senate shall be elected for four years, exeept that the members elected at the first election from the twenty two Senatorial Districts number ed in this Constitution with odd numbers, shali only hold their office for two years. The members of the House of Representa tives shall be eleoted for two years. The election for members of the General Assem bly shall begin on Tuesday after the first Monday in November of every second year, except the first election, which shall be within sixty days after the adjournment of this Convention ; but the General Assem bly may by law change the time of election, and the members shall bold until their successors are elected and qualified. 111. The first meeting of the General Assembly shall be within ninety days after the adjournment of the Convention, after which it shall meet annually on the second Wednesday in January, or on such other day as the General Assembly may pre scribe, Ac. Butler, the humble bee, bottled by Bingham’s powers, asserted, on the floor of Congress, “that by a singular oversight they,in guaranteeing a government toGeor gia, had created a perpetual government for Republican aristocrats, saying, that, “by a singular oversight, the Constitution of Georgia contained a provision enabling the Legislature to hold a perpetual lease of power;” and that, to remedy this Republi can defect of blundering, plundering Radi calism, he would further “promote” recoD» struction and plunder by an act of Con gress which would provide that no election shall be held until 1872, but that there after no Legislature should have power to perpetuate itself. This wonderful power of the Legislature to perpetuate itself is deduced, we pre sume, from this clause : “But the General Assembly may, by law, change the time of election and the members shall hold over until their successors are elected and qualified.” It is inferred that a power to change the time for holding an election authorizes and gives tho right to extend tho term of office from two and four year ß in the respective branches of tho Legisla ture to perpetuity. This is the latest phaso of judicial Radicalism. But this Radical Daniel is magnanimous, arid says that in two years more all that it wanted can be acquired, and then Congress may relieve the people of Georgia from the despotism of a Radical Constitution and Radical plunderers. Magnanimous Butler! how ho loves carpet-bag Republi canism. What per centage of the State Road earnings and of the State taxes have been pledged to him ? The Augusta Fair—A Race. Under the above caption the Macon Telegraphand Messenger pays a well merit ed tribute to the energy and prido of At lantians, but slyly delivers a home thrust at tho old fogyism of Augustians and the want of pride, under cover of pretty com pliments, ju3t however and truthful, to our fair women. We are rather inclined to think that the Telegraph makes a fair hit, looking to the record of our past history, but we feel assured that old things have have been done away. We have the most unbounded confidence that, at least this time, Augusta will put forth her strength, will not be wanting in effort, and will do credit to both herself and the good old State. In order that our citizens, as well as those specially charged with tho ar rangement and conduct of the Cotton States’ Mechanics and Agricultural Fair Association, may see how others judge us, we give the article ’from the 'lelegraph and Messenger in extenso : The Augustians are going to show the Georgians how to hold a Fair. They have organiied the Cotton States’ Mechanics and Agricultural F ;ir \ssociation, with a name too loDg for convenience, but with a capital of $50,000. They have leased from the city government seventy acres of land, on the South Commons, within the city limits, and they have appropriated ten ! thousand dollars for a premium list. Their i fair will commence on the first day of Dext j November and continue five days. We j supplicate good weather in their behalf. ! The premium list is now in course of pub lication. The Committee say Augusta will ship this year 130,000 bales of cotton. Rail- J roads all centre there—-river navigable to | their doors, and, they might add, it some- j times gets over the door stones. Water ! power inexhaustible—sometimes overflows i nearly the whole concern—hotel accommo- i dations ample—situation beautiful and ! salubrious. They see no reason why Augusta should not rise to glory—nor do we. They might have said something very justly upon the beauty of that city—- for it is one of the handsomest places in ! the world. Now we shall see a pretty race between Atlanta and Augusta. To offset the pres ; tige of the State Agricultural Society, which Atlanta will enjoy, Augusta will show the force and energy of an organiza j tion of business men, and she has about five or ten times the moneyed capital of Atlanta, with perhaps considerable less disposition to use it, and not so much local pride and spirit as Atlanta, though more reasons for both. We like the wonderful amount of pride the Atlantians take in their city. There’s not a man woman or child, in the corpor ate limits, black or white, who is not thor oughly grounded in the opinion that At lanta will, in a short time, go ahead of London or Paris. Chiosgo is the only American town which can rival Atlanta in local pride, and Atlanta is food of compar ing herself with Chicago. Moreover, At lanta, if we may credit the Boston Post, is ahead of Augusta and most other places in newspapers. The /bst says Atlanta has three dailies, each with the largest circula tion in the State. We council our Augusta friends, there fore, to pull up. Don’t trtKt too much to your superior location—your water power —your 1 0,000 cotton bags—your accumu ' lateu profits and weighty capital Use the money power you have liberally, and dis tance these doughty boys of the “Gate City,” as they caU it. There is one point on which the Au gustiaus will, we fear, show the Atlantians a clear pair of heels—and that is the mag nificent display of the gentle sex. W hen those old black belt counties turn out, as they will do to the Augusta Fair, good by, John, to Atlanta. She may rake down all North Georgia apd not be in hailing distance for a start. The display of fair women in Augusta will be marvellous. » e don't mean to deny that Atlanta will make a fine display, because pretty women are to be fonnd everywhere in Georgia; but all those old counties within hailing distauoe ;of Augusta are a garden of them —a regu j lar nursery in lull bloom. Therefore, we ! say, Atlanta, look to your laurels. Au gusta, stir up and avail yourself of your j advantages. Decline of American Shipping. The Charleston News thinks that while local politics and measures of partbaa j legislation are occupying to so great an extent the attention of the country, a great national interest languishes. According to the report of Mr. Nimmo, the chief of the tonnage division of the Treasury De partment, British ships have superseded American ships not only in the interna tional commerce of the world, but also to a very great degree, in our own trade with foreign nations. Although the general fact is known by everybody, the illustra tions adduced from official statistics are startling. Thus in all the poits of the United States the per centage of. foreign tonnage has largely increased, while that of American tonnage has largely decreased. The building of American ships and barks (chiefly employed in foreign trade) fell l from 373 in the year 1855, to 91 in the year 1869. During the former year the aggregate tonnage of the various classes of vessels, built in the New England States, was 326,429 tons. These examples, culled ! from the voluminous report, will serve to j show how great and sudden has been the 1 decline of the American shipping interest. ! How to remedy the evil is not so clear. Mr. Nimmo suggests that a larger number of steamships be built,and that the govern ment, after the example of England twenty years ago, give the commercial marine all the encouragement which favorable legisla tion can afford. But the chief of tonnage does not venture to indicate the root of the evil. English commerce was rebuilt by the policy of free trade. The knife has been applied by a succession of