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WKII.\KHDAI KORMSG, MARCH 16.
Special Dispatch t« the Chronicle &
Sentinel.
Wash isoton, March 8,5 pm.
Butler's project defeated in the House
by forty two majority and Bingham’s
amendment adopted.
The above dispatch, as the reader may
see confirmed by rt ference to our tele
graph columns, signalises the defeat
r.f Butler and the down'all of the Loyal
Peace and Pined r party of “the Nation.”
The Georgia Bill, pure, was the pet
cheme of the Democratic, loyal, squint
eyed Republican, who knows no principle
but polls, no policytmt profit, no mercy but
gain ; a tyrant among the weak, the brute
to defenceless and helpless females, the
bully among cowards and the coward
among brave men ; the man who sold
friendship to gain notoriety, and who
farmed out notoriety to gain position ; and
now seeks to barter position to reach the
pedestal of fame. Some hope yet re
mains for the honor of American citizens ;
some reliance, in the midst of venality, for
the integrity of the American Unirn
The Cotton Siates’ Mechanical and Ag.
ricuttural Fair Association.
It isgratifying to know that progress is
being rapidly made in the affairs of this
Association. The plan for laying out the
grounds is in the hands of a first class
civil engineer, and the walks, track, drives,
planting, Ac., will be ananged with the
utmost care and scientific a curacy. It
was at first decided to open the Fair rn
November Ist, but subsequent events
induced the Board of Management to open
it a week earlier—-October 25th. The
Fair will continue five days, and from the
amount of premiums offered—over sll,-
000 —a vast amount of interest will no
doubt bo manifested.
Among the premiums for field orops it
would bo well to mention some for which
immediate preparation would bo necessary
in order to enable planters to compete.
The following will be offered on CottOu
and Corn :
For the best aud largest crop rt Cotton
produced upon ten or more acres upland,
with statement of the mode of cultivation,
tho amount and kind of manure used, tho
period of planting, the number of times
ploughed and hoed, and the variety of
Cotton—the land to be measured and the
Cotton weighed in the presence of three
reliable and disinterested witnesses, with
their affidavit, —the original fertility of the
soil to be taken into consideration—one
bale of not less than 450 lbs. to be exhibit
ed as an average sample, S2OO.
.For tho largest end best crop of Cotton
produced upon one or more acres of Up
land ; with same requirements as above,
SSO.
For the largest crop of Corn grown upon
two acres of Uplurol— not loss than seven
ty-live bushels to the acre ; same require
ments as for Cotton—two bushels to be ex
hibited as sample, SIOO.
For the largest crop of Coro grown upon
two acres of Lowland —not less than one
hundred bushels per acre ; samo require
ments as for Upland Corn, SIOO.
For the largest crop of Sweet Potatoes
raised per acre—ono eighth of an acre to
be dug—certificate of yield to be furnished
by three disinterested persons with two
bushels as sample—s2s.
Fpr the largest crop of Irish Potatoes;
same requirements as for Sweet Potatoes,
S2O.
For the largest crop of Indian Corn,
grown by any white boy under sixteen
years oi age, upon one acre of land, the
rules in relation to field crops to be complied
with, Silver Patent Lever Watch, worth
$25.
For the largest quantity of cotton pro
dueed by any white boy under sixteen
years of age, upon oue acre of land, require
ments as above, Silver Patent Lever
Watch, worth $25.
For the best-twenty bales common Up
land Cotton, SIOO.
For the best ten bales common Upland
Cotton, SSQ.
For the best five bales common Upland
Cotton, $25.
For the best one bale common Upland
Cotton, $lO.
For tho best one bale Upland Cotton,
long staple, $lO.
For t ue best five bales Sea Island Cotton,
S2O.
Foe tho best bale (400 lbs.) Sea Isiand
or Black Seed Cotton, raised on upland,
$25.
F.xtraots from Rules governing exhibi
tors :
“No article will be received for oumpeti
tition unless it is the bona fide production
or manufacture of the exhibitor.”
The Premiums on other field crops, and
in fact on every article of Southern pro
duction, will be equal y liberal and judi
cious aud cannot fail to excite active com
petition.
The Dry Quods Trade
The Financial Chronicle of March 5, j
says: The market has been completely
unsettled by the action commenced ten
days -igo by Messrs. A. T. Stewart & Cos.,
in offering Prints at great reductions from
the mliog market price. It is useless to
;peculate as to the object of Mr. Stewart
in'.ski: g the Trade by surprise with hi 3
i x!r:u rdinary ‘‘flank” movement; the fact,
of the movement and its results are of
more importance to our readers. It seems
to be quite evident that the effect will bo,
and it was intended to be, something much
more permanent than merely to draw the
attention of buyers tothe Dry Goods Palace
on the corner of Broadway and Chambers
Street. The result has already been shown
in a general reduction of prices in prints,
in many brands of bleached and brown
goods, ar.d also in imported dress goods.
It may be fairly said that the movement
was inaugurated by the most prominent
dry goods merchant in the United States,
and his deliberate opinion as to the course
of business in the immediate future, as
shown by this important reduction in
goods is to much weight The
range of cotton and gold have recently been
such as to warrant lower prices, and since the
first rush at Stewart's store the tendency of
these has been duwnwards, confirming in a
remarkable manner the anticipations which
he probably bold of. such a course of
affairs.
The New 1 u.» J,er can tile Journal ,
commenting on the same state of affairs in
the metropolis, says, bitterly :
“It is seldom that we are called upon to
report more disgraceful operations, carried
m under the pretence of doing a legitimate
business, than the course pursued by
Messrs. A. T. Stewart a- CO., in opening
small lots of Prints and other Roods, and
offering them (to those whose vigor of mus
cle would enable them to grab and retain a
j., rtion of them) at less than cost , with the
\ iew of making false quota' ions in order to
disturb the market and break prices. Busi
ness at best has been unprofitable during
the past two or three years, and an attempt
to unduly depress values acd injure trade,
to the great detriment of the average range
of dry goods houses, is a wrong which all
business men ought to resent. By com
bined action on the part of dry goods job
bers, manufacturers and others concerned,
the would be king caD be easily dethroned.
Such action should be taken at o»oe in the
promises as shall teach Messrs. A. T.
•Stewart k Cos. that they cannot ride rough
hod over the trade with impunity.
We have no hesitation in saying that if
a firm of moderate capital should pursue
such an unbusinesslike course they would
be compelled to go out of trade at an early
date for lack of purchasers of their goods,
as well as a lack of parties who could be
found to sell them even for cash.
We have been asked the question
, whether we thought the goods which were
I thus opened as “drives” in this uopre
i cedented manner, were really taken by
bona fide buyers or aot? Bit we decline
making any reply, further than toeondemn
i in unmeasured terms that mode of doing
business. Other houses, by way of honor
able competition, occasionally put “drives”
, upon the market, but we have yet
j to learn of another concern that re
used to sell whole Hues at the
-price to any party who would comply
with the terms of sale. The very idea of
selling five or eight eases out of a large lot
at a figure so low that it would induce
buyers to act like wild animals scrambling
for their prey, and then within five min
utes thereafter to refuse to sell any more
unless at an advance of ten or fifteen per
cent., is an ontrage upon country buyers
as well as cotemporaries of the trade.
The heavy decline in gold which has
taken place during the past few weeks has
unsettled the price of cotton and caused a
decline to an extent which has had a de
pressing effect on values of all cotton fab
rics. This influence has been counteracted
in a measure, however, by the needs of the
country for immediate consumption. Ticks,
Denims, Stripes, Osnaburgs, Cottonades,
and kindred goods, are all dull at quota
tions.
Article 111 Reconstructed Constitution.
I. The Legislative Power shall be vested
in a General Assembly, which shall consist
of a Senate and House of Representatives,
and until otherwise directed, the members
thereof, after the first election, shall be
elected and the returns of the electioo
made as now prescribed by law.
11. The members ot the Senate shall be
elected for four years, exeept that the
members elected at the first election from
the twenty two Senatorial Districts number
ed in this Constitution with odd numbers,
shali only hold their office for two years.
The members of the House of Representa
tives shall be eleoted for two years. The
election for members of the General Assem
bly shall begin on Tuesday after the first
Monday in November of every second year,
except the first election, which shall be
within sixty days after the adjournment of
this Convention ; but the General Assem
bly may by law change the time of election,
and the members shall bold until their
successors are elected and qualified.
