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About Weekly chronicle & sentinel. (Augusta, Ga.) 1866-1877 | View Entire Issue (Sept. 14, 1870)
&kxmc\t WKDIIKSDAY MOEHIAfi, SEPTEMBER 11. Democratic Convention for tlie sth Congressional District. At a meeting of the Executive Commit tee for the sth Congressional District, field in Augusta on the Ist day of September, the following resolutions were adopted : A 'etoltcd, That we recommend that a Convention of the Democratic party for the sth Congressional District be held in the city of Augusta on Thursday, the 2‘Jth of September instant, for the purpose cf nominating candidates for the unexpired term of the 41st, and for the fall term of the 42d Congress. Ihsoked, That each county be requested to send to said Convention two delegates for each Representative to which the county is entitled in the Lower House of the general Assembly. D. M. Dubose, Chairman. Willis Wili.ixsham, E. 11. Pottle, Ceo. T. Barnes, J, J. Joses. Correspondence. Bandeu.svii.le, Ga., Bept. 6,1870. Gen. A. 11. Weight: Dear Sir: Your name having been sug gested in connection with the Congres sional nomination for this District, and participating with yonr numerous friends here and elsewhere in that desire, and feeling some solicitude on the subject of eligibility, the undersigned desire to learn if, in your opinion, you are constitutional ly qualified under the 14th Amendment to hold office? An early reply, either by letter or through the columns of the Chbonici.b & Sknti.nki. will oblige yours, Sec. B. D. Evans, . J. W. Renfroe, H. D. D. Twiggs, E. 8.1 angmade, Green Brantly. Augusta, Ga., September 9,1870. Gentlemen :—Your esteemed favor of the 6tli instant is just received, in which you desire mo to state whether I am “con stitutionally qualified under the XlVth Amendment to hold office.” 1 never held an office before the war, either State or Fedoral, and consequently am not now, under the operation of the odious amendment referred to, constitu tionally disqualified to hold office. Thanking you very sincerely for the kind sympathy you express for me in con nection with the approaching canvass, I remain, Very respectfully, Your ob’t serv’tand friend, A. R. W right. To Messrs, B. J>. Evans, J. W. Renfroe, 11. I*. D. Twiggs, E. 8. Langmade, Green Brantly. Congressional Candidate. The suggestion of the name of Colonel .1. A. Billups, of Morgan, as a suitable can didate for Congress from this District, made hy correspondent, “Madison,” which we publish in another column, will lv read with pleasure hy the many friends of this distinguished gentleman. Colonel Billups is well known in Middle Georgia as an able and experienced lawyer—a patriotic, intelligent and cultivated gen tleman, anil his nomination would doubt less give general satisfaction to the people of tbe whole District. Congressional Candidates. Wo cheerfully givo place to the commu nication ol our friond from Bartow in re lation to the policy to be pursued in mak ing nominations for Congress from this district. The views wo expressed in our editorial of the 3d are the result of long and ma ture deliberation on this subject. Wo be lieve they foreshadow tho true position that the Southern people should take. Tho more we reflect upon tho matter tho nmro firmly do wo become convinced that every consideration of justice, of right and of self-respect, require us to nominal e* no one who is not an intelligent exponent of tho known popular sentiment of the dis trict. In rcgaid to the gentlemen named by our correspondent, we can, from a long and intimate personal acquaintance with each of them, honestly ar.d cordially en dorse all that is said of their honesty, pa triotism and intelligence. Wo know that either of them, it elected, would faithfully and ably represent tho people of the Dis trict' One of them is constitutionally dis qu ililicd—tho other two are not. By tho adoption of the rules recommended by our correspondent, neither of them could re ceive the nomination, for we are quite sur that, after their long and distinguished services in the late war, they cannot swal low the tost oath; and our correspondent says tho requirement of that oath will not Lo suspended. Wo fear that our correspondent has not fully comprehended our position. Wo bc lievo that it would bo inexpedient to nomi nate candidates for State or Federal offices who are, disqualified by the terms of the XlVth Amendment. That amendment has been, by the proper authorities, de clared to be a part and parcel of the Con stitution. While we do not now nor did we ever bclievo that this amendment has been adopted according to the letter or the spirit of the Constitution, tho tact is that it is now of foroe and will remain of force until annulled by the proper forms of law. Although odious, oppressive, un just, tyranical, vindictive and hateful, we can, in some sort of a way, manage to exist under it until we can secure its abolishment. But, if we aro driven to the necessity of selecting candidates for Con gress wfo can take the test oath—and whose cli f, and only, recommendation is that they can take that infamous oath—or of remaining unro; resented in the Federal Congress, we do n< t hesitate to declare that wo would, without a moments hesitancy, choose the latter^alternative. Our advice is to select the best men we have, both for State and Federal offices, who are not ineligible under the terms ol tho XlVth amendment, and without the slightest attention to the fact whether or not they can take the test oath. A Petition Against Despotism. The New 'i ork Journal of Commerce lias received from Texas a very long peti tion, signed by many respectable citizens of that State, asking Congress to guaranty to them a republican form of government. The petition is strong, but temperately worded, and we should think could not fail to produce a good effect wherever read. It asks tor nothing but what every lover of republican institutions of all par ties ought to