BtatesmeD, from Huskisson to Peel and Gladstone, for the excision of those “protected interests” which were the eating cancer upon the body politic of Great Britain. Every political and financial difficulty has been overcome by some new provision in favor of liberty. And this is just what we have to do in the present case. Glass legislation must be done away with. ‘‘The harpies of the shore” must cease “to pluck the eagle of the seas.” It is idle for us to talk about the resus citation of the American shipping interest so long as steamers can be built more cheaply upon the Clyde than they can upon the Hudson. The price of all build ing materials in this country, from iron downwa-ds, has been ruinously enhanced by protective legislation. Thus the first cost of American steamships is higher and more capital bei ig invested in them, they cannot be worked to advantage at the same rates as support their rivals from the building yards of the Clyde, the Tyne and the Mersey. Had Mr. Nimmo been per mitted to touch the heart of his subject, he would have said that the decline of American shipping is due to the restric tions and limitations on American trade. The statement, however impolitic, would have been true. However disagreeable to party, it would have served the people, who will never consent that their country shall become a commercial dependency of Great Britain, and that the national flag shall be driven from the ocean. We all remember the time when Ameri can “liners” were the boast of our people and the wonder of Europe. They were, beyond all dispute, the most beautiful vessels that breasted the waves of the Atlantic. Their graceful outlines of hall, of sails, and of rigging, their safety and their speed, had acquired universal celebrity. But the fame of these cele brated vessels belong to the past. One feels a flush of indignant spasm in reading the statement of M«-- Nimmo, iliac we are Holding our own only in the number of coasting schooners. W here the blue water fairly begins, “Britannia rules the “seas.” While Butler A Cos. are tinkering at the ship of State, our splendid mercantile marine is going down ! down! down ! The Georgia legislature—Report or the Senate Judiciary Committee. In compliance with resolutions of the Senate instructing the Judiciary Commit tee to inquire and report whether the Leg islature of Georgia has been reorganized in accordance with the provisions of the act passed at the present session to pro mote the reconstruction of that State, and whether any further legislation is necessary upon the subject of the organization of the Provisional Legislature in Georgia, the Committee this morniDg made are port, which was presented by Mr. Ed munds: The report recites the manner of the or ganization of the Provisional State Govern ment in 1868; the fact of its approval by the 'Military Commander of the district; the subsequent expulsion of negro mem bers of the Legislature, and the consequent passage by Congress of the act of Decem ber 22, 1869, conferring upon the General Assembly of tie State the exclusive power to perfect its organization. There being no room for inference or construction con feripg such authority either upon the Gov ernor or Military Commander under this act, the Governor of Georgia summoned the persons elected to the Legislature, as named in the proclamation of General Meade, to assemble at Atlanta on January 10, 1870, and a quorum of the Senate took the oaths prescribed, and organized as pro vided by the act. The report details the circumstances at tending the organization of the House of Representatives aud the part taken “by one Harris, not a member or officer, but who had been designated to call the body together by the Governor,” and calls atten- j tion to the fact that Harris continued to I preside, and to adjourn the body from time | to time at his own pleasure, without con- j suiting the House. He also determined i what persons who had appeared as mem bers should be permitted from day to day to take the prescribed oaths and take their I seats. This proceeding was ratified by the ! General in command at Atlanta, who, sub -1 sequent to the passage of the act of Dec- I 22, 1869, had been appointed to the com mand of Georgia as a militaiy district un der the act of March 2, 1867. A statement has been made of the action of General Terry in directing the exclusion of certain persons from the Legislature until their eases should be favorably re ported upon by a military Commission he organized. Three members elect were thus excluded, and the admission of other persons was delayed UDtil they should be relieved from their political disabilities. Upon this history the committee is con j strained to say that in its opinion, the be fore mentioned action of the military au • thorities was not authorized by law. The Legislature elected in Georgia was in tended by Congress to take the place of the Provisional Government as a perma nent one- This seems perfectly clear, and the same view was taken by the General of the army in his order to General Meade, of March 2a, 1868. The correction of aDy misapprehension of the act of Congress could be made by Congress but not by the military. The action of the Hou c e, in afterward admitting persons who had been candi dates against the persons so excluded but received only a minority of the votes c st, is considered by the oommittee unwar ranted by law, and the persons then ad mitted were not lawfully entitled to seats in the Georgia Legislature. They there cre report under the first resolution, that, n the following respects, the organization of the said Legislature has not been war ranted by law: Ist In the control and .direction of its proceedings by Harris. 2d. In the exclusion from taking the oaths and from seats of three members elect who offered to swear in. The committee argue further in support of this view, but add: “It is due te the General in command to say that circum stances justify the committee in reporting that his whole ooniuct in the affair was under the sincere belief that he was acting within the scope of his lawful authority, and that under the circumstances of much difficulty and delicacy he conducted affairs, although outside of the law, in such a manner as to command the personalwe spect and confidence of all parties con cerned. The committee also believe that the persons excluded who desired so i qualify would have violated the act by taking the oath, so that there was no j actual injustice done. 3d. In the seating of the persons n«t AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, MARCH 16, 1870 having a majority of the votes of the elec tion. La lespect to the second relation call ing upon the committee to report whether any further legislation is necessary in re spect to the organization of the Georgia Legislature, the committee reports that a full hearing has been given to both sides in the controversy, and after making an argument on the subject, they say in con clusion that they !eel justified in omitting to recommend any further legislation on the subject. Xew York (fold Panic. MINORITY REPORT. The Investigation Partial—lhe Minority Refuses to Certify to the "Immaculate ness' of the President or any of the Par ties Concerned. * The minority report of the Committee | of Investigation into the New York gold ! panic, which was presented to the House i of Representatives of the United States i on Tuesday, says that the inception of the gold plot was involved in the appointment of the Assistant Secretary of the Treasury at New Yorfc ; that it was by changing the policy of Secretary McCulloch that sales of gold, if at ail made, should be regulated by law ; and that the investigation was partial, as the committee refused to inves tigate the conduct of {rorsons, including the President in Washimftom After a long review of the testimony, especially that portion relating to the relations be tween the President and Mrs- Grant, and their supposed connection with the gold plot, the report says : The testimony of Catherwood, Corbin Fisk and Gould, in their contradictions and confusion, is ooly explainable in a sat isfactory way by the evidence of the re jected witnesses. To illustrate: Cather wood, if he is to be believed, says that Corbin told him there was some interest in