111. The first meeting of the General
Assembly shall be within ninety days after
the adjournment of the Convention, after
which it shall meet annually on the second
Wednesday in January, or on such other
day as the General Assembly may pre
scribe, Ac.
Butler, the humble bee, bottled by
Bingham’s powers, asserted, on the floor
of Congress, “that by a singular oversight
they,in guaranteeing a government toGeor
gia, had created a perpetual government for
Republican aristocrats, saying, that, “by a
singular oversight, the Constitution of
Georgia contained a provision enabling the
Legislature to hold a perpetual lease of
power;” and that, to remedy this Republi
can defect of blundering, plundering Radi
calism, he would further “promote” recoD»
struction and plunder by an act of Con
gress which would provide that no election
shall be held until 1872, but that there
after no Legislature should have power to
perpetuate itself.
This wonderful power of the Legislature
to perpetuate itself is deduced, we pre
sume, from this clause : “But the General
Assembly may, by law, change the time
of election and the members shall hold
over until their successors are elected and
qualified.” It is inferred that a power to
change the time for holding an election
authorizes and gives tho right to extend
tho term of office from two and four year ß
in the respective branches of tho Legisla
ture to perpetuity. This is the latest
phaso of judicial Radicalism. But this
Radical Daniel is magnanimous, arid says
that in two years more all that it wanted
can be acquired, and then Congress may
relieve the people of Georgia from
the despotism of a Radical Constitution
and Radical plunderers. Magnanimous
Butler! how ho loves carpet-bag Republi
canism. What per centage of the State
Road earnings and of the State taxes have
been pledged to him ?
The Augusta Fair—A Race.
Under the above caption the Macon
Telegraphand Messenger pays a well merit
ed tribute to the energy and prido of At
lantians, but slyly delivers a home thrust
at tho old fogyism of Augustians and the
want of pride, under cover of pretty com
pliments, ju3t however and truthful, to
our fair women. We are rather inclined to
think that the Telegraph makes a fair hit,
looking to the record of our past history,
but we feel assured that old things have
have been done away. We have the most
unbounded confidence that, at least this
time, Augusta will put forth her strength,
will not be wanting in effort, and will do
credit to both herself and the good old
State. In order that our citizens, as well
as those specially charged with tho ar
rangement and conduct of the Cotton
States’ Mechanics and Agricultural Fair
Association, may see how others judge us,
we give the article ’from the 'lelegraph
and Messenger in extenso :
The Augustians are going to show the
Georgians how to hold a Fair. They have
organiied the Cotton States’ Mechanics
and Agricultural F ;ir \ssociation, with a
name too loDg for convenience, but with a
capital of $50,000. They have leased from
the city government seventy acres of land,
on the South Commons, within the city
limits, and they have appropriated ten !
thousand dollars for a premium list. Their i
fair will commence on the first day of Dext j
November and continue five days. We j
supplicate good weather in their behalf. !
The premium list is now in course of pub
lication.
The Committee say Augusta will ship
this year 130,000 bales of cotton. Rail- J
roads all centre there—-river navigable to |
their doors, and, they might add, it some- j
times gets over the door stones. Water !
power inexhaustible—sometimes overflows i
nearly the whole concern—hotel accommo- i
dations ample—situation beautiful and !
salubrious. They see no reason why
Augusta should not rise to glory—nor do
we. They might have said something
very justly upon the beauty of that city—-
for it is one of the handsomest places in
! the world.
Now we shall see a pretty race between
Atlanta and Augusta. To offset the pres
; tige of the State Agricultural Society,
which Atlanta will enjoy, Augusta will
show the force and energy of an organiza
j tion of business men, and she has about
five or ten times the moneyed capital of
Atlanta, with perhaps considerable less
disposition to use it, and not so much local
pride and spirit as Atlanta, though more
reasons for both.
We like the wonderful amount of pride
the Atlantians take in their city. There’s
not a man woman or child, in the corpor
ate limits, black or white, who is not thor
oughly grounded in the opinion that At
lanta will, in a short time, go ahead of
London or Paris. Chiosgo is the only
American town which can rival Atlanta in
local pride, and Atlanta is food of compar
ing herself with Chicago. Moreover, At
lanta, if we may credit the Boston Post, is
ahead of Augusta and most other places
in newspapers. The /bst says Atlanta has
three dailies, each with the largest circula
tion in the State.
We council our Augusta friends, there
fore, to pull up. Don’t trtKt too much to
your superior location—your water power
—your 1 0,000 cotton bags—your accumu
' lateu profits and weighty capital Use the
money power you have liberally, and dis
tance these doughty boys of the “Gate
City,” as they caU it.
There is one point on which the Au
gustiaus will, we fear, show the Atlantians
a clear pair of heels—and that is the mag
nificent display of the gentle sex. W hen
those old black belt counties turn out, as
they will do to the Augusta Fair, good by,
John, to Atlanta. She may rake down
all North Georgia apd not be in hailing
distance for a start. The display of fair
women in Augusta will be marvellous. » e
don't mean to deny that Atlanta will make
a fine display, because pretty women are to
be fonnd everywhere in Georgia; but all
those old counties within hailing distauoe
;of Augusta are a garden of them —a regu
j lar nursery in lull bloom. Therefore, we
! say, Atlanta, look to your laurels. Au
gusta, stir up and avail yourself of your
j advantages.
Decline of American Shipping.
The Charleston News thinks that while
local politics and measures of partbaa
j legislation are occupying to so great an
extent the attention of the country, a great
national interest languishes. According
to the report of Mr. Nimmo, the chief of
the tonnage division of the Treasury De
partment, British ships have superseded
American ships not only in the interna
tional commerce of the world, but also to
a very great degree, in our own trade with
foreign nations. Although the general
fact is known by everybody, the illustra
tions adduced from official statistics are
startling. Thus in all the poits of the
United States the per centage of. foreign
tonnage has largely increased, while that of
American tonnage has largely decreased.
The building of American ships and barks
(chiefly employed in foreign trade) fell l
from 373 in the year 1855, to 91 in the
year 1869. During the former year the
aggregate tonnage of the various classes of
vessels, built in the New England States,
was 326,429 tons. These examples, culled !
from the voluminous report, will serve to j
show how great and sudden has been the 1
decline of the American shipping interest. !
How to remedy the evil is not so clear.
Mr. Nimmo suggests that a larger number
of steamships be built,and that the govern
ment, after the example of England twenty
years ago, give the commercial marine all
the encouragement which favorable legisla
tion can afford. But the chief of tonnage
does not venture to indicate the root of the
evil. English commerce was rebuilt by
the policy of free trade. The knife has
been applied by a succession of BtatesmeD,
from Huskisson to Peel and Gladstone, for
the excision of those “protected interests”
which were the eating cancer upon the
body politic of Great Britain. Every
political and financial difficulty has been
overcome by some new provision in favor of
liberty. And this is just what we have to do
in the present case. Glass legislation must
be done away with. ‘‘The harpies of the
shore” must cease “to pluck the eagle of
the seas.”
It is idle for us to talk about the resus
citation of the American shipping interest
so long as steamers can be built more
cheaply upon the Clyde than they can
upon the Hudson. The price of all build
ing materials in this country, from iron
downwa-ds, has been ruinously enhanced
by protective legislation. Thus the first
cost of American steamships is higher
and more capital bei ig invested in them,
they cannot be worked to advantage at the
same rates as support their rivals from the
building yards of the Clyde, the Tyne and
the Mersey. Had Mr. Nimmo been per
mitted to touch the heart of his subject,
he would have said that the decline of
American shipping is due to the restric
tions and limitations on American trade.
The statement, however impolitic, would
have been true. However disagreeable to
party, it would have served the people,
who will never consent that their country
shall become a commercial dependency of
Great Britain, and that the national flag
shall be driven from the ocean.
We all remember the time when Ameri
can “liners” were the boast of our people
and the wonder of Europe. They were,
beyond all dispute, the most beautiful
vessels that breasted the waves of the
Atlantic. Their graceful outlines of hall,
of sails, and of rigging, their safety and
their speed, had acquired universal
celebrity. But the fame of these cele
brated vessels belong to the past. One
feels a flush of indignant spasm in reading
the statement of M«-- Nimmo, iliac we are
Holding our own only in the number of
coasting schooners. W here the blue water
fairly begins, “Britannia rules the “seas.”