be glad to see established in Texas—that is, a form of State government analogous to that of other States of the Union. They say they are fully prepared to live under such a government in peace and quietude, and wo credit their asser tions, tor there is no part of this country where industry, frugality and obedience to the laws (cruel and unjust as many of the statutes are) prevail more than in Texas. The Journal of Commerce justly remarks that no people on earth, except those who have been trodden under des potic heels for centuries, and in whom the love of freedom is a lost sense, could be patient under such tyranny as the Texans now suffer from. The Gov ernor has a larger share of irresponsible, one man power than falls to any potentate in Christendom, except, perhaps, theCiar of Russia, and this power he abuses, as the Russian autocrat docs not. To begin with, the Governor is commander-in-chief of the militia, and has a large foroe at his disposal. Tnen he is supreme head of an extensively organized State polioc, having members in all the cities and towus. Then he has the appointment of all the district attorneys aod every oounty and municipal officer in the State, even down to the al dermen of cities. Every soldier, every constable, and every civil functionary is solely responsible to the Governor. The act by which the appointment of civil of ficers are given to tho Governor was pass ed in direct violation of the State Consti tution, but the Legislature who were mere ly the creatures of the ambitious execu tive, stickled at nothing to* please him. There are now some signs of a quarrel be tween them and their master, and out of their dissensions the people cf Texas may possibly recover some of their lost rights, or, at least, not suffer any further encroach ment. But for entire relief they cau only look to Congress, though we frankly say that we fear they will suffer a great disap pointment in expecting any alleviation cf their miseries from that source. | COMMUNICATED.] Bartow, Ga-, September 5, 1870. Editor» Chronicle A Sentinel.: I beg leave to differ from the- views ex pressed in your article of the 3d, in rela tion to chosing camlidatcs for Congress who can take the test oath. In y-,ur closing paragraph you sey it is better to be unrepresented than to be misrepresented. Now, I think your plan is the sure way to be misrepretented. If we elect a man who is not eligible, he will not bo seated and then his opponent, a Radical, will be seated. Trust not the Rads to remove this lest oath. II we cannot get the high est order of talent, then we want an honest, practical man—a man with good hard common sense- -one who eannot be swin dled or bribed out of his vote. I think we have plenty of this kind. I think you have some iu vour.city, and I know we have a few here. I would name Major W. A. Wilkins, General R. W. Carswell, Capt. W. P. Johnson and others; and, without disparagement to that gentleman, I would say that either of those named will com pare favorably with thn last representative we had in the U. 8. Congress before the war. About a dozen men in Congress do all the work—that is, they lay it out, aud the balance do the voting. A lew leaders gov ern and control the actions of Congress. It has always been the case. And, if we cannot have a leader from this district, let us have an honest, practical man —a Dem ocrat who is eligible. Very respectfully, C. Democratic Meeting In llancock. Id response to a call for a meeting of the Democratic party of II incock county, a largo number of citizens met at the Court House on Tuesday, September 6th. The meeting was cal ed to order at 11 o’clock a. in., by Col. B. T. Harris, who explained the objeot of the meeting, and urged, id a forcible manner, the import ance of a thorough organization of the party in the county. On motion of W. H. Brantly, Colonel Harris was unanimously elected permanent President of the party organization in the county. On motion of C. W. Dußose, J. S. Newman was elected Secretary. On motion of G. F. Pierce, Jr., a com mittee of five was appointed to suggest suitable persons to constitute an Executive Committee, to consist of one from each Militia District. The Chair appointed G F. Pierce, Jr., J. J. Lawrence, F. A. Butts, Dr. Win, 8. Alfriend, and Frank Minor. During the absence of this oommitte, on motion of Col. J. T. Jordan, the meeting went into an election of delegates to the District Convention, to be held at Augusta Sept. 29th. The following delegates and alternates were eleoted. Delegates—C. W. Dußose, W, H. Brantly, J. J. Lawrence and S. E. Pearson. Alternates—G F. Pierce, Jr., J. L. Culver, J. R. Simpson and Dr. W. R. Gilmore. Oa motion of Col. Jordan the delegation was authorized to fill its vacancies, The following were elected Executive Committeemen : Jno. Amos, H H. Cul ver, J. W. Cawthon, J. R. Binion, J. J. Coorer, G. C. Copeland, A. S. Mitchell, A. F - Copeland. J. L. Culver, W. 11. Brantly. C. W. Dußose, F. W. Brinkley, F. A. Butts, Frank Minor and 8. E. Pearson. On ino ion of Colonel Jordan, the Presi dent ot' this meeting was authorized to fill vacancies in the Executive Committee. The Secretary was instructed to inform the absent members of the Executive Com mittee of their appointment, and ask them to report promptly to the President. On motion of G. F. Pierce, Jr., the Pres ident was added to the Executive Com mittee. By C. W. Dußose: Resolved , That our desire for wise aud good government prompts us to adhere to our long cherished principles, embodied in the late Atlanta Democratic Platform, and any deviation from which we regard as detrimental to the cause of truth and con stitutional liberty. Speeches were made hy Messrs. Dußose, Jordan, Pierce anil Harris, ably arguing the necessity of a change in our State government, and the importance ot select ing true and faithful men as State and national representatives. By Mr. Brantly : Resolved, The Democratic papers of Augusta, and those of this