the gold sales or purchases held by the President’s family in September last. He also says that Corbin told him he had boughr bonds for Mrs. Grant. Are these statements true? If not, who is to con tradict them ? The unreliable Corbin ? Or must we believe theunimpeacbed Cath erwood? Again, Catherwood was asked whether he had reason to believe that any member of the President’s household was in any way connected with the gold move ment. He was going to state what Corbin told him, when he was stopped. Corbin is reliable on some pointy but not on oth ers, as it would seem. Hearsay was fre quently admitted by the committee, but not on this occasion. Did not this put the committee on inquiry at the source of in formation? Second, as to the letter from Mrs. Grant to Mrs. Corbin, there is not the same description of it given by Gould, who saw it, and Corbin, who showed it. Mr. Gould says it was signed by Mrs. Grant’s given name ; Mr. Corbin says it was signed by ‘‘ Sis. ’ ’ It contained an ad monition from the President to close his (Corbin’s) speculations as quick as he could. In the absence of this letter, or after proof of its destruction, the commit tee, without indelicacy to the ladies, could have taken their testimony, and, perhaps, made all clear as to the knowledge of the President and his family about these speculations. This letter of Mrs. Grant (as Gould swears) was in response to Gorbin’s letter to the President. If so, what was Cor bin’s letter, that it should call for such a response ? Corbin says it had no reference to bis speculations; but it must have had reference to them, else no such answer should have been produced, or, on evidence of their destruction, »he parties most con cerned should have testified to their con tents and object. Yet the committee deny us the privilege to hear such parties. Moreover, Mr. Gould thinks that Chaplin cook two letters to Washington, Pa. —one to the President, from Mr. Corbin, and the other to Mrs. Grant, from Mrs. Cor bin. Whether this be (rue or not, it is a matter of such doubt that the testimony or Airs, en-anc ana Mrs. Corbin sho.”)d have been given to dissipace or confirm the doubt. What was that other letter of Mrs. Corbin to Mrs. Grant, or was any such sent ? All we know is that it had reference to Corbin’s gold speculations. On this we have no other answer, as the ODly party called is Corbie, and he is not questioned as to this particular letter; and if he were, he, as we have shown, is unre liable. The majority themselves discredit him more than they do Gould. In fact, he says nothing abou ; a letter from himself to Mrs. Grant, sent to Washington, Pa , by Chapliu. After the breakdown in gold Mr. Gould says that Corbin proposed that he and his wife should go to Washington and get the order to sell gold revoked. What passed at Washington, not only be tween the men, but the women, is not ex plained. Even if Mr. Corbin is reliab’e, it does not explain all that transpired. Yet we arc forbidden to call on the parties who know most and best of this singular advent for this remarkable object. There were several dealings in stocks, and even a tender of a portion of them by Corbin to Mrs. Grant. He says that she rejected the tender; but if he is unreliable, who is to solve the matter ? When asked about this and similar designs Mr. Corbin flares up, appeals to Almighty God and the resolution of Congress to protect him. Did Mrs. Grant inform the President of these insidious approaches of her brother in-law to "please her” only, but in reality ’ to influence the President ? Certainly Corbie undertook, as he swears, to deceive the President after his pretended closing of his gold transactions. What was in that letter which Corbin sent to the Pres : dent about his being out of all speculations ? What was his real object? What else is there iD it besides his statement of it ? Where is it ? Mrs. Corbin had written a so, enclosing, the letter of her husband, saying that he had no interest in gold ; what was in that letter of Mrs- Corbin ? As it was connected with this far-reaching and ruinous panic, which concerned mil lions of innocent families in this country, we ought to know. This is denied us. Again, it was asked Corbin, “Did your wite at that time know you had made that transaction ?” referring to the gold trans- I action of a half a million with Gould. He i answers, “Only as I informed her ; as j Gould went out I told her ; she had no ; knowledge of the transaction until 1 told i her what I had done, and remarked that i I hoped it would benefit her.” Yet an other impression was afterwards attempt ed to be oreated by Corbin, to wit, that he did not tell his wife about his gold specu lations till after the breakdown. All of ! which is important, and Mrs. Corbin could only clear it up. Besides, there were various interviews where Mrs. Corbin was present, and especially the one so graphic ! ally, if not correctly, told by Mr. Fisk, where wringing of hands and gnashing of teeth are depicted, and Mrs. Corbin was sent for ; and for this we must rely on confused and contradictory testimony, when Mrs. Corbin could at once clarify it. I There 'is great difference also between Corbin and Fisk, as to wbat Corbin told Fisk—or whether he told him anything— as to Mrs. Grant’s interest of $25,000. A word from Mrs. Corbin might have set : these facts in a truthful and consistent light; as well as for our better under standing of the “causes,” as for the vindi cation of the parties. But this is denied to us. We have before stated that the Pres ident himself took a special interest in the affairs of the Treasury in reference to gold sales. About the 4th of September Mr. Boutwell was in Massachusetts and the President in New York, but, however, at these points taking care of the Govern ment and its fiscal affairs. The Pres dent writes to Mr. Boutwell a letter, in which (as Mr. Boutwell swears) “he expressed an opinion that it was undesirable to force down the price of gold. He spoke of the importance of the farmers of the West be ing able to move their crops.” Mr. Bout well says he stw the President had “rather a strong opinion to the effect that the sale ot gold in anv considerable quantity might carry down the price of it. and that if the prices were to fall the West would be em barrassed,” &e. This letter, so important-, is not produced. Indeed, the most sig nificant correspondence is wanting in this investigation. Now, this letter proves it to be true that the President was strongly imbued with the crop theory ; he had been impressed by Corbin and Gould ; all pretences that he kept them, or either of them, aloof, and prevented their approach upon this topic, is refuted by this letter. It was written at an opportune time to keep up gold ; and, whether intended or not, it was directly in aid of the capital object of the conspiracy. Besides, the President’s letter to his Secre tary had its effect. Mr. Boutwell tele graphed to his assistant. Mr. Richardson : “Send no orders to Butterfield as to sales of gold until you hear from me.” This was a limitation of the gold sales to sales for the sinking fund only for September. Mr. Boutwell swears that it was a revoca 1 tion of the order to ssllgolkfbr September, 1 confining the sa'es oty to the sinking fund. The suggestion of tb President led him. as he says, “to couterm&nd the order,” 1 Ac. What is still more,ignficatit is a subse i quent letter which M. Boutwell produces. This other letter waslatedonly a fortnight before the black Fridy, to wit, 12th Sep tember. The Presidnt penned it just be fore he left upon his .’ennsylvania trip. It is full of anxiety abait g*ld sales. It is the same letter whichCorlin had when he assured Gould of theExejutive aid. He refers to the struggle of the bulls and bears. He warns the Secretary when he should arrive in Nev York to beware of the bears. That is tte maning of it. He writes* “I think from the ights before me I would move on withtut ibange until the present struggle is over-” Mr. Boutwell swears that by movirgon means to sell a million of gold on alteroae weeks for the benefit of the sinking hod during the month of September. Ttts never meant the sale of gold extra like the sale of the four millions on the 24tfinst. It meant to keep up the price and Ot to