While Butler A Cos. are tinkering at the
ship of State, our splendid mercantile
marine is going down ! down! down !
The Georgia legislature—Report or the
Senate Judiciary Committee.
In compliance with resolutions of the
Senate instructing the Judiciary Commit
tee to inquire and report whether the Leg
islature of Georgia has been reorganized
in accordance with the provisions of the
act passed at the present session to pro
mote the reconstruction of that State, and
whether any further legislation is necessary
upon the subject of the organization of
the Provisional Legislature in Georgia,
the Committee this morniDg made are
port, which was presented by Mr. Ed
munds:
The report recites the manner of the or
ganization of the Provisional State Govern
ment in 1868; the fact of its approval by
the 'Military Commander of the district;
the subsequent expulsion of negro mem
bers of the Legislature, and the consequent
passage by Congress of the act of Decem
ber 22, 1869, conferring upon the General
Assembly of tie State the exclusive power
to perfect its organization. There being
no room for inference or construction con
feripg such authority either upon the Gov
ernor or Military Commander under this
act, the Governor of Georgia summoned
the persons elected to the Legislature, as
named in the proclamation of General
Meade, to assemble at Atlanta on January
10, 1870, and a quorum of the Senate took
the oaths prescribed, and organized as pro
vided by the act.
The report details the circumstances at
tending the organization of the House of
Representatives aud the part taken “by
one Harris, not a member or officer, but
who had been designated to call the body
together by the Governor,” and calls atten- j
tion to the fact that Harris continued to I
preside, and to adjourn the body from time |
to time at his own pleasure, without con- j
suiting the House. He also determined i
what persons who had appeared as mem
bers should be permitted from day to day
to take the prescribed oaths and take their
I seats. This proceeding was ratified by the
! General in command at Atlanta, who, sub
-1 sequent to the passage of the act of Dec-
I 22, 1869, had been appointed to the com
mand of Georgia as a militaiy district un
der the act of March 2, 1867.
A statement has been made of the action
of General Terry in directing the exclusion
of certain persons from the Legislature
until their eases should be favorably re
ported upon by a military Commission he
organized. Three members elect were
thus excluded, and the admission of other
persons was delayed UDtil they should be
relieved from their political disabilities.
Upon this history the committee is con
j strained to say that in its opinion, the be
fore mentioned action of the military au
• thorities was not authorized by law.
The Legislature elected in Georgia was in
tended by Congress to take the place of
the Provisional Government as a perma
nent one- This seems perfectly clear, and
the same view was taken by the General
of the army in his order to General Meade,
of March 2a, 1868. The correction of aDy
misapprehension of the act of Congress
could be made by Congress but not by the
military.
The action of the Hou c e, in afterward
admitting persons who had been candi
dates against the persons so excluded but
received only a minority of the votes c st,
is considered by the oommittee unwar
ranted by law, and the persons then ad
mitted were not lawfully entitled to seats
in the Georgia Legislature. They there
cre report under the first resolution, that,
n the following respects, the organization
of the said Legislature has not been war
ranted by law:
Ist In the control and .direction of its
proceedings by Harris.
2d. In the exclusion from taking the
oaths and from seats of three members
elect who offered to swear in.
The committee argue further in support
of this view, but add: “It is due te the
General in command to say that circum
stances justify the committee in reporting
that his whole ooniuct in the affair was
under the sincere belief that he was acting
within the scope of his lawful authority,
and that under the circumstances of much
difficulty and delicacy he conducted affairs,
although outside of the law, in such a
manner as to command the personalwe
spect and confidence of all parties con
cerned. The committee also believe that
the persons excluded who desired so
i qualify would have violated the act by
taking the oath, so that there was no
j actual injustice done.
3d. In the seating of the persons n«t
AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, MARCH 16, 1870
having a majority of the votes of the elec
tion.
La lespect to the second relation call
ing upon the committee to report whether
any further legislation is necessary in re
spect to the organization of the Georgia
Legislature, the committee reports that a
full hearing has been given to both sides
in the controversy, and after making an
argument on the subject, they say in con
clusion that they !eel justified in omitting
to recommend any further legislation on
the subject.
Xew York (fold Panic.
MINORITY REPORT.
The Investigation Partial—lhe Minority
Refuses to Certify to the "Immaculate
ness' of the President or any of the Par
ties Concerned. *
The minority report of the Committee
| of Investigation into the New York gold
! panic, which was presented to the House
i of Representatives of the United States
i on Tuesday, says that the inception of the
gold plot was involved in the appointment
of the Assistant Secretary of the Treasury
at New Yorfc ; that it was by changing the
policy of Secretary McCulloch that sales
of gold, if at ail made, should be regulated
by law ; and that the investigation was
partial, as the committee refused to inves
tigate the conduct of {rorsons, including
the President in Washimftom After a
long review of the testimony, especially
that portion relating to the relations be
tween the President and Mrs- Grant, and
their supposed connection with the gold
plot, the report says :
The testimony of Catherwood, Corbin
Fisk and Gould, in their contradictions
and confusion, is ooly explainable in a sat
isfactory way by the evidence of the re
jected witnesses. To illustrate: Cather
wood, if he is to be believed, says that
Corbin told him there was some interest in
the gold sales or purchases held by the
President’s family in September last. He
also says that Corbin told him he had
boughr bonds for Mrs. Grant. Are these
statements true? If not, who is to con
tradict them ? The unreliable Corbin ?
Or must we believe theunimpeacbed Cath
erwood? Again, Catherwood was asked
whether he had reason to believe that any
member of the President’s household was
in any way connected with the gold move
ment. He was going to state what Corbin
told him, when he was stopped. Corbin
is reliable on some pointy but not on oth
ers, as it would seem. Hearsay was fre
quently admitted by the committee, but
not on this occasion. Did not this put the
committee on inquiry at the source of in
formation? Second, as to the letter from
Mrs. Grant to Mrs. Corbin, there is not
the same description of it given by Gould,
who saw it, and Corbin, who showed it.
Mr. Gould says it was signed by Mrs.
Grant’s given name ; Mr. Corbin says it
was signed by ‘‘ Sis. ’ ’ It contained an ad
monition from the President to close his
(Corbin’s) speculations as quick as he
could. In the absence of this letter, or
after proof of its destruction, the commit
tee, without indelicacy to the ladies, could
have taken their testimony, and, perhaps,
made all clear as to the knowledge of the
President and his family about these
speculations.
This letter of Mrs. Grant (as Gould
swears) was in response to Gorbin’s letter
to the President. If so, what was Cor
bin’s letter, that it should call for such a
response ? Corbin says it had no reference
to bis speculations; but it must have had
reference to them, else no such answer
should have been produced, or, on evidence
of their destruction, »he parties most con
cerned should have testified to their con
tents and object. Yet the committee deny
us the privilege to hear such parties.
Moreover, Mr. Gould thinks that Chaplin
cook two letters to Washington, Pa. —one
to the President, from Mr. Corbin, and
the other to Mrs. Grant, from Mrs. Cor
bin. Whether this be (rue or not, it is a
matter of such doubt that the testimony
or Airs, en-anc ana Mrs. Corbin sho.”)d
have been given to dissipace or confirm
the doubt. What was that other letter of
Mrs. Corbin to Mrs. Grant, or was any
such sent ? All we know is that it had
reference to Corbin’s gold speculations.
On this we have no other answer, as the
ODly party called is Corbie, and he is not
questioned as to this particular letter; and
if he were, he, as we have shown, is unre
liable. The majority themselves discredit
him more than they do Gould. In fact,
he says nothing abou ; a letter from himself
to Mrs. Grant, sent to Washington, Pa ,
by Chapliu. After the breakdown in gold
Mr. Gould says that Corbin proposed that
he and his wife should go to Washington
and get the order to sell gold revoked.
What passed at Washington, not only be
tween the men, but the women, is not ex
plained. Even if Mr. Corbin is reliab’e,
it does not explain all that transpired.
Yet we arc forbidden to call on the parties
who know most and best of this singular
advent for this remarkable object. There
were several dealings in stocks,
and even a tender of a portion of them by
Corbin to Mrs. Grant. He says that she
rejected the tender; but if he is unreliable,
who is to solve the matter ? When asked
about this and similar designs Mr. Corbin
flares up, appeals to Almighty God and
the resolution of Congress to protect him.