county he re quested to publish the proceedings of this meeting. Adjourn*! subject to the call of the President. ' B. F. Harms, Pres't. J. S. Newman, Sec’y. Trial of the Rioters In Jefferson County. [SPECIAL CORRESPONDENCE CHRONICLE A SENTINEL. J Louisville, Jefferson, Cos., Ga. ) September 7th, 1870. J Editors Chronicle A Sentinel: A special term of the Superior Court, called for tho trial of tho negroes engaged in the riots and insurrection of the 20th and 21st of August, is now being held. A largo number of our citizens are in attendance. There is no excitement, everything quiet, and a perfect willingness to leave all to the law is evident. That same disposition which was first manifest ed by the whites to remain quiet, only as sisting the officers in enforcing the law, is still perceptible. Judge Gibson opened Court at 10 A. M. The following list embraces the Grand Jurors: llobt. J. Patterson, foreman, L. C. Warren, A. J. Davis, Wiliam Harrol, Jas. O. Span, George C. Brown, George W. Belcher, Jr.. Samuel S. Beall, A. L Archer, J. B Watkins, Timothy Duoo vaD, H. E. Smith, Jackson Farmer, E. R. Beasly, J. J. Rollins, W. J. Battle, A. J. Davis. Jr., Josiah Gunn, William Swan, James Gordon. Judge Gibson’s charge was exceedingly brief. He stated that he bad, in comply anee with a request of some of tho citi zens of the oounty, called this special term of the Court; that they were assembled only to act upon criminal cases, ami that if they needed any assistance or advice, that they couid call upon the Attorney Goneral; that the county had already in curred great expense, and that he hoped that they would make no addition to that expense ly any delay in getting along with the business brought before them. This was his whole charge. lie made no men tion of the special infraction of the law that had assembled tho Oourh The Jury retired, aod, at once, found true bids for insurrection against Cudjo Fye, Richard Roberson, Andrew Seott. Ardley Hubbard, Eli Adams, Sol Whitehead, Madison Walker, Dave King, Sol Shelman, Dutton Mai tin, lt'bert Jones, Dck Drown, Naco Jackson, and George Sherman. They, also, brought in true bills, for riot, agaiost Tom Braver, Ferry Beall, Prince Bur on, Jioob Quarterman, Anthony Rock, and Regsr Shelman. Ail these parties are now in jail but Jacob Qaarterman. The Sheriff will go in search of hint to-nich'. The first cases brought un for trial this afternoon wete against Cudjo Fye and Richard Roberson. They agreed to plead guilty provided the jury would consent to recommend them to mercy. Tho prosecu tion, after consultation, thought it best to agree to tho proposition. The motive or reason that influenced them in this course was, an apprehension that if Cudjo Fye was sentenced to be hung that Governor Bullock would pardon him. Judge Gib son has sentenced Cudjo Fye to twenty (20) years imprisonment in the Penitentiary. He sentenced Richard Roberson to five years imprisonment. In my next com munication I will attempt to give you a synopsis of the remarks made by the Court just before passing sentence. Rich ard Roberson, in his remarks or confes sion, declared that Cudjo Fye, who was the head of all their clubs, openly stated to his meeting that he had seen Governor Bullock, and that he was acting altogether by his orders, and of course he would protect them in what they were doing. Roberson further said had he not believed that be was acting under the Governor’s orders that he never would have joined or aided in the insurrection. The trials will be re sumed to-morrow, an account of which I will send you. J. H. W. Serious Affray. —We regret to learn that quite a serious affray occurred at Terzer church, last Sunday. There was a large gathering there for the purpose of singing. Four young men from Griffin got into a fight abont some old grudge or other, and one got slightly wounded with a pistol, and two got pretty badly bruised up with sticks. We did not hear further par ticulars.— Griffin Star. Letter from Richmond. SPECIAL CORRESPONDENCE OF THE CHRONI CLE A SENTINEL. Richmond, Va., Sept. 5, 1870- Editort Chronicle A Sentinel: The dailies of Sunday morning announce that we are to have a new paper, the Sunday Telegram, a weekly, excluding political discussions, furnishing a price current, the latest telegraphic news, -and other interesting matter for Sunday read ing. “The to-be editor,” a popular and sprightly young man, asserts that the peo ple of ibis goodly city, in being > deprived of war intelligence, from 5 o'clock cn Saturday afternoon to Monday morning, are mbjected to a suspense two painful to be borne.” If some “clairvoyant,” or “p“vcfcometician” should callup thesLade of Berkeley, the Royal Governor of ir uinia in 1671, what would his indignant spirit say? Then he thanked God that there vere no free schools and no printing; tiow. by a dancing-table, or a rattling I knuckle bone, he would probably wish to ; sxtend his "hundred years” invocation | three or four centuries later. If the Sunday telegrams are to be like ' the tangled webs, which perplex and ir ritate on secular days, with all the ear oess of the old colonial magnate, we can pay —Good Lord, deliver us ! Possibly Sun day news may be both more authentic and important. It is singular how many bat tles have been fought on Sunday, i remem ber during our late unpleasantness, that on two occasion s , worshipping assemblies iu Richmond, did Dot have their devotions quickened by the receipt of telegrams from the seat of war. The “first Ma nassas” was announced as in progress while we were “in church and Genera! Lee’s announcement of the evacu l tion of Petersburg, was communicated to Presi den Davi s , during service, to the utter dissipati nos all religiou-i solemnity for the remainder of that Sabbath —lucus a non lucindo —as surely there was rest no loneer' News from Europe unquestionably en lists earnest attention. Public sentiment is divided in sympathy. As France is continually pressed to the wall, the num