let it drop. It suited, whether he intended it or not, the designs of the conpirators. They acted on it. ! This procedure of th< Executive—is suing suggestions, which perat id as com mands, issued under theroof of Corbin and the influence of bis sonfederates, by him while away from th> Capital, in the midst of the conflict of tb money metro polis, and in a line of dty for the first and only time exercised, to Mr. Boutwell, a duty reserved to the Secretary of the Treasury, or if rot so reserved by law, then only because here is no law for the authorization of th®e sales—is so ex traordinary that we ate fully justified in demanding explanation from the Presi dent himself. How can we investigate the “causes” and leave this pre-eminent in fluence unrevealed ? What wire “the lights” before the Executive to drect his path amid the deviois ways of Wall and Broad street speculations ? Hew much illumination was patriotic ; how uuch was selfish ? To pursue an investigation to this point, and then, suddenly dripping it, to say, “from the evidence which we have we find the President pure,” is equivalent under the circumstances to sayng “the President has a royal prerogative and ean do no wrong, and we will not exaaine into his conduct at all.” If after this analysis any one stil doubts the propriety of the first action of the committee in laying these matteis before the President for explanation, or if any one doubts the propriety of requesting him and tins ether parties to give theirtestimo ny, we ask that the evidence be rad, and al|doabt will vanish. The people, who are ne respecters of persons where he truth is to be shown, would not feel tlat their President was treated fairly if suih state ments were allowed to go on recori, and no opportunity for him to be heard. What ever of value this examination has hr future legislation, one value it has not It has not enabled the committee with uianimity to speak fully of the connection of Gov ernment officials with this extriordinary movement in gold. As the exanination was in this regard partial, so must be the report. In conclusion, the minority wiuld re spectfully decline to give any oirtificates of immaculateness to any partes. The resolution under which we act does not call for or counsel us to do so, anc however much it may be desirable, in miny views, we submit our report in that reticence, which we were enforced by the conduct of the President and the act ot the majority. The public may draw its own inferences, as well from the testimony as from its ab sence. We have none to draw, and by this statement we frankly say that ve make no insinuation or charge. Let he friends of the Executive, it he be in any way dam aged by their zeal in shielding him, be held responsible for our silence. One of the minority, Mr. Cox, desires to add for himself, in conclusion, that this investiga tion has no utility, unless it informs the public mind of the absolute necessity, even through temporary distress, and as the only prevention against the recurrence of such disastrous panics, and further, as the only permanent relief for trade and com merce and business of all kinds, that we should return to gold and silver coin. If this is not taught by this investigation, then it has no lessor). The speculation, aD<* incident to such a situation will go on un til it culminates in bankruptcy and poverty. S. S. Cox, Representative Sixth District New York. Thomas L. Jones, Representative Sixth District Kentucky. The Way It Figures Up. Some of the Radical papers are rejoicing over the fact that the Administration of Grant has raised the United States bonds to par in gold. Now, let us see, who has cause for jubilation—tho privileged few or the tax-paying many. In 1863, says the Cin cinnati Enquire ", Mr. A, a bondholder, lent the Government SIO,OOO in green backs, when they wera worth forty cents on a dollar in gold. The Government gave him its bond for that amount, with inter est at six per cent., payable in gold. Re duced to a gold standard, upon every forty dollars lent there was six dollars paid— that is, fifteen dollars a hundred. As there were but $4,000 in the loaD, it would be S6OO a year upon the entire amount. In seven years, from 1863 to 1870, that interest is equal to $4,200. Thus Mr. A. has received in interest from the Govern ment S2OO more in gold than he loaned to it. But this does not tell the whole story. His $4,000 has been exempt from say two per cent. State and local taxation. That is SBO a year, or $560 in seven years. This, added to the S2OO, makes $760 sur plus over that which went out of his hands. He has not, therefore, been very badly used. He has got his principal back, with nearly twenty per cent, in addition. But still he has not been paid. It is pro posed to pay him the face of his bond in greenbacks when they were worth, not forty cents, which was the bargain when heloaned them, but eighty cents onadoilar. He refuses to take it, and the Grant Ad ministration, hearkening to him, employs its whole force to bring his bond at par with gold. Thus, if it were to be paid now, the account would stand : Loaned Government, in gold $4,000 Received trom the Govern ment interest in seven years $ 4,200 Exemption from taxes 560 Face of the bond 10,000 For $4,000 there is to be repaid $14,- 760 in seven years. This is $6,000 more than the people are legally or morally bound to pay. The five-twenty bonds do not ask for gold. They can be paid in currency valued at not more than they were worth originally, viz : forty cents on a dollar. We do not deny that there has been an exploit in this matter, but it is a very sorry one for the people. How maDy of them hold these bonds, which have thus, under a hot-house process, nearly quad rupled themselves in value in the short space of seven years ? They pay for the increase, but they do not receive it. It goes to the monetary and aristocratic lords of Europe and to the wealthy cotton spinners, national bankers and merchants of New York and New England. The Administration deserves the thanks of these little classes. They can say to it, “Well done, thou good and faithful ser vant.” But the people have a rigat to visit their fiercest indignation and strong est expletives upon it. It was the duty of the Administration, instead of trying to raise the securities of the few, to increase the monetary facilities of the many for their payment. Every step it took in that direction lessened the price of the farmer’s products and cheapened the rates of labor, la other words, the many were oppxeootd to aggrandize a lordly monetary caste which has bought up and owns this Ad ministration. Tike Radical calculations are that the fifteenth amendment will give them about 150,000 votes in the doubtful and Demo cratic States, as follows: In Maryland 34,000 In Delaware 4,500 In Kentucky 42,000 In Missouri 20,000 In New York 12,000 In Pennsylvania 15,000 In New Jersey 5,000 In Ohio 3,590 In Indiana 1,500 In Connecticut 2,000 This explains, says the Nashville Union, why the Radicals were in such a hurry to get the fifteenth amendment ratified.— They wanted these votes to aid them in the approaching elections. The legal assize of bread in New Or leans, on the basis of an average of $7 50 for flour, is fixed as follows : 48 ounces for I twenty oents ; 24 ounces for ten cents ; ! 12 ounces for five cents. The Cuban Revolution. MORE SURRENDERS OF INSURGENTS. Havana, March 3. —The officers of the Volunteer Legion called on Captain-Gen eral De Rodas to-day and formally offered their services iu behalf of the Spanish Cause. They have fully organized the Legion, and are ready to take the field. Admiral Malcampo has sailed with five gunboats to watch the expeditions which were reported to have left New York last Saturday. Two hundred anu twenty-eight insur gent?, commanded by Jose Martime, some armed with rifles, and others with machetes, came in from the Puerto Principe region yesterday, and voluntarily to the Government authorities near Villa Clara. One hundred and forty more pre sented themselves at Las Minas and Ricas, and asked to be allowed to take the oath of allegiance to Spain. THE SANTIAGO EXECUTIONS. Washington, March 3. Seoretary Fish announced this morning that no in formation had yet reaohed the State De partment in reference to the execution of Americans without trial, who, it is alleged in dispatches from Cuba, were taken prisoners by the Spanish foroes. He does not deem the dispatches trustworthy. ANOTHER VERSION OF THE SANTIAGO MAS SACRE. Havana, Feb. 26.