Did Mrs. Grant inform the President of
these insidious approaches of her brother
in-law to "please her” only, but in reality ’
to influence the President ? Certainly
Corbie undertook, as he swears, to deceive
the President after his pretended closing of
his gold transactions. What was in that
letter which Corbin sent to the Pres : dent
about his being out of all speculations ?
What was his real object? What else is
there iD it besides his statement of it ?
Where is it ? Mrs. Corbin had written
a so, enclosing, the letter of her husband,
saying that he had no interest in gold ;
what was in that letter of Mrs- Corbin ?
As it was connected with this far-reaching
and ruinous panic, which concerned mil
lions of innocent families in this country,
we ought to know. This is denied us.
Again, it was asked Corbin, “Did your
wite at that time know you had made that
transaction ?” referring to the gold trans-
I action of a half a million with Gould. He
i answers, “Only as I informed her ; as
j Gould went out I told her ; she had no
; knowledge of the transaction until 1 told
i her what I had done, and remarked that
i I hoped it would benefit her.” Yet an
other impression was afterwards attempt
ed to be oreated by Corbin, to wit, that he
did not tell his wife about his gold specu
lations till after the breakdown. All of
! which is important, and Mrs. Corbin could
only clear it up. Besides, there were
various interviews where Mrs. Corbin was
present, and especially the one so graphic
! ally, if not correctly, told by Mr. Fisk,
where wringing of hands and gnashing of
teeth are depicted, and Mrs. Corbin was
sent for ; and for this we must rely on
confused and contradictory testimony,
when Mrs. Corbin could at once clarify it.
I There 'is great difference also between
Corbin and Fisk, as to wbat Corbin told
Fisk—or whether he told him anything—
as to Mrs. Grant’s interest of $25,000. A
word from Mrs. Corbin might have set
: these facts in a truthful and consistent
light; as well as for our better under
standing of the “causes,” as for the vindi
cation of the parties. But this is denied
to us.
We have before stated that the Pres
ident himself took a special interest in the
affairs of the Treasury in reference to gold
sales. About the 4th of September Mr.
Boutwell was in Massachusetts and the
President in New York, but, however, at
these points taking care of the Govern
ment and its fiscal affairs. The Pres dent
writes to Mr. Boutwell a letter, in which
(as Mr. Boutwell swears) “he expressed
an opinion that it was undesirable to force
down the price of gold. He spoke of the
importance of the farmers of the West be
ing able to move their crops.” Mr. Bout
well says he stw the President had “rather
a strong opinion to the effect that the sale
ot gold in anv considerable quantity might
carry down the price of it. and that if the
prices were to fall the West would be em
barrassed,” &e. This letter, so important-,
is not produced. Indeed, the most sig
nificant correspondence is wanting in this
investigation.
Now, this letter proves it to be true that
the President was strongly imbued with
the crop theory ; he had been impressed
by Corbin and Gould ; all pretences that
he kept them, or either of them, aloof, and
prevented their approach upon this topic,
is refuted by this letter. It was written at
an opportune time to keep up gold ; and,
whether intended or not, it was directly in
aid of the capital object of the conspiracy.
Besides, the President’s letter to his Secre
tary had its effect. Mr. Boutwell tele
graphed to his assistant. Mr. Richardson :
“Send no orders to Butterfield as to sales
of gold until you hear from me.” This
was a limitation of the gold sales to sales
for the sinking fund only for September.
Mr. Boutwell swears that it was a revoca
1 tion of the order to ssllgolkfbr September,
1 confining the sa'es oty to the sinking fund.
The suggestion of tb President led him.
as he says, “to couterm&nd the order,”
1 Ac.
What is still more,ignficatit is a subse
i quent letter which M. Boutwell produces.
This other letter waslatedonly a fortnight
before the black Fridy, to wit, 12th Sep
tember. The Presidnt penned it just be
fore he left upon his .’ennsylvania trip. It
is full of anxiety abait g*ld sales. It is
the same letter whichCorlin had when he
assured Gould of theExejutive aid. He
refers to the struggle of the bulls and
bears. He warns the Secretary when he
should arrive in Nev York to beware of
the bears. That is tte maning of it. He
writes* “I think from the ights before me
I would move on withtut ibange until the
present struggle is over-” Mr. Boutwell
swears that by movirgon means to sell a
million of gold on alteroae weeks for the
benefit of the sinking hod during the
month of September. Ttts never meant
the sale of gold extra like the sale of the
four millions on the 24tfinst. It meant
to keep up the price and Ot to let it drop.
It suited, whether he intended it or not,
the designs of the conpirators. They
acted on it. !
This procedure of th< Executive—is
suing suggestions, which perat id as com
mands, issued under theroof of Corbin
and the influence of bis sonfederates, by
him while away from th> Capital, in the
midst of the conflict of tb money metro
polis, and in a line of dty for the first
and only time exercised, to Mr.
Boutwell, a duty reserved to the Secretary
of the Treasury, or if rot so reserved by
law, then only because here is no law for
the authorization of th®e sales—is so ex
traordinary that we ate fully justified in
demanding explanation from the Presi
dent himself. How can we investigate the
“causes” and leave this pre-eminent in
fluence unrevealed ? What wire “the
lights” before the Executive to drect his
path amid the deviois ways of Wall and
Broad street speculations ? Hew much
illumination was patriotic ; how uuch was
selfish ? To pursue an investigation to
this point, and then, suddenly dripping it,
to say, “from the evidence which we have
we find the President pure,” is equivalent
under the circumstances to sayng “the
President has a royal prerogative and ean
do no wrong, and we will not exaaine into
his conduct at all.”
If after this analysis any one stil doubts
the propriety of the first action of the
committee in laying these matteis before
the President for explanation, or if any one
doubts the propriety of requesting him
and tins ether parties to give theirtestimo
ny, we ask that the evidence be rad, and
al|doabt will vanish. The people, who
are ne respecters of persons where he truth
is to be shown, would not feel tlat their
President was treated fairly if suih state
ments were allowed to go on recori, and no
opportunity for him to be heard. What
ever of value this examination has hr future
legislation, one value it has not It has
not enabled the committee with uianimity
to speak fully of the connection of Gov
ernment officials with this extriordinary
movement in gold. As the exanination
was in this regard partial, so must be the
report.
In conclusion, the minority wiuld re
spectfully decline to give any oirtificates
of immaculateness to any partes. The
resolution under which we act does not call
for or counsel us to do so, anc however
much it may be desirable, in miny views,
we submit our report in that reticence,
which we were enforced by the conduct of
the President and the act ot the majority.
The public may draw its own inferences,
as well from the testimony as from its ab
sence. We have none to draw, and by this
statement we frankly say that ve make no
insinuation or charge. Let he friends of
the Executive, it he be in any way dam
aged by their zeal in shielding him, be
held responsible for our silence. One of
the minority, Mr. Cox, desires to add for
himself, in conclusion, that this investiga
tion has no utility, unless it informs the
public mind of the absolute necessity, even
through temporary distress, and as the
only prevention against the recurrence of
such disastrous panics, and further, as the
only permanent relief for trade and com
merce and business of all kinds, that we
should return to gold and silver coin. If
this is not taught by this investigation,
then it has no lessor). The speculation,
aD<*
incident to such a situation will go on un
til it culminates in bankruptcy and poverty.
S. S. Cox,
Representative Sixth District New York.
Thomas L. Jones,
Representative Sixth District Kentucky.
The Way It Figures Up.
Some of the Radical papers are rejoicing
over the fact that the Administration of
Grant has raised the United States bonds to
par in gold. Now, let us see, who has cause
for jubilation—tho privileged few or the
tax-paying many. In 1863, says the Cin
cinnati Enquire ", Mr. A, a bondholder,
lent the Government SIO,OOO in green
backs, when they wera worth forty cents
on a dollar in gold. The Government gave
him its bond for that amount, with inter
est at six per cent., payable in gold. Re
duced to a gold standard, upon every forty
dollars lent there was six dollars paid—
that is, fifteen dollars a hundred. As
there were but $4,000 in the loaD, it would
be S6OO a year upon the entire amount.
In seven years, from 1863 to 1870, that
interest is equal to $4,200. Thus Mr. A.
has received in interest from the Govern
ment S2OO more in gold than he loaned to
it. But this does not tell the whole story.