ber of her friends increase, as to help the weak seerns a characteristic of our English ancestors and their descendants. While admiration for the strategical skill of von Moltke, the Dane, is not suppressed. Every diaster draws out more pronounced mani festations in behalf of France. What prac tical interest Americans have in the con test is not readily perceived, except that the defeat of the French may he the over throw of the Napoleonic dynasty, and the setting up of another so-called Republic. Those who have property and whose welfare depends on the stability of laws and the civil power, must shrink with dismay, from another coup d'etat or emeute, sutfh as occurred in 1848. The primary object of municipal institutions should be, certainly, of duration and secu rity. This will he defeated by the Social istic and Red Republican elements, which are likely to gain the ascendancy, in the event of the expul.-ion of Napoleon. The Red Republicans arc worse than our Black Republicans. Their theories are imprac ticable. Their Government would hardly rise to the dignity of a decent caricature of statesmanship. If nations can learn anything by experience, France should avoid popular revolutions. A mob, exer cising supreme authority, is worse, then, and nearly always leads to a military despot ism. The allied powers were in Paris in 1815. Tbe treaty of Vienna was con cluded. What tangible results were pro duced ? What settlement of public law ? What progress in civilization ? What checks on grasping ambition, or the tyranny of power ? Is civil government an accident? Are laws made .with wisdom, with a definite purpose ? Is liberty a inoth ? Must we meet dangers as they arrive by temporary expedients ? Are people to he slaughtered in war on the smallest pretences ? Anil is war to be car ried on in utter disregard of the principles of humanity and Christianity? A thou sand questions like these are constantly arising to disturb and awaken doubt. A tribunal of blood is sadly at variance with the boasted civilization of the 19th cen tury. Grotius was induced, by horrible barbarisms of hostile nations, to w rite his book on the law's of war and peace, but a greater than Grotius is needed to assure the triumph of right and truth. Virginia is blessed with a bountiful crop. In some of the tide-water regions, the drouth has been severe, but in the greater portion of the State, tho yield of wheat, oats, corn, potatoes, fruit and tobacco has been abundant. Local agricultural Fairs are advertised for Wythe ville. Lynchbnrg, Staunton, Petersburg, Danville anil Lex ington. The State Fair begins iu this city on the Ist of November, and promises to surpass all its predecessors. Shall we have representatives from Georgia ? Increase of rents aud building of new IIOUBeB attest llle piUi.por;ty nf Richmond. Iu addition to foundries, iron works, tobacco manufactories, nail mills, flour mills, &c., we have establishments for grinding sumac and tan bark, and a com pany is organizing for a large sugar refi nery; colleges ami schools for boys and girls, literary and professional, will open their winter sessions on tbe first of Octo ber. Richmond College will have over 200 students. The high standard of schol arship required for graduation, the ability of the Faculty, tho astonishing cheap ness of lEpecses —tbe sum total not exceeding of books and clothing—aud the healthful-' ness, and other advantages oflocation. are making this institution a great favorite. The Law Schorl seems to have mot a long felt want. Than Doctor Green and Judge Halyburton, no more able Professors could have been found. From information received, it seems the school will at once take rank with like schools in Cambridge, New York and Chicago. <'-• [communicated. ] ZlUors Chronicle (Sc Sentinel: 1 have read with interest, and approval, your leader in your isiue of the 3rd lost., in reference to the nomination of candi dates for Congress by the Democratic party, j In common with yourselves, 1 have no I partialities to gratify, no interests to sub | serve but the good of the State, arid ! prepared to support, cordially , any one of that noble and numerous class, of whom ! you say, “they would ably, honestly aEd i faithfully represent the popular voice of the district, and of the whole State.” In the article alluded to, you speak of a class of "good men, and true,” who would receive your cordial support, and be hearti ly sustain dby the people. In a survey of the district, you recall but two men who i fall within this class, while admitting the probable existence ct ethers, at the same time offering controlling reaeous against entertaining the idea of securing their eminent and desirable services. Permit me to add to your list a third name—that of Col. J. A. B Hups, of Morgan couuty. T propose no panegyric upon Col. 8., but will simply say that he possesses in an emi nent decree, intellectual, moral, cultivated and refined elements of true manhood, coupled with integrity and experience, which, in the halls of Congress, would i “illustrate Georgia” as the she was in her pride and glor/. _ i Prior to the secession of the Sta f e, in common with all, he held that the tenden cies of the Republican party were to rev olution and subversion of the Government, and its elevation to power would prove the ; destruction of Constitutional liberty, and the erection upon its ruins of the her maphrodite rule of imperialism, and un bridled democracy ; hence he denounced it. Admitting the right, but deprecating the cousequepcas to the State, he 'opposed secession. The struggle between the States ended, and the practical workings of KepubHean i>m, “so-c*il(d,” realising his most pain ful anticipations, in dragging the nation, | State and society, into a vortex of conup tion and rnin, be, consistently, and boldly, ! opposes the party which, politically and socially, has brought “death, and all our woes.” Madison. Tue American Press Association.