— The intelligence of the horrible massacre committed by Major Carlos Boet, acting under orders from Val inaseda, upon some 22 persons, has been fully confirmed. The details are disgust ingly horrible. One of the 23 individuals seized for purposes of vengeance alone es caped. His name was Sanchez. Under pretext of being brought out to make a aeclaration or protest Os innocence as to the charge of treason preferred against them, they were ordered into the presence of Boet, who, without causing any exam ination whatever to bo made, gave orders that they should be immediately shot, and the execution took plaoe in his presence. When the Governor of Santiago de Cuba —Otero, who is said to be a better man than Boet—learned that these men had been seized, he ordered at once a body of marines to go out and take the prisoners in charge; but when the detachment had arrived, the unfortunate men had already been shot. WHAT QUESADA AND HIB AIDS SAY OF THE CUBAN SITUATION. According to the news brought by Gen. Quesada and his staff, Aquilera is still Secretary of State, and is a candidate for Vice-President of the Republic, the elec tion for which position is soon to take place- Izaguirre had given up the Treas ury, and it was probable that C. Mola would be named to succeed him, though the President had deolared that he would not accept the former’s resignation. It is a fact that the President married, some four months ago, a sister of Gen. Quesada. Congress is mainly composed of mem bers who voted for the Constitution, and its number has been increased to 25. The Marquis of Santa Lucia presides ; but his health is bad, and recent deaths in his family prevent his constant attendance up on the sessions. Jordan is Commander-in-Chiei ; Agra monte is second in command. There are four brigades, and two squadrons of caval ry; the latter under the command of Julio Sanguily. The other oommanders are— C- Porro of the Brigade of the North, M. Agramonte of the West; P Recio of the Brigade of the South ; Cols. Mola and Rope Recia command of the Brigade of the East. The military scale comprises the grade of General of Division, Lieuten ant-General, and Brigadier General. The word Major General denotes a charge,- not a grade—lgnacio Agramonte fills that position in Camaguey; Marmol, the same, in the i astern Department ; and Cavada is Major-General of the Cinco Villas. The Spanish General 1< st at the battle of San Juan de Roderiguez, on the Ist of January last, a very large number ot men, 583 were counted of those killed in theaction. At the end of the battle the Cubans found themselves without ammunition, and, for this reason, Puello was enabled to bury his dead. He fortified himself, after this, at Arroyo Hondo, where he remained lor fifteen days. He lost 300 men more on his route back to Principe. The remain der of his ~i»-, >.BOO mo", utter destruction, because of the approach of Goyeneche. The latter came to San Miguel seeking to find Puello’a broken columns, when, learning of his route, he moved southward to Asiento, where he awaited the patriots. In the fight which took place there he lost 35 men, besides a number of wounded. General Quesada’s party report that all the departments of tho Government are working well, and there is a great abun dance of almost everything. Clothing is somewhat scarce among the poor. There is plenty of salt, which is an article some times difficult to find. Powder is being manufactured at the rate of 50 pounds per day, and is of the best quality. Nitre ib obtained by an ingenious method ; it is extracted trom the excrements of bats which are found in the caves. The pow der is good, but a sufficient quantity is not now being made for the use of the army. Firearms are being manufactured and re paired in numerous shops, but there are many thousands wanting arms. With only small additional resources the Cubans could act upon the aggressive, and drive out the Spaniardsforevcrfrom the Island. The General is accompanied fy Cols Varona and Loynaz; the first is Secretary to the mission. Soon after arriving at Nassau, Quesada dispatched a schooner for Cuba laden with 1,000 rifles, and just before leaving for the Uoited States two other small vessels, carrying arms and cor respondence. QUESADA AND HIB MISSION. From, La Revolution of March Ad. j The General-in-Chief of the Army of the Republic delivered over his command to Gen. Jordan, who was Chief of Staff of the whole army, on the Ist of December last, and left immediately alter having bade adieu to the Congress for the fulfillment of his mission with whioh he was specially charged by the Executive. His intention at fist was to embark on the Southern coast, where a Spanish schooner called La Catalana had .been captured. This was laden with wax and its sails put to the breeze, «hen immediately two Spanish men-of-war gave chase. The schooner moved back and was purpo-ely driven ashore. A journey was then begun to ward the Northern coast through a strip of territory, to the right and left ot which were encamped the columi sos Goyeneche. At the mouth of the Caunoa river the em barkation was effected in a small boat, on the 28th of January, and the party landed at Cayo Lobo on the 3dth. Here eleven days were passed, at the end of which time an English schooner received them on beard and landed them at Nassau on the 10th of February. The mission ot j General Quesada is to three countries—the United States, England and Mexico. His i intention is to put certain movements on i foot looking to the triumph of the Cuban | cause- His business in no wise interferes with or alters the functions of the minis ters already accredited, but has all the ] official character requisite for the task un dertaken. JORDAN’S RESIGNATION. The report published in some of the pa pers to the effect that Gen. Jordan had re- ! signed the command of the Cuban army, j and that Gen: Bembeta had been appoint ed to the position of Commander in Chief, ; is a very silly one. Bembeta—or Bernabe j Varona —has not yet attained the rank of Brigadier-General, beineonly a Colonel in ooAimand of a regiment Between him and the Commander-in Chief there are nine or ten General officers. Should Jordan re- | t sign or be removed his successor would be Gen. Agramonte, Gen. Cavada, or at least a Major General. the junta patriotica de cubanas. The officers of the Junta Patriotica de 1 Cabanas nave requested Ifae announcement to be made that contributions of money, 1 clothing, lint and medicine for the soldiers ! and the destitute women and children of Cuba will be thankfully received at the residence of the Vice-President, Sra. Car | m en M. de Colas, No. 107 East Thirteenth street. The ladies identified with this as sociation have already done much to alle viate the sufferings of their straggling compatriots, and are still laboring assid uously in the same worthy cause. They require and deserve the hearty support of all who sympathize with their country in its efforts to be free. SYMPATHY FOR CUBA. | At a meeting of the Irish Republican Central Club at CliDton Place House, New York, l»st Thursday evening, the follow ing resolution wag adopted’!)