His $4,000 has been exempt from say
two per cent. State and local taxation.
That is SBO a year, or $560 in seven years.
This, added to the S2OO, makes $760 sur
plus over that which went out of his
hands. He has not, therefore, been very
badly used. He has got his principal back,
with nearly twenty per cent, in addition.
But still he has not been paid. It is pro
posed to pay him the face of his bond in
greenbacks when they were worth, not
forty cents, which was the bargain when
heloaned them, but eighty cents onadoilar.
He refuses to take it, and the Grant Ad
ministration, hearkening to him, employs
its whole force to bring his bond at par
with gold. Thus, if it were to be paid now,
the account would stand :
Loaned Government, in
gold $4,000
Received trom the Govern
ment interest in seven
years $ 4,200
Exemption from taxes 560
Face of the bond 10,000
For $4,000 there is to be repaid $14,-
760 in seven years. This is $6,000 more
than the people are legally or morally
bound to pay. The five-twenty bonds do
not ask for gold. They can be paid in
currency valued at not more than they
were worth originally, viz : forty cents on
a dollar.
We do not deny that there has been an
exploit in this matter, but it is a very
sorry one for the people. How maDy of
them hold these bonds, which have thus,
under a hot-house process, nearly quad
rupled themselves in value in the short
space of seven years ? They pay for the
increase, but they do not receive it. It
goes to the monetary and aristocratic
lords of Europe and to the wealthy cotton
spinners, national bankers and merchants
of New York and New England. The
Administration deserves the thanks of
these little classes. They can say to it,
“Well done, thou good and faithful ser
vant.” But the people have a rigat to
visit their fiercest indignation and strong
est expletives upon it. It was the duty of
the Administration, instead of trying to
raise the securities of the few, to increase
the monetary facilities of the many for
their payment. Every step it took in that
direction lessened the price of the farmer’s
products and cheapened the rates of labor,
la other words, the many were oppxeootd
to aggrandize a lordly monetary caste
which has bought up and owns this Ad
ministration.
Tike Radical calculations are that the
fifteenth amendment will give them about
150,000 votes in the doubtful and Demo
cratic States, as follows:
In Maryland 34,000
In Delaware 4,500
In Kentucky 42,000
In Missouri 20,000
In New York 12,000
In Pennsylvania 15,000
In New Jersey 5,000
In Ohio 3,590
In Indiana 1,500
In Connecticut 2,000
This explains, says the Nashville Union,
why the Radicals were in such a hurry to
get the fifteenth amendment ratified.—
They wanted these votes to aid them in the
approaching elections.
The legal assize of bread in New Or
leans, on the basis of an average of $7 50
for flour, is fixed as follows : 48 ounces for
I twenty oents ; 24 ounces for ten cents ;
! 12 ounces for five cents.
The Cuban Revolution.
MORE SURRENDERS OF INSURGENTS.
Havana, March 3. —The officers of the
Volunteer Legion called on Captain-Gen
eral De Rodas to-day and formally offered
their services iu behalf of the Spanish
Cause. They have fully organized the
Legion, and are ready to take the field.
Admiral Malcampo has sailed with five
gunboats to watch the expeditions which
were reported to have left New York last
Saturday.
Two hundred anu twenty-eight insur
gent?, commanded by Jose Martime, some
armed with rifles, and others with machetes,
came in from the Puerto Principe region
yesterday, and voluntarily to
the Government authorities near Villa
Clara. One hundred and forty more pre
sented themselves at Las Minas and Ricas,
and asked to be allowed to take the oath
of allegiance to Spain.
THE SANTIAGO EXECUTIONS.
Washington, March 3. Seoretary
Fish announced this morning that no in
formation had yet reaohed the State De
partment in reference to the execution of
Americans without trial, who, it is alleged
in dispatches from Cuba, were taken
prisoners by the Spanish foroes. He does
not deem the dispatches trustworthy.
ANOTHER VERSION OF THE SANTIAGO MAS
SACRE.
Havana, Feb. 26.— The intelligence of
the horrible massacre committed by Major
Carlos Boet, acting under orders from Val
inaseda, upon some 22 persons, has been
fully confirmed. The details are disgust
ingly horrible. One of the 23 individuals
seized for purposes of vengeance alone es
caped. His name was Sanchez. Under
pretext of being brought out to make a
aeclaration or protest Os innocence as to
the charge of treason preferred against
them, they were ordered into the presence
of Boet, who, without causing any exam
ination whatever to bo made, gave orders
that they should be immediately shot, and
the execution took plaoe in his presence.
When the Governor of Santiago de Cuba
—Otero, who is said to be a better man
than Boet—learned that these men had
been seized, he ordered at once a body of
marines to go out and take the prisoners
in charge; but when the detachment had
arrived, the unfortunate men had already
been shot.
WHAT QUESADA AND HIB AIDS SAY OF THE
CUBAN SITUATION.
According to the news brought by Gen.
Quesada and his staff, Aquilera is still
Secretary of State, and is a candidate for
Vice-President of the Republic, the elec
tion for which position is soon to take
place- Izaguirre had given up the Treas
ury, and it was probable that C. Mola
would be named to succeed him, though
the President had deolared that he would
not accept the former’s resignation. It is
a fact that the President married, some
four months ago, a sister of Gen. Quesada.
Congress is mainly composed of mem
bers who voted for the Constitution, and its
number has been increased to 25. The
Marquis of Santa Lucia presides ; but his
health is bad, and recent deaths in his
family prevent his constant attendance up
on the sessions.
Jordan is Commander-in-Chiei ; Agra
monte is second in command. There are
four brigades, and two squadrons of caval
ry; the latter under the command of Julio
Sanguily. The other oommanders are—
C- Porro of the Brigade of the North, M.
Agramonte of the West; P Recio of the
Brigade of the South ; Cols. Mola and
Rope Recia command of the Brigade of
the East. The military scale comprises
the grade of General of Division, Lieuten
ant-General, and Brigadier General. The
word Major General denotes a charge,- not
a grade—lgnacio Agramonte fills that
position in Camaguey; Marmol, the same,
in the i astern Department ; and Cavada
is Major-General of the Cinco Villas.
The Spanish General 1< st at the battle
of San Juan de Roderiguez, on the Ist of
January last, a very large number ot men,
583 were counted of those killed in theaction.
At the end of the battle the Cubans found
themselves without ammunition, and, for
this reason, Puello was enabled to bury
his dead. He fortified himself, after this,
at Arroyo Hondo, where he remained lor
fifteen days. He lost 300 men more on
his route back to Principe. The remain
der of his ~i»-, >.BOO mo",
utter destruction, because of the approach
of Goyeneche. The latter came to San
Miguel seeking to find Puello’a broken
columns, when, learning of his route, he
moved southward to Asiento, where he
awaited the patriots. In the fight which
took place there he lost 35 men, besides a
number of wounded.
General Quesada’s party report that all
the departments of tho Government are
working well, and there is a great abun
dance of almost everything. Clothing is
somewhat scarce among the poor. There
is plenty of salt, which is an article some
times difficult to find. Powder is being
manufactured at the rate of 50 pounds
per day, and is of the best quality. Nitre
ib obtained by an ingenious method ; it is
extracted trom the excrements of bats
which are found in the caves. The pow
der is good, but a sufficient quantity is not
now being made for the use of the army.
Firearms are being manufactured and re
paired in numerous shops, but there are
many thousands wanting arms. With
only small additional resources the Cubans
could act upon the aggressive, and drive
out the Spaniardsforevcrfrom the Island.
The General is accompanied fy Cols
Varona and Loynaz; the first is Secretary
to the mission. Soon after arriving at
Nassau, Quesada dispatched a schooner
for Cuba laden with 1,000 rifles, and just
before leaving for the Uoited States two
other small vessels, carrying arms and cor
respondence.
QUESADA AND HIB MISSION.
From, La Revolution of March Ad. j
The General-in-Chief of the Army of the
Republic delivered over his command to
Gen. Jordan, who was Chief of Staff of the
whole army, on the Ist of December last,
and left immediately alter having bade
adieu to the Congress for the fulfillment of
his mission with whioh he was specially
charged by the Executive. His intention
at fist was to embark on the Southern
coast, where a Spanish schooner called La
Catalana had .been captured. This was
laden with wax and its sails put to the
breeze, «hen immediately two Spanish
men-of-war gave chase. The schooner
moved back and was purpo-ely driven
ashore. A journey was then begun to
ward the Northern coast through a strip of
territory, to the right and left ot which
were encamped the columi sos Goyeneche.