— This organization appears not to be get ting along quite a-’swimmingly as some sensational papers belonging it would have us believe. The New York_ Stand ard, whoseeditor, John Russel Young, is President of the Association, is about to be cut off trom its pnvilges,*in regard to telegraphic dispatches, for non-payment of dues and it appears tbat other papers are to be excluded for the same reason. YouDg owei the Association SSSO for dispatches already received. We rather think the A. P. A., has overcoofed itself, and that the publie will soon be invited to drop a tear on its tomb. We suggest as an epitaph these touching lines: V\ bile it lived, it lived in clover (per haps) And when it died, it died all over. 1 Macon Telegraph <£• Messenger. Edward A. Pollard, having grown tired of barking at the sun in the person of Jefferson Davis, is baying the moon at Patrick [Henry. For some good reason Mr. Pollard has come to the conclusion that the veteran statesman was no better than he ought to have been, and so he has taken the public into his confidence. We never heard of a bird more persistant in defiliog its own nest than Mr. Pollard.— Maccm Journal. THE BATTLES BEFORE SEDAN. FORCED MARCH OF THE GER MAN S IN PURSU IT OF McMAHON —TERRIBLE STRUGGLES UNDER THE WALLS OF SEDAN—THE FRENCH DEFEATED AT EVERY POINT AND DRIVEN INTO THE FORTRESS-SCENES AND INCI DENTS OF THE CAPITULATION. PRUSSIAN' ACCOUNT. London, September 3. The following is the conclusion of the account of the battles before Sedan, from the correspondent of the New York Tribune, at the headquarters of the King of Prussia, eight miles from Sedan, Thurs day night, September Ist, the first portion of which will he found on the fourth page: “There will he a devil of a fight for that crest before it is won or lost,” said Sheridan, straining Lis eyes through his field-glass at the hill which was not three miles from us. The full sun was shining upon that hill; we gazing upon it had the sun behind us. ANOTHER FRUITLESS CAVALRY CHARGE. At 1:30 I’rench cavalry—this time, I presume, a regiment of carabineers —made another dash at the Prussians, who on their part, were receiving re-inforcements every moment ; but the carabiniere met with the same fate as their brethren in iron jackets, and were sent to the right about with heavy loss. The Prussians took advantage of their flight to advance their liue about 200 yards nearer the line which the French iniantry held. ANOTHER FRENCH BLUNDER. This body cf adventurous Prussians split into two portions, the two partu leaving a break ot a hundred yards in their line. We were not long in perceiving the object ot this movement, for the little white puffs from the crest behind the skirmishers, fol lowed by a commotion in the dense French masses, showed us that these “diables de Prussians have contrived, heaven only knows how, to get two four-pounders up the step ground, and have opened fire on the French. Something must at this point have been very much mismanaged with the trench infantry; for, instead of attacking the Prussians, whom they still outnumbered by at least two to one, they remained in column on the hill, and though seek g their only hope of retrieving the day vanishing from before their eyes, still they did not stir. Then the French cavalry tried to uo A LITTLE BaLAKLAVA BUSINESS, tried, but without the success of the Im mortal six hundred, who took the guns on I which they charged. The cuirassiers | came down once more, this time riding straight tor the two field-pieces ; but be | fore they came within two hundred yards | ot the gnus, the Prussians formed line as it on parade, and waiting til! those furious I French horsemen had ridden to a point not ! fifty yards away, they fired. The volley I seemed to us to empty the saddles of al | most the whole of the leading squadron. The dead so strewed the ground as to block the Path ot the squadron following, and close before them the direct and dan gerous road they had meant to follow, i’heir dash at, the guns became a bait. ItF.TREAT OF THE FRENCH-. When once this last effort of the French horse had been made and had failed— tailed, though pushed gallantly so far as men and horses could go—the French in fantry fed swiftly back toward Sedan. It fell back because it saw that the chance of its carrying that fiercely-contested hill was gone, and saw also that the Prussians hold ing the lull were crowning it with guns so that their own line could not much longer be held facing it. In an instant, as the French retired, tbe whole slope ot the ground was covered by swarms of Prussian tirailleurs, who seemed to rise out of the ground, and push forward by help of every slight roughness or depression in the sur face of the hill. As last as the French went back these active enemies followed. After the last desperate charge of the French cavalry, Gen. Sheridan remarked to me that ho never saw anything so reck less, so utterly foclish, as that last eharge. “It was sheer murder.” The Prussians, after the French infantry fell back, advanced rapidly—so rapidly that the retreating squadrons of French cavalry, being too closely pressed, turned suddenly round and charged desperately once again. But it was all no use. The days of breaking squares are over. The thin blue line soon stopped the Gallic on set. It struck me as most extraordinary that at this point tbe French bad Neither artillery nor mitrailleuses, J ewpcoiclly tllO latter, on lE© n©Kl t© cover their infantry. The position was a most important one, and certainly worth strain ing every nerve to defend. One tiling was clear enough, that the French infantry- af ter once meeting the Prussians declined to try conclusions with them again, and that the cavalry were seeking to encourage them by their example. About 2 o’clock still other reinforcements came to the Prussians over this long-disputed hill be tween Toroy and Sedan to support the regiments already established there. HAVOC AMONO THE BAVARIANS. All the time that this great