? acclamation; Resolved, That this Association, in the interest of liberty and humanity, call upon the Congress of the United States to ten der the recognition of belligerent rights to the struggling Republican patriots of Cuba | in their heroically sustained contest for ' liberty and against the continuance of European despotism on American soil. — The farmers of Bexar and adjoining ' counties, Texas, are introducing Mexican I peons for the cultivation of cotton. From the New York Herald. The Sold Market- The Funding BUI in Congress. I The continued decline in gold is causing i a great deal ot speculation and anxiety as to bow far it is likely to go—whether it will come to par with currency —and what will bo the consequences. Ofeourse those who are in debt or who have large stocks of goods or securities on hand which have beeo purchased at high currency prices are trembling, whi’c the creditor class of the community are exulting at the prospect. Every ones argues upon the probable future course of the gold market according to his wishes or interests. Nor is it easy to form an opinion as to how far gold mav decline or what reaction may take place. At the present time there is a plethora of the precious metals in the great financial centres of Europe. They have been accu mulating largely in the Banks of England and France, and money is so abundant that it is loaned at two and a half per cent interest. This plethora and the expor tation of United States securities abroad, with the large amount of products exported, prevent a drain of gold from this side. Here is the real secret of the fall of gold just now. As long as the cotton crop and other products are go ing out and a large amount of bonds are exported to balance the trade against us there will be do demand for gold. An other cause is found, too, for the equaliza tion of trade and value of the precious metals in the operation of the telegraph, which brings the commercial nations of Europe and the United States in instant communication. But we have yet to see to what extent and how long the exporta tion of our products and bonds will pay for ; our importations. If we knew that, we - might form an opinion as to the price of gold in the future. We must not forget that the more bondsgo abroad the larger the debt on the other side becomes—the great er will be the demand for specie hereafter to pay the interest. At the same time should peace continue in Europe and money remain so abundant there, large sums may be sent to this country for in vestment, and thus help to increase our products. It is uot wise, therefore, to jump at oonclus’ons from the present state of things. It has been said that the efforts made in Congress to fund the debt have also had an effect upon the gold market; but we think that is not so. The credit of the govern ment has been raised by other oauscs. The high rate of interest the debt bears has been oue of the principal causes of that extraordinary demand for our bonds abroad which has stopped the outward flow of gold. Should Mr. Sherman’s Funding bill—which reduces the rate of interest— be passed, we may see another state of things. No one can tell what the imme diate effect would be; nor cm we vet say in what shape the bill will be passed, if pass ed at all. The discussion of it in tho Sen ate seems interminable. Few Senators understand the subject. Nearly every oue has a different plan for funding the debt. There seems to be great difficulty in agree ing upon any measure. Perhaps the best thing that, has been said in the Senate du ring the debate was by that practical old Senator Simon CameroD. He remarked that the consideration of the question should be postponed for a year. Looking at the want of knowledge on this impor tant matterin Congress, at the r-teady de cline of gold, and at the financial prospect before us, this course, probably, would be the best. Funding the debt is a measure of such great importance that sufficient time should be allowed to bring it to ma turity. Nor is there any necessity for im mediate 'iction. The national finances are in a good condition, and will not suffer by the delay. The principal object in this Funding bill seems m be the reduction of interest on the debt. To this end three classes of new securities or consols arc proposed as a sub stitute for the present bonds of different denominations, or to be put on the market for furnishing the means to extinguish the different forms of indebtedness now exist ing. First, four hundred millions of ten twenties—that is, bonds redeemable in coin at the pleasure of the government at auy time after ten years, and payable in coin twenty years from date—are to be issued, bearing five per cent- interest. These are to be issued for the redemption „r (.Lt, existing five-twenties, bearing six per cent, interest, but can only be ex changed at par. 80, in point of fact, the proposition is limited to an exchange ot ten-twenty five per cents for five-tweniy six per cents. This is a good proposi tion it it can be carried out, for one per cent, interest would be saved. The inducement offered to bondholders to ex change their six per cent, bonds lor per cents is in the longer rime the lat’i’er will have to run, in the exemption from taxation by national, Rtate, munici .pal or local authority, and in the coupons being made conveniently pays b e a differ ent points abroad as well as at home. Sec ond, another class of bouds or consols are to be issued, bearing four and a half per rent, interest, to the amouut of four hun dred millions, on the same condi ‘ions, and these are to be fifteen-thirties. The sup position is that bonds having fifteen years to lun before redemption arid then payable in coin at the pleasure of #be government thirty from date, would be as good as the six per cents now due, or about to become due. Third,, four hundred mil lions more at four per cent interest, and having from twenty to forty years to run, are to be issued, with the sane restrictions as to the exchange of them or the price at which they may be sold. The Secretary of the Treasury is authorized, however, to issue any additional amount of these twenty foriies for the redemption of the outstanding-debt, provided no inmease in the aggregate debt of the United States be made in consequence of the new issues. We see, therefore, that not only the twelve hundred millions expressly men tioned may be issued for the redemption or exchange of existing securities at par, but that the balance of the debt may be so transformed by the Secretary of the Treas ury. The funding of the whole debt by this process, therefore, is contemplated. The question arises here, will the holders of the unmatured debt bearing six per cent interest surrender it at par, or take bonds for ic bearing five, four and a half and fo-ir per cent interest without a pre mium ? . Will the people or capitalists, at home or abroad, take, in any case, these new bonds at par when tbeb bear a lower rate of interest. Great efforts have been made by the financial doctors at Washing ton to send bonds up, or, as they call it, to raise the ciedit of the government, before buying un or transferring the debt. In other word?, they have been trying to mate that dear which they want to get at the cheapest rate. The Feuding bill, like every financial measure of’Con gfess, has in view the extension and per petuation of the national bank system. That system, to use Old Benton’s iau j guage, is in the bvlly of the bill. Asa | matter of course the greenback currency is I to be pushed out of existenoe. Then there j is a monstrous big job in the way of per i centage to agents lor manipulating the j debt in its transformation. Congress be gan at the wrong end. We should have had a uniform legal tender circulation and several hundred millions of the interest bearing debt wiped out by that. The whole j tendenoy of the financial legislation of ! Congress is to increase the wealth of the } bondholders and national banks, and to | lay heavier burdens upon the people. iSpedal Correspondence Baltimore Gazette. FBGil WASIIINGJPN. The Traffic in Cadetships —The Committee Slackening in Zeal—Fears Lest the J i vestigations ShovM Finally Extend to Other Quarters —Implicated Members Mattering Ominously—John Covode to be White washed—'lhe Aj ostates Up permost. Washington, March 4, JS7u. —lt is feared the Military Committee have been tampered with—that the evid*-uce impli cating ex members will bo suppress'd, and that some of those who are now members will be suffered to slip through unscathed by justice. Honest John Covode has been permitted to select for nimselt two mem bers of the committee to proceed to Phila delphia to investigate bis case. The sub committee have proceeded to tbat city, and contemplate the examination of Hon. Wm. Millward, well known in political cir cles, who says he “got the appoio-ment of Cadet from Mr. Covode, and s-Id’ it for $1,000.” Os course, it will be proved be yond question that “Mr. Covode” was to tally ignorant and innocent of the passing, between these outside parties, of any “filthy lucre. ” As well might a 'eader of Le Sage charge Gil Bias with •‘touch ing 1 ’ any of the subsidies