At the mouth of the Caunoa river the em
barkation was effected in a small boat, on
the 28th of January, and the party landed
at Cayo Lobo on the 3dth. Here eleven
days were passed, at the end of which
time an English schooner received them
on beard and landed them at Nassau on
the 10th of February. The mission ot j
General Quesada is to three countries—the
United States, England and Mexico. His i
intention is to put certain movements on i
foot looking to the triumph of the Cuban |
cause- His business in no wise interferes
with or alters the functions of the minis
ters already accredited, but has all the ]
official character requisite for the task un
dertaken.
JORDAN’S RESIGNATION.
The report published in some of the pa
pers to the effect that Gen. Jordan had re- !
signed the command of the Cuban army, j
and that Gen: Bembeta had been appoint
ed to the position of Commander in Chief, ;
is a very silly one. Bembeta—or Bernabe j
Varona —has not yet attained the rank of
Brigadier-General, beineonly a Colonel in
ooAimand of a regiment Between him and
the Commander-in Chief there are nine or
ten General officers. Should Jordan re- |
t sign or be removed his successor would be
Gen. Agramonte, Gen. Cavada, or at least
a Major General.
the junta patriotica de cubanas.
The officers of the Junta Patriotica de
1 Cabanas nave requested Ifae announcement
to be made that contributions of money,
1 clothing, lint and medicine for the soldiers
! and the destitute women and children of
Cuba will be thankfully received at the
residence of the Vice-President, Sra. Car
| m en M. de Colas, No. 107 East Thirteenth
street. The ladies identified with this as
sociation have already done much to alle
viate the sufferings of their straggling
compatriots, and are still laboring assid
uously in the same worthy cause. They
require and deserve the hearty support of
all who sympathize with their country in
its efforts to be free.
SYMPATHY FOR CUBA.
| At a meeting of the Irish Republican
Central Club at CliDton Place House, New
York, l»st Thursday evening, the follow
ing resolution wag adopted’!)? acclamation;
Resolved, That this Association, in the
interest of liberty and humanity, call upon
the Congress of the United States to ten
der the recognition of belligerent rights to
the struggling Republican patriots of Cuba
| in their heroically sustained contest for
' liberty and against the continuance of
European despotism on American soil.
—
The farmers of Bexar and adjoining
' counties, Texas, are introducing Mexican
I peons for the cultivation of cotton.
From the New York Herald.
The Sold Market- The Funding BUI in
Congress.
I The continued decline in gold is causing
i a great deal ot speculation and anxiety as
to bow far it is likely to go—whether it
will come to par with currency —and what
will bo the consequences. Ofeourse those
who are in debt or who have large stocks
of goods or securities on hand which have
beeo purchased at high currency prices
are trembling, whi’c the creditor class of
the community are exulting at the prospect.
Every ones argues upon the probable
future course of the gold market according
to his wishes or interests. Nor is it easy
to form an opinion as to how far gold mav
decline or what reaction may take place.
At the present time there is a plethora of
the precious metals in the great financial
centres of Europe. They have been accu
mulating largely in the Banks of England
and France, and money is so abundant
that it is loaned at two and a half per cent
interest. This plethora and the expor
tation of United States securities abroad,
with the large amount of products
exported, prevent a drain of gold
from this side. Here is the real secret
of the fall of gold just now. As long as
the cotton crop and other products are go
ing out and a large amount of bonds are
exported to balance the trade against us
there will be do demand for gold. An
other cause is found, too, for the equaliza
tion of trade and value of the precious
metals in the operation of the telegraph,
which brings the commercial nations of
Europe and the United States in instant
communication. But we have yet to see
to what extent and how long the exporta
tion of our products and bonds will pay for ;
our importations. If we knew that, we -
might form an opinion as to the price of
gold in the future. We must not forget
that the more bondsgo abroad the larger the
debt on the other side becomes—the great
er will be the demand for specie hereafter
to pay the interest. At the same time
should peace continue in Europe and
money remain so abundant there, large
sums may be sent to this country for in
vestment, and thus help to increase our
products. It is uot wise, therefore, to
jump at oonclus’ons from the present state
of things.
It has been said that the efforts made in
Congress to fund the debt have also had an
effect upon the gold market; but we think
that is not so. The credit of the govern
ment has been raised by other oauscs. The
high rate of interest the debt bears has
been oue of the principal causes of that
extraordinary demand for our bonds abroad
which has stopped the outward flow of
gold. Should Mr. Sherman’s Funding
bill—which reduces the rate of interest—
be passed, we may see another state of
things. No one can tell what the imme
diate effect would be; nor cm we vet say in
what shape the bill will be passed, if pass
ed at all. The discussion of it in tho Sen
ate seems interminable. Few Senators
understand the subject. Nearly every oue
has a different plan for funding the debt.
There seems to be great difficulty in agree
ing upon any measure. Perhaps the best
thing that, has been said in the Senate du
ring the debate was by that practical old
Senator Simon CameroD. He remarked
that the consideration of the question
should be postponed for a year. Looking
at the want of knowledge on this impor
tant matterin Congress, at the r-teady de
cline of gold, and at the financial prospect
before us, this course, probably, would be
the best. Funding the debt is a measure
of such great importance that sufficient
time should be allowed to bring it to ma
turity. Nor is there any necessity for im
mediate 'iction. The national finances are
in a good condition, and will not suffer by
the delay.
The principal object in this Funding bill
seems m be the reduction of interest on
the debt. To this end three classes of new
securities or consols arc proposed as a sub
stitute for the present bonds of different
denominations, or to be put on the market
for furnishing the means to extinguish the
different forms of indebtedness now exist
ing. First, four hundred millions of ten
twenties—that is, bonds redeemable in
coin at the pleasure of the government at
auy time after ten years, and payable in
coin twenty years from date—are to be
issued, bearing five per cent- interest.
These are to be issued for the redemption
„r (.Lt, existing five-twenties, bearing six
per cent, interest, but can only be ex
changed at par. 80, in point of fact, the
proposition is limited to an exchange ot
ten-twenty five per cents for five-tweniy
six per cents. This is a good proposi
tion it it can be carried out, for one per
cent, interest would be saved. The
inducement offered to bondholders to ex
change their six per cent, bonds lor
per cents is in the longer rime the
lat’i’er will have to run, in the exemption
from taxation by national, Rtate, munici
.pal or local authority, and in the coupons
being made conveniently pays b e a differ
ent points abroad as well as at home. Sec
ond, another class of bouds or consols are
to be issued, bearing four and a half per
rent, interest, to the amouut of four hun
dred millions, on the same condi ‘ions, and
these are to be fifteen-thirties. The sup
position is that bonds having fifteen years
to lun before redemption arid then payable
in coin at the pleasure of #be government
thirty from date, would be as good
as the six per cents now due, or about to
become due. Third,, four hundred mil
lions more at four per cent interest, and
having from twenty to forty years to run,
are to be issued, with the sane restrictions
as to the exchange of them or the price at
which they may be sold. The Secretary
of the Treasury is authorized, however,
to issue any additional amount of these
twenty foriies for the redemption of the
outstanding-debt, provided no inmease in
the aggregate debt of the United States be
made in consequence of the new issues.
We see, therefore, that not only the
twelve hundred millions expressly men
tioned may be issued for the redemption or
exchange of existing securities at par, but
that the balance of the debt may be so
transformed by the Secretary of the Treas
ury. The funding of the whole debt by
this process, therefore, is contemplated.
The question arises here, will the holders
of the unmatured debt bearing six per
cent interest surrender it at par, or take
bonds for ic bearing five, four and a half
and fo-ir per cent interest without a pre
mium ? . Will the people or capitalists, at
home or abroad, take, in any case, these
new bonds at par when tbeb bear a lower
rate of interest. Great efforts have been
made by the financial doctors at Washing
ton to send bonds up, or, as they call it,
to raise the ciedit of the government,
before buying un or transferring the
debt. In other word?, they have been
trying to mate that dear which they want
to get at the cheapest rate. The Feuding
bill, like every financial measure of’Con
gfess, has in view the extension and per
petuation of the national bank system.