conflict was going on under Fritz’s eyes, another was fought, not less severe and as murderous for the Bavarians as the one I have at tempted to describe was tor the French. If there was a want of mitrailleuses on the hill above Torcy, there was certainly no lack of them in the Bazeille ravine. On that side there was, for more than an hour, one continuous roar of musketry anil mi trailleuses. Two Bavarian officers told me that the loss in their regiments was ter rific, and that it was the mitrailleuses which made the havoc. THE FRENCH FALL BACK ON SEDAN. At 2:05 in the afternoon the French to tally abandoned tho bill between Torcy and Sedan, and fell back on the fauborg of Caval, just outside tbe ramparts of the town. ’ “Now the battle is lost for the French,” said Gen. Sheridan, to the de light of the Prussian officers. One would almost have imagined that the French had beard his words—they had hardly been uttered whan there came a lull in the firing all along the line, or rather circle ; as such it had now become- BELGIAN NEUTRALITY, j Count Bismarck chose that! moment I to come and have a talk with the English and American friends. I waa anxious to know what the Federal Chancellor had dime about tbs neutrality of Belgium, now threatened, and my curiosity was so grati fied. “I have told the Belgian Minister of War,” said Count Bismarck, “that so long as the Belgian troops their j utmost ro disarm any number of French soldiers who isysv cross the frontier, I will stricjly respect the uaufnil tv of Belgium ; j but if, on the contrary, the Belgians, either through negligence or inability, Jo pof ; disarm and capture every man in French uniform who sets hi - foot in their country, | we shall at oci« foljow the enemy into ; neutral territory with oyr troops consider ing that the French have been the first to violate the Belgian soil. I have been downto have a look at the Belgian troops near the frontier,” added Count Bismarck, ‘ and I confess they do no) inspire me with a very high opinion of thai, xpartisj ardor or discipline. When they have fctf.''’Ms on, one oan see a great deal o! paletot but hardly any soldier.”’ BISMARCK’S FIRST MISTAKE. I asked His Exeeileney where he thought the Emperor was: "Jn Sedan?” “Oh, no!” was the reply; “Napoleon is not very wise, but he is not so foolish as to put himself in Sedan just now.” For once in hie life, Count Bismarck was wroug. At 2:45 the King came to the place where 1 was standing. He remarked that he thought the French were about to try to break out just beneath u.-, in front of the ScuoDd Bavarian Corp3. BRAVERY 0? THE BAVARIANS. ) At 3:20 the Bavarians below us not only 1 contrived to get themselves inside th? for tifications of Sedan, but to maintain them- ! selves here, working their way forward from house to house. About 4, there was a great fight for the possession of the ridge above Bazeille. Tnat carried, Sedan was swept on all sides by the Prussian cannon. i This point of vantage was carried at 4:40. I When carried there could no longer be a shade of doubt as to the ultimate fate of j Sedan. A FLAG OF TRUCE. About 5 o’clock there was again a sud den suspension of the cannonade along the whole line. Many were the speculations as to the cau-e, but nobody seemed to di vine the truth. You must judge of our surprise when, five minutes later, we saw a French officer escorted by two Chians, coming at a hand,ome trot up the steep bridle-path from Sedan to our post, one of the Uhlans carrying a white duster oa a faggot stick as a flag of truce. The mes senger turned out to be a Fieneh colonel, come t-o ask for terms of surrender. After a very short consultation between the King and Gen. Yon Moltke, the messen ger was told by the General that, in a mat ter so important as the surrender of at least 80,000 men, and an important for tress, it was necessary to send an officer of high rank. “You are, therefore,” said the General, “to return to Sedan and tell the Governor of the town to report him self immediately to the King of Prussia. If he does not arrive within an hour, our guDS will again open fire. You may tell the commandant that there is no use of his trying to obtain any other terms than unconditional surrender." The park-men taire rode back with this message. When he was fairly out of ear-shot his mission was most eagerly canvassed. At 6:30 there arose a sudden cry among the members of the King’s staff — "lter Kaiser in dal' —and then came a loud hurrah. Soon we began to look anxiously for the arrival of the second flig of truce. In ten minutes more Gen. Reilly rode up with h letter for the King of Prussia. THE EMPEROR’S SURRENDER. As soon as the French General was in sight, the sleoder escort o! cuirassiers and dragoons we had with us was drawn up in line, two deep. Behind the King, in front of the escort, was the Staff; and ten yards in front of them again, stood His Majesty, King William of Prussia, ready to receive Geo. Reilly. That officer, as we soon learned, was the bearer of an autograph letter from the Emperor Napoleon to King William. The Empmor of the French wrote: “As I cannot die at the head of my army, I lay my sword at the feet of your Majesty.” ["A’e pquvant pas mourir ala lete demon armee, je vtens nuttre mon epee avx piei Is de votre Mojtste."] On receipt of this most astounding letter, there was a brief consultation between the King, the Crown Prince, who had come over from his hill on the arrival of the flag of truce, Count Bhmarek, General Von Moltke, and Gen. Von Room After a few minutes’ conversation, the King sac down on a rush-bottomed chair, and wote a note (on another chair held as a table by two aides-de-camp) totheEmperor, asking him to come r.cxt mornieg to the King of Prussia’s headquarters as Vendresse, SHERIDAN CONGRATULATES BISMARCK. While the King was writing this note Count Bismarck came up to Gens. Sheri dan and Forsyth, and myself, aod heartily shook our hands. “Let me congratulate you most sincerely, Count,” said