brought in by his confidential friend, Scipio. I am of opinioa that even Butler, of Tennessee, will be “let up.” It will be shown that General Schofield “advised” the appoint ment of young Tyler- The "enlarged” powers given the committee by a s-u'ose- S resolution of the House were con in the interest of the House delin quents. Tne committee understand per fectly the purpose of this resolution. It said, in so many words, “Stop your cur -1 r «nt exposure of members of this House, NEW SERIES, VOL. XXVIII. NO. 11. or prepare to take the responsibility of at | tacking the very heads of the Radical or ganization ii the Executive Departments j the Government ” , . ! The implicated members have within a day or two spoken in unmistakable lan -1 guage. They boldly avow that the nomi : nation of Stewart, of New York, forSeore i tary of the Treasury, the appointments of Borie and Hoar to other positions in the Cabinet, and of Piorrepont and Butterfield to the most lucrative posts in New York,, besides hosts of others, were the same thing as issuing a carte-blanche to every offioenolder and Congressmen in America ■ (who have the legal power to appoint) to sell all the offices within their gift to the highest bidder. The adoption broadly of the principle of rewarding men w v o had in ; open day advanced money, in contempla | tion of undoubted prospective ability to I confer such honors aud emoluments, was j a direct announcement that offices in the i United States had, under Radical rale, be come private and not public property. If this doctrine is to be admitted, the sale of a cadetship is no offence at all. Then the be stowmeDt, or sale,or transfer of authority to sell,is a matter between the member and his constituents alone. Congress has no right to j disturb a member in the exercise of his | vested private rights. Nor (indeed upon I the general principle of the Presidents appointments), have the people of their “deestricts”any right to complain. Where in, forsooth, have the people of the United States, at large, dissented from the pro priety in General Grant of searching put and appointing from the four quarters of the earth every man, woman and child in any way related to or connected with him, or any one of his extensive kith or clan? The people seem to acknowledge that he j owns all these offices, and could as well sell them to the subscribers to the Grant lund as to give them away to his poor relations. Why, then, kick up such a fuss about poor Whittemore’s little speculation? Such views as these, pressed upon the committee by the small fry speculators, have squelched the last spark of spunk out oftooir bodies. They dare not strike at the root of the evil. The time has come when a spade should be called a spade. The wretched condi tion of the country has been to a great ex tent brought about by squeamishness when speaking of tho miserable nepotism and the unparalleled selfishness, avarice and wholesale graspiug of the pablic franchises by this Administration. 1 am glad, therefore, that members (no matter with what motive) have determined that the committee shall either take the bull by the horns, or cease with their oontemptible drag-net to haul in the small fish. Go into deep water, gentleman, or you will catch no popularity, how many so ever minnows you may expose to the public view. Dropping this metaphor, it is only necessary, be assured, to apply the spark to set the country on fire. The indigna tion and contempt of the masses only awaits tho official exposure ot their un scrupulous rulers 1 Old Ben Wade has again turned up in Wa hington begging for crumbs. Seward j is endeavoring to regain political position. | Julian will have tough work to get a seat in the House. These me" were pioneers in the abolition cause. No one so poor now as to do them homage. Grant, But ler and Forney were pro-slavery men (the two latter “dirt-eaters” in the most de grading sense of the term) to the very last. They mav bo said to have been “boot licktyrs” of their Southern masters. No slave at the South ever bowed more obsequiously to such men as (Jobb, Toombs and Floyd, than the selfsrme man who daily pours out his wrath against the “in stitution.” The relative conditions of these six men at this moment is full of matter for reflection. It is full, of poetic as well as political justice. X. Tbc Course of Gold. The New York Commercial Advertiser of Friday P. M, says: Wall street is excited and demoralized under another break in the gold premium, the price having fallen as low as 113$. This decline is mainly due to the publication nt an official statement of the trade of the Uoited States, which purports to show that the balance of the trade against this country, for the six months ending Decem ber 31, 1860, was only about $2,000,000. Tho Advertiser then undertakes to show the inaccuracy of this statement in certain respects, and adds: Under the misapprehension created by this deceptive exhibit, gold has fluctuated between 114 and 113$. The large “short” sales put down the rate on loans to “flat;” but subsequently 2@5 per cent, was paid for carrying. The bood market responded to the an ticipated break in gold to 113$, although the price ot sixty-dwos in London was re ported at 395, as high a point as has yet been recorded. There were some large amounts of bonds offered for sale, the hope that a funding bill of some sort would be adopted during the present session of Con gress failing to neutralize the weakness in duced by the lower premium of gold. In a later edition, tho same paper says : The excitement in Wall street was very great to-day: The fall in gold has nearly demoralized the whole street, and opera tors are p-ep:;riDg for the crash which they believe is inevitable. Small operators, if the downward tendency is continued, go by the board—a fate which few outside of their own clique will regret. People are already discounting specie payments iD ad vance. Silver has again made its appear ance as a circulating medium in commer cial circles. The Gold Room to-day is crowded. It is a noticeable fact that men whose invest ments in days gone by aggregated mi lions, are npw steadily declining to purchase more than is actually necessary to meet their obligations. An Editor Assassinated—Fenian Troubles Leading to Bloodshed.— And yet another tragdy. The victim in j this case is Mr. Patrick J. MeehaD, editor of the Irish American, and a prominent Fenian. About 11 o’clock last night, as he was passing through Fourth street, be ween Broadway and Mercer, he was sud denly approached from behind by a man who fired two shots at him, one of which took effect iD his neck. Meehan fell to the side walk. The man tried to escape, but Mr. Joseph Strauss, of the ceutral police office, and Officer Dunn, after a chase, arrested him. Mr. Strauss, took from his breast-pocket a Colt’s revolver with two chambers empty. Notwithstanding this fact the prisoner denied tbat he had fired the shots. Ho was taken to the station house, where Joe proved to be James Kee nan, a physician, who has been but six months in the couutrv, and is an ex-secre tary of the Feoians. He was taken before Meehan, wbo hau mean time been convey ed to a neighboring drug store, and was positively identified by the latter as the man who shot him. Meehan further de clared, after Keenan was sent back to the station house, that he was utterly unable to explain why the attack had been made upon him, as hi3 relations with KeenaD bad always been friendly. The wounded man, at his own request, was taken to the residence of Edward L Carey, No. 44 Pike Street. His wound was of su?h a serious character he made his will, and a priest having been summoned, received the last sacraments of the Church. The prisoner (Keenan) remained locked up in the Mer cer Street police statioD, and persistently denied having fired upon Meehan, saying that his relations with that gentleman had always been amicable. His presence on ! the spot he accounts for by saying that i his res dence is at No. 10 we-t Fourth street, in front of which the shooting oc ! curred, and that he was ju-t returning home from a walk at the moment. On the oth;r hand, Sergeant Carpenter has the names of several pc- s ons who distinct j ly affirm that they saw Keenan fire both shots. Keenan at Jefferson Market. —Keenan was brought up at Jefferson Market this morning. On the testimony of eight per •sons, who witnessed the whole occurrence, he was committed by Justice Oox to await the action ot the Coroner. He denied positively firing the fatal shot. The court room was crowded during the examination. —New York Commercial, Ist. The Richmond Enquirer says that the Virginians are likely to become the great est swearers on the globe. There are so many oaths required ot the officials before 1 they enter on the duties of their office that it has become necessary for the Gover nor to call the attention of the Legislature to the subject, and to invite at their hands a declaratory act defining particularly how much the officers of the Government must swear to. They have seven oaths to take alreadv, and they don’t know how many will be imposed upon them in the future. Public Debt. —The next public debt statement will probably show the usual monthly decrease of five or six millions of dollars for the month of March, although five mdlions will be paid out as interest on bonds, and nearly three millions for pen sions, in addition to the two millions al ready paid out this month on the latter i account. Terrible Accident.