That system, to use Old Benton’s iau
j guage, is in the bvlly of the bill. Asa
| matter of course the greenback currency is
I to be pushed out of existenoe. Then there
j is a monstrous big job in the way of per
i centage to agents lor manipulating the
j debt in its transformation. Congress be
gan at the wrong end. We should have
had a uniform legal tender circulation and
several hundred millions of the interest
bearing debt wiped out by that. The whole
j tendenoy of the financial legislation of
! Congress is to increase the wealth of the
} bondholders and national banks, and to
| lay heavier burdens upon the people.
iSpedal Correspondence Baltimore Gazette.
FBGil WASIIINGJPN.
The Traffic in Cadetships —The Committee
Slackening in Zeal—Fears Lest the J i
vestigations ShovM Finally Extend to
Other Quarters —Implicated Members
Mattering Ominously—John Covode to
be White washed—'lhe Aj ostates Up
permost.
Washington, March 4, JS7u. —lt is
feared the Military Committee have been
tampered with—that the evid*-uce impli
cating ex members will bo suppress'd, and
that some of those who are now members
will be suffered to slip through unscathed
by justice. Honest John Covode has been
permitted to select for nimselt two mem
bers of the committee to proceed to Phila
delphia to investigate bis case. The sub
committee have proceeded to tbat city,
and contemplate the examination of Hon.
Wm. Millward, well known in political cir
cles, who says he “got the appoio-ment of
Cadet from Mr. Covode, and s-Id’ it for
$1,000.” Os course, it will be proved be
yond question that “Mr. Covode” was to
tally ignorant and innocent of the passing,
between these outside parties, of any
“filthy lucre. ” As well might a 'eader
of Le Sage charge Gil Bias with •‘touch
ing 1 ’ any of the subsidies brought in by
his confidential friend, Scipio. I am of
opinioa that even Butler, of Tennessee,
will be “let up.” It will be shown that
General Schofield “advised” the appoint
ment of young Tyler- The "enlarged”
powers given the committee by a s-u'ose-
S resolution of the House were con
in the interest of the House delin
quents. Tne committee understand per
fectly the purpose of this resolution. It
said, in so many words, “Stop your cur
-1 r «nt exposure of members of this House,
NEW SERIES, VOL. XXVIII. NO. 11.
or prepare to take the responsibility of at
| tacking the very heads of the Radical or
ganization ii the Executive Departments
j the Government ” , .
! The implicated members have within a
day or two spoken in unmistakable lan
-1 guage. They boldly avow that the nomi
: nation of Stewart, of New York, forSeore
i tary of the Treasury, the appointments of
Borie and Hoar to other positions in the
Cabinet, and of Piorrepont and Butterfield
to the most lucrative posts in New York,,
besides hosts of others, were the same
thing as issuing a carte-blanche to every
offioenolder and Congressmen in America ■
(who have the legal power to appoint) to
sell all the offices within their gift to the
highest bidder. The adoption broadly of
the principle of rewarding men w v o had in
; open day advanced money, in contempla
| tion of undoubted prospective ability to
I confer such honors aud emoluments, was
j a direct announcement that offices in the
i United States had, under Radical rale, be
come private and not public property. If
this doctrine is to be admitted, the sale of a
cadetship is no offence at all. Then the be
stowmeDt, or sale,or transfer of authority to
sell,is a matter between the member and his
constituents alone. Congress has no right to
j disturb a member in the exercise of his
| vested private rights. Nor (indeed upon
I the general principle of the Presidents
appointments), have the people of their
“deestricts”any right to complain. Where
in, forsooth, have the people of the United
States, at large, dissented from the pro
priety in General Grant of searching put
and appointing from the four quarters of
the earth every man, woman and child in
any way related to or connected with him,
or any one of his extensive kith or clan?
The people seem to acknowledge that he j
owns all these offices, and could as well sell
them to the subscribers to the Grant lund
as to give them away to his poor relations.
Why, then, kick up such a fuss about
poor Whittemore’s little speculation?
Such views as these, pressed upon the
committee by the small fry speculators,
have squelched the last spark of spunk
out oftooir bodies. They dare not strike
at the root of the evil.
The time has come when a spade should
be called a spade. The wretched condi
tion of the country has been to a great ex
tent brought about by squeamishness
when speaking of tho miserable nepotism
and the unparalleled selfishness, avarice
and wholesale graspiug of the pablic
franchises by this Administration. 1 am
glad, therefore, that members (no matter
with what motive) have determined that
the committee shall either take the bull by
the horns, or cease with their oontemptible
drag-net to haul in the small fish. Go
into deep water, gentleman, or you will
catch no popularity, how many so ever
minnows you may expose to the public
view. Dropping this metaphor, it is only
necessary, be assured, to apply the spark
to set the country on fire. The indigna
tion and contempt of the masses only
awaits tho official exposure ot their un
scrupulous rulers 1
Old Ben Wade has again turned up in
Wa hington begging for crumbs. Seward j
is endeavoring to regain political position. |
Julian will have tough work to get a seat
in the House. These me" were pioneers
in the abolition cause. No one so poor
now as to do them homage. Grant, But
ler and Forney were pro-slavery men (the
two latter “dirt-eaters” in the most de
grading sense of the term) to the very
last. They mav bo said to have been
“boot licktyrs” of their Southern masters.
No slave at the South ever bowed more
obsequiously to such men as (Jobb, Toombs
and Floyd, than the selfsrme man who
daily pours out his wrath against the “in
stitution.” The relative conditions of
these six men at this moment is full of
matter for reflection. It is full, of
poetic as well as political justice. X.
Tbc Course of Gold.
The New York Commercial Advertiser
of Friday P. M, says:
Wall street is excited and demoralized
under another break in the gold premium,
the price having fallen as low as 113$. This
decline is mainly due to the publication nt
an official statement of the trade of the
Uoited States, which purports to show
that the balance of the trade against this
country, for the six months ending Decem
ber 31, 1860, was only about $2,000,000.
Tho Advertiser then undertakes to show
the inaccuracy of this statement in certain
respects, and adds:
Under the misapprehension created by
this deceptive exhibit, gold has fluctuated
between 114 and 113$. The large “short”
sales put down the rate on loans to “flat;”
but subsequently 2@5 per cent, was paid
for carrying.
The bood market responded to the an
ticipated break in gold to 113$, although
the price ot sixty-dwos in London was re
ported at 395, as high a point as has yet
been recorded. There were some large
amounts of bonds offered for sale, the hope
that a funding bill of some sort would be
adopted during the present session of Con
gress failing to neutralize the weakness in
duced by the lower premium of gold.
In a later edition, tho same paper says :
The excitement in Wall street was very
great to-day: The fall in gold has nearly
demoralized the whole street, and opera
tors are p-ep:;riDg for the crash which
they believe is inevitable. Small operators,
if the downward tendency is continued, go
by the board—a fate which few outside of
their own clique will regret. People are
already discounting specie payments iD ad
vance. Silver has again made its appear
ance as a circulating medium in commer
cial circles.
The Gold Room to-day is crowded. It
is a noticeable fact that men whose invest
ments in days gone by aggregated mi lions,
are npw steadily declining to purchase more
than is actually necessary to meet their
obligations.
An Editor Assassinated—Fenian
Troubles Leading to Bloodshed.—
And yet another tragdy. The victim in j
this case is Mr. Patrick J. MeehaD, editor
of the Irish American, and a prominent
Fenian. About 11 o’clock last night, as
he was passing through Fourth street, be
ween Broadway and Mercer, he was sud
denly approached from behind by a man
who fired two shots at him, one of which
took effect iD his neck. Meehan fell to the
side walk. The man tried to escape, but
Mr. Joseph Strauss, of the ceutral police
office, and Officer Dunn, after a chase,
arrested him. Mr. Strauss, took from his
breast-pocket a Colt’s revolver with two
chambers empty. Notwithstanding this
fact the prisoner denied tbat he had fired
the shots. Ho was taken to the station
house, where Joe proved to be James Kee
nan, a physician, who has been but six
months in the couutrv, and is an ex-secre
tary of the Feoians. He was taken before
Meehan, wbo hau mean time been convey
ed to a neighboring drug store, and was
positively identified by the latter as the
man who shot him. Meehan further de
clared, after Keenan was sent back to the
station house, that he was utterly unable
to explain why the attack had been made
upon him, as hi3 relations with KeenaD
bad always been friendly. The wounded
man, at his own request, was taken to the
residence of Edward L Carey, No. 44 Pike
Street. His wound was of su?h a serious
character he made his will, and a priest
having been summoned, received the last
sacraments of the Church. The prisoner
(Keenan) remained locked up in the Mer
cer Street police statioD, and persistently
denied having fired upon Meehan, saying
that his relations with that gentleman had
always been amicable. His presence on
! the spot he accounts for by saying that
i his res dence is at No. 10 we-t Fourth
street, in front of which the shooting oc
! curred, and that he was ju-t returning
home from a walk at the moment. On
the oth;r hand, Sergeant Carpenter has
the names of several pc- s ons who distinct
j ly affirm that they saw Keenan fire both
shots.