General Sheridan, "lean only compare the sir render of Napoleon to that of General Lee at Appomattex Court House.” When it camo my turn to grasp the Chancellor’s hand I could not help saying, after I had warmly congratulated him : “You cannot but feel a pride, Count Bismarck, in having contributed so largely to the winning of to-day’s victory.” “Oh ! no, aiy dear sir,” was the mild answer ; I am no strategist, and have nothing to do with the winning of battles. What I am pioud of is that the Bavarians, the Saxons, and the Wurtembergers have not only been on our side, but have had so large a share—the largest share —in the glory of the day, that they are with us, and not against us. That is my doing. I don’t think the French will say now that the South Germans will not fight for cur common Fatherland.” When the King had written his letter, he himself handed it to Gen. Roily, who stood bareheaded to receive it—the Italian an 1 Crimean medals glittering oa his breast in the fading sunlight. At 7:40, Gen. Reilly left lor tko belea guered town, escorted by the Uhlans. A DI’.INK TO UNITED GERMANY. Then there was a general demand for something to drink and Count Bismarck’s Aid-de-Camp produced two bottles of Bel gian beer. One of them His Excellency shared with Gen. Sheridan, Gen. Forsyth, and myself, saying that he drank to"the closer union of the three groat Teutonic peoples. THE IMPERIAL PRISONeR Next morniug early I started for Belgium. As I rode along I suddenly came first on a knot of Uhlans, then on two lackeys in the green and gold Imperial liverv. Directly behind them came His Majesty Napoleon 111., in his traveling carriage, on his way to report himself a prisoner at King Wil liam’s hiadquarters at Vendresse, a little dirty villiage some eight miles from Sedan The Prussian Soldier. Wo take the following statement of the peculiar excellencies of the German mili tary system from a letter of Mr. Fredrick Kapp, dated Berlin, August 11, printed in the Nation of Thursday last: In leading the French papers, you will find that the defeat is attributed by them to the greater numbers of the Germans. I admit that thus far we have been stronger on every field and at any given point than the French, lint does this act speak in their favor ? Their population and our is about equal. They have between thirty seven and thirty-eight millions of inhabi tants, while, on the other side, the North German Confederation has thirty, Bavaria five, Wurtemberg, Baden and Southern Hesse three and a half—a total of thirty eight and a half millions. The French were three weeks ahead of us when they declared war, but they did not move be yond the frontier tor the first blow. Nevertheless, they considered themselves so strong, and were so sure of the victory, that they neglected the most ordinary precautions. Why, then, were they beaten? We Germans are better organized for a war, we have a better and more thorough way of doing things in that line, than the FrenM, TT»oy are courageous, gallant, and full of spirit, bin, they do not care ror the details of the service; they labor un der the mistaken idea that everything can be done and carried out by impetuosity and bravery. The strength of our organization does not he in the one per cant, of the popula tion which forms the regular army, but-in the Dumber of those who have served their time, and in case of war are called in as reserve[and landwehr. Every year 100,- 000 fully drilled are mustered out of the standing army; who, in case of war, are liable to active duty in the field for nine more years. Thus, while the standing army numbers only 300,000, our reserve and landwehr are 600,000 strong. They are the flower of the nation—-none young er than twenty and none older than thirty two. The French have only enlisted men. Their last effort to imitate the German system was frustrated by the egotism of the ruling classes, who did not feel dis posed to devote a part of their time, and, in case of need, their lives, to the serviee ot their country. When the German troops moved toward the frontier, everything was ready for bat tle ; the smallest strap of' the knapsack, the button on the coat of the steward, were io tbeir places. Formerly, the nor mal time for mobilizing the army was a fortnight. This time less than a week was required; in some instances, the work was done in four days. Again, formerly the forwarding of an army corps by rail road took either five, or at the utmost eight days, for it wa3 supposed that a rail road cculd not forward more than twenty or twenty-four trains of troops a day. Each army corps requiring one hun dred and thirty to one hundred and fifty _ trains, the whole num ber of trains for ten to eleven corps thus amounted to from thirteen hundred to eighteen hundred. We have five trunk lines running from east to west at our dis posal, and, instead of ten to eleven days for forwarding the army to and beyond the Rhine, only six days were required; instead of thirty, we had forty and fifty trains a day, the government dispatching a train about every forty-five minutes. On coming from Cologne to Berlin, I counted sixty-three military trains, each of which contained about one thousand men. A battery of grtillery (six pieces) occupied five to seven cars. The service was done with wonderful promptitude and exact ness. Not one train was behind time, and only two accidents happened. The soldiers, who were expressly drilled for this kind of inroad service, entered and left the cars with as little noise and dplav as the pas sengers of an express train, t was present when the Second Regiment of the Guards —three thousand men—left Berlin; they marched along the platform, and each car [laying the number it could hold marked on the outside (jj.s, fpr instance, forty men or six horses, &c ,) they were seated in about three tninufes. After the first week’s service, the em ployees were so accustomed to their work that, they despatched trains laden with