— On. Saturday morning about 4 o’clock, the engineer and fireman of the Charleston Mining and Manufacturing Company, about twelve ! miles from this city, came to their death | untkr the following circumstances: Fire had been made in a boiler, attached to a washer used for cleansing the phosphatie nodules and a pressure of fifty five pounds of steam raised, when two of the flues col lapsed, an explosion ensued, which shat tered the surrounding buildings and fences, and by which the engineer and two colored firemen lost their lives. The engineer, Mr. Earnest Garrick, was instantly killed, and the body of a colored man, Benjamin Rivers, was found about forty yards from where the boiler stood, horribly mangled. He was engaged preparing his father’s breikfast, near the boiler, when the ex plosion occurred. Benjamin Barnell, another colored man employed about.the place, was badly in jured. He was brought to the city and placed in the hospital, where he died yes terday morning. It was fortunate that the accident did not occur an hour later, as it would en dangered the lives of some thirty or 'forty persons, who were at the time apsebt from the works.— Charleston Courier. The Reminiscences of an Old* Georgia Lawyer. —Some days since, in noticing an article contributed to the Sci entific American , from the pen of “Kizey Hay”—who is supposed to boa daughter of Jedge Garnett Andrews, of this State — the Chronicle & Sentinel suggested the propriety of the latter’s writing a book of bis own. A few days we received a letter from Judge Andrews,stating that he has in press ‘‘The Reminiscences of an Old Georgia Lawyer.” It will boa pamphlet volume of about one hundred pages, made up of professional reminiscences and anec dotes; and, the author says, is int nded more “to collect from his profession mate rial for a book than pretending to be one itself.” EY TELEGRAPH. FROM WASHINGTON. Sl’Ei I.VL TELEGRAPHIC CORRESPONDENCE TO THE CHRONICLE & SENTINEL. Washington, March 7, P. M. There was a full House to-day, and muoh interest manifested in the debate on the Georgia bill. Bingham opened the debate with an able constitutional speech against the bill. He dechirel he would not support a measure to appoint a Legislature and Governor for a free people by act of Congress. Davis, of New York, supported the bill i.i iq intemperate harangue, abounding in the gi unseat misstatements- rie claimed that C ingress still had power to legislate f>r G orgia. He oharged the •> cople with infamy and bad faith in seating un recmi i-.ucted rebels in the Legislature, aud termed the expulsion of the i.egro membeis acrime against humanity and law, Bnd said that the negroes were'expelled for the crime of color, and that men steeped to their lips in treason were seated in their stead. Georgia has thus released Congress from former acts of admission, and she must come in through the gate way as other rebellious States. He eulogized Bullock, and said, had he chosen, he might have struck hands with rebels and with purse-proud aristocrats who had lost their slaves; but God did not move him to do so, and history will ennoble Buikek’aname as one who obeyed the dic tates of God and law. Davis was frequently interrupted by Farnsworth, Bingham and others, who endeavoied to correct his misstatements by- propounding questions. Davis was unable or unwilling to answer. Butler called the previous question, in suring a vote to-morrow. Adjourned. Washington, March 8, P. M. Bingham’s amendment provided, “that nothing in this act contained shad be oon strued to vacate any offices now filled in the State of Georgia, either by the election of the people or by an appointment of the Governor thereof, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate of said State; neither shall this act be construed to ex tend the official tenure of aoy officer of said State beyond the term limit ed by the Constitution thereof, dating from the time of election or.appointment to such office; nor to deprive the people of Georgia of the right, under their Con stitution, to elect Senators and Represen tatives from the State of Georgia in the year 1870, either on the day named in the Constitution of such State, or such other day as the present Legislature may desig nate by law. Adopted—yeas 114, nays 72. Bill passed by 125 yeas, 55 nays. Butler moved to reconsider and lay on the table. The bill now goes to the Senate. The discomfiture of Bullock causes gen eral rejoicing. Washington, March 9th, P. M. Alter the unexpected and decisive vic tory which Bingham, Farnsworth, land the moderate Republicans gained in the House of Representatives on the Georgia bill ye-tc.-day, the Senate chamber was to-day the point of attraction with regard to this complicated subject, and there was much, interest felt in the result by both factions. When the Senate met this morning, among those upon the floor of the cham ber were Beast Butler and his pet and industrious toady, Bullock. Though they were so badly routed on yesterday, they were making a last effort for the success of the Provisional Government scheme, and were moving about the floor from desk to desk busily engaged in lobbying the Re publican Senators, endeavoring to get them to reject the bill as amended. In accordance with the programme of the Conservatives, Senator Trumbull, of Illinois, from the Senate Judioiary Com mittee, reported back to the Senate the Georgia bill, Bingham’s amendment and all, just as it had gone through tbc House. Senator Trumbull accompanied Lis report with the statement that, with the excep tion of the amendment attached to the first .condition, the provisions ot the bill wc re identically the same as those contain ed in the acts under which Virginia aad M dsissippi had been recently admitted to representation. Subsequently he endeavor ed to get the Senate to consider the bill dvtr in die morning hour,but Stuart prevented tl y stating that a minority of the Com m c had a report to make dissenting from i hat of the majority, and that they de 4 to state their views upon the G ia question when their report was pi uted. Upon this- objection the bil went, over under the rules, ai,d was placed upon the calendar of the Senate, from which it will be taken up in its regular or der. The strongest efforts are being made to get the bill through the Senate without the amendment of Bingham, and the Radi cal Republicans seem confident of success’ They think that if this is done, when the bill oomes up again in the House, enough influence can be brought to bear on mem bers to get it through safely. The chances now seem to be that they will be mistaken and that the amendment will pass the Senate. Tho great Republi can measure—the fifteenth amendment— yet needs a proclamation that it has been adopted, and, until Georgia is admitted, the President cannot issue this proclama tion. It i s i therefore, believed that the grel t anxiety which is felt to have the ratification of this amendment formally an nounced will cause the Radical Senators, or most of them, to swjllow the Bingham amendment.