Keenan at Jefferson Market. —Keenan
was brought up at Jefferson Market this
morning. On the testimony of eight per
•sons, who witnessed the whole occurrence,
he was committed by Justice Oox to await
the action ot the Coroner. He denied
positively firing the fatal shot. The court
room was crowded during the examination.
—New York Commercial, Ist.
The Richmond Enquirer says that the
Virginians are likely to become the great
est swearers on the globe. There are so
many oaths required ot the officials before
1 they enter on the duties of their office
that it has become necessary for the Gover
nor to call the attention of the Legislature
to the subject, and to invite at their hands
a declaratory act defining particularly
how much the officers of the Government
must swear to. They have seven oaths to
take alreadv, and they don’t know how
many will be imposed upon them in the
future.
Public Debt. —The next public debt
statement will probably show the usual
monthly decrease of five or six millions of
dollars for the month of March, although
five mdlions will be paid out as interest on
bonds, and nearly three millions for pen
sions, in addition to the two millions al
ready paid out this month on the latter
i account.
Terrible Accident.— On. Saturday
morning about 4 o’clock, the engineer and
fireman of the Charleston Mining and
Manufacturing Company, about twelve
! miles from this city, came to their death
| untkr the following circumstances: Fire
had been made in a boiler, attached to a
washer used for cleansing the phosphatie
nodules and a pressure of fifty five pounds
of steam raised, when two of the flues col
lapsed, an explosion ensued, which shat
tered the surrounding buildings and fences,
and by which the engineer and two colored
firemen lost their lives. The engineer,
Mr. Earnest Garrick, was instantly killed,
and the body of a colored man, Benjamin
Rivers, was found about forty yards from
where the boiler stood, horribly mangled.
He was engaged preparing his father’s
breikfast, near the boiler, when the ex
plosion occurred.
Benjamin Barnell, another colored man
employed about.the place, was badly in
jured. He was brought to the city and
placed in the hospital, where he died yes
terday morning.
It was fortunate that the accident did
not occur an hour later, as it would en
dangered the lives of some thirty or 'forty
persons, who were at the time apsebt from
the works.— Charleston Courier.
The Reminiscences of an Old*
Georgia Lawyer. —Some days since, in
noticing an article contributed to the Sci
entific American , from the pen of “Kizey
Hay”—who is supposed to boa daughter
of Jedge Garnett Andrews, of this State —
the Chronicle & Sentinel suggested the
propriety of the latter’s writing a book of
bis own. A few days we received a
letter from Judge Andrews,stating that he
has in press ‘‘The Reminiscences of an Old
Georgia Lawyer.” It will boa pamphlet
volume of about one hundred pages, made
up of professional reminiscences and anec
dotes; and, the author says, is int nded
more “to collect from his profession mate
rial for a book than pretending to be one
itself.”
EY TELEGRAPH.
FROM WASHINGTON.
Sl’Ei I.VL TELEGRAPHIC CORRESPONDENCE
TO THE CHRONICLE & SENTINEL.
Washington, March 7, P. M.
There was a full House to-day, and muoh
interest manifested in the debate on the
Georgia bill.
Bingham opened the debate with an able
constitutional speech against the bill. He
dechirel he would not support a measure
to appoint a Legislature and Governor for
a free people by act of Congress.
Davis, of New York, supported the bill
i.i iq intemperate harangue, abounding in
the gi unseat misstatements- rie claimed
that C ingress still had power to legislate
f>r G orgia. He oharged the •> cople
with infamy and bad faith in seating un
recmi i-.ucted rebels in the Legislature,
aud termed the expulsion of the i.egro
membeis acrime against humanity and law,
Bnd said that the negroes were'expelled for
the crime of color, and that men steeped to
their lips in treason were seated in their
stead. Georgia has thus released Congress
from former acts of admission, and she
must come in through the gate
way as other rebellious States. He
eulogized Bullock, and said, had he chosen,
he might have struck hands with rebels
and with purse-proud aristocrats who had
lost their slaves; but God did not move
him to do so, and history will ennoble
Buikek’aname as one who obeyed the dic
tates of God and law.
Davis was frequently interrupted by
Farnsworth, Bingham and others, who
endeavoied to correct his misstatements
by- propounding questions. Davis was
unable or unwilling to answer.
Butler called the previous question, in
suring a vote to-morrow. Adjourned.
Washington, March 8, P. M.
Bingham’s amendment provided, “that
nothing in this act contained shad be oon
strued to vacate any offices now filled in
the State of Georgia, either by the election
of the people or by an appointment of the
Governor thereof, by and with the advice
and consent of the Senate of said State;
neither shall this act be construed to ex
tend the official tenure of aoy officer
of said State beyond the term limit
ed by the Constitution thereof, dating
from the time of election or.appointment
to such office; nor to deprive the people
of Georgia of the right, under their Con
stitution, to elect Senators and Represen
tatives from the State of Georgia in the
year 1870, either on the day named in the
Constitution of such State, or such other
day as the present Legislature may desig
nate by law. Adopted—yeas 114, nays
72. Bill passed by 125 yeas, 55 nays.
Butler moved to reconsider and lay on
the table.
The bill now goes to the Senate.
The discomfiture of Bullock causes gen
eral rejoicing.
Washington, March 9th, P. M.
Alter the unexpected and decisive vic
tory which Bingham, Farnsworth, land the
moderate Republicans gained in the House
of Representatives on the Georgia bill
ye-tc.-day, the Senate chamber was to-day
the point of attraction with regard to this
complicated subject, and there was much,
interest felt in the result by both factions.
When the Senate met this morning,
among those upon the floor of the cham
ber were Beast Butler and his pet and
industrious toady, Bullock. Though they
were so badly routed on yesterday, they
were making a last effort for the success
of the Provisional Government scheme,
and were moving about the floor from desk
to desk busily engaged in lobbying the Re
publican Senators, endeavoring to get
them to reject the bill as amended.
In accordance with the programme of
the Conservatives, Senator Trumbull, of
Illinois, from the Senate Judioiary Com
mittee, reported back to the Senate the
Georgia bill, Bingham’s amendment and
all, just as it had gone through tbc House.
Senator Trumbull accompanied Lis report
with the statement that, with the excep
tion of the amendment attached to the
first .condition, the provisions ot the bill
wc re identically the same as those contain
ed in the acts under which Virginia aad
M dsissippi had been recently admitted to
representation. Subsequently he endeavor
ed to get the Senate to consider the bill dvtr
in die morning hour,but Stuart prevented
tl y stating that a minority of the Com
m c had a report to make dissenting
from i hat of the majority, and that they
de 4 to state their views upon the
G ia question when their report was
pi uted. Upon this- objection the bil
went, over under the rules, ai,d was placed
upon the calendar of the Senate, from
which it will be taken up in its regular or
der.
The strongest efforts are being made to
get the bill through the Senate without
the amendment of Bingham, and the Radi
cal Republicans seem confident of success’
They think that if this is done, when the
bill oomes up again in the House, enough
influence can be brought to bear on mem
bers to get it through safely.
The chances now seem to be that they
will be mistaken and that the amendment
will pass the Senate. Tho great Republi
can measure—the fifteenth amendment—
yet needs a proclamation that it has been
adopted, and, until Georgia is admitted,
the President cannot issue this proclama
tion. It i s i therefore, believed that the
grel t anxiety which is felt to have the
ratification of this amendment formally an
nounced will cause the Radical Senators,
or most of them, to swjllow the Bingham
amendment.