soldiers oj rapidly as passenger trains. Tlte whole Second Army Corps (Pomera nians) were sent from Berlin to Neukir chen, near Saarbrucken, in fifty hours ! (.feeding, drinking and inarching included,) j and arrived there punctually to the min- I ute. This spirit of punctuality and strict obedi once to the orders of his superior has been inculcated into every Prussian and North German from his earliest youth. The whole trainipg of the natiou is pre-emi nently military, and, tnhateper bad effects it may have in other relations ana at otcesr times, in emergencies like the present one it is wonderfully adapted for carrying out even the most difficult task. These quali ties cannot be drilled into a man in a month or a year; they muss by inter woven with his feeling and thinking; they must work by tradition as well as by pres ent practice. In Prussia these traditions and practices are now two hundred years old. But higher than this personal efficiency I value the moral tone of the German army. Our soldiers go to war to defend their hearths and homes, to repel an at tack, to settle our relations to France so fully and thoroughly that she will never again venture to provoke us. It in a bad job, you can bear every iandwher-man say, but it must be doue; we koow tbat we ruin our busidess, but now the time for de feating the French once and forever has come. There is an earnest resignation and firm resolution in these men which de serves the highest admiration from every impartial observer. All classes of society are represented in this popular army. Even a New England regiment cotjld not find so many educated men. While you had the scholar, professional man, and artist by the dozen, we have them by the hundred in every regiment ; they constitute in our armies the same per centage which they do in common life. For instance, the other day, I read a small pamphlet written by a Prussian sergeant on the part he bad taken in the Bohemian war of 1866. The night before the battle of Koniggratz he had a dispute, ho says, with a comrade. It was about the “peripetia” of Sopliocle’s Antigone, and his friend was just going to answer him when the drum suddenly called the soldiers to arms. This same material we have now —of course not ail so well educated, but on the average as good as the best of our nation. Each one of these educated men is as good as two others. Mr. Frederick Kapp may or may not be very good authority on the excellencies of the Prussian military system ; but he is certainly very bad authority on the excel lencies of the New England military sys tem during the late war between the States. When Mr. Kapp says that schol ars, professional men and artists were to be found by the dozen in the rank and file of the New England troojs, he says what is not true. Those classes remained at home, while foreigners did their fighting. Philosophy of the War. The Balance of Power in Europe—Can Prussia Dismember France, or France Prussia ? —Sadowa the Exciting Cause of the Conflict, but many Others Ante terior—Napoleon Not Sufficiently Suc ecsefu! to be the Antichrist—Bonapart ism Unveiled—Russian and British in terests —Bismarck and Francis Joseph The Light, Hope and Coming Tri umph of the Peo]>les. From the New York Herald. The following correspondence on the im portant subjects of the causes aud probable consequences of the great war between France and Prussia has been forwarded to the Herald for publication : THE EUROPEAN CONFLICT—ITS EXCITING CAUSES, Since the Tattle of Sadowa, in 1566, and the consequent traneferrenco of .German supremacy from Vienna to Berlin, states men and politicians considered that the situation thus arranged was only tem porary. The “balance of power” in Eu rope, it is true, has not been in danger lor the last hundred years except on the side of France, and latterly of Prussia. The “balance of power” means that all the European States, great and small, are to take care that none of them becomes so powerful as, like Moses’ serpent, to be able to swallow up all the rest. Russia, indeed, at first sight seems able to devour the remainder of the Continent of Europe, of which she has had already a fall meal ; but as her territory is almost wholly in tensely cold, and barren to a great extent, she is more like a huge Greenland whale, icebound in its own waters, than an active aggressive monster destined to devastate Southern Europe. Still it was fear of the growing power of Russia that led Louis Napoleon to acquiesce in the victories of Prussia cf 1866, and to behold with com placency, if not satisfaction, the rise of the great North German CONFEDERATION. Louis Napoleon is a dreamer after the model set by the uncle. From the latter he bat inherited much material and much intellectual wealth, Napoleon the First was a man ot more solid abilities than even Julius Caesar, and, unlike Charles the Second, never, or at least very rarely, said or did an unwise thing. Napoleon the First, then, was mightly afraid of Russia, and always told his companions at St. Helena that Europe in fifty years af terwards would be either republican or Cossack. Napoleon the Third, in the Russian war of 1854 and in acquiescing in the recent apgandizement of' Prussia, was acting upon the traditions left by the uncle. But, as the moon on account of her proximity to us acts more forcibly than the eud upon the waters cf the ocean and the seething brain of the lunatic, so Prussia has been found a more troulesomo thorn in the side of Franco than the really more formidable Colossus of the North. If Prussia had an ally in Spain or Italy she might greatly annoy France. The Ilohenzollern candidature, indeed, was the merest and hollowest pretext for war. Napoleon would have gone to- war even if a HoheLZillern was never men tioned, Lot us consider the character, then, of this Na;oleon the Third, from the beginning, and see whether he has been undergoing development of obscura tion. A WILD YOUNG MAN WITH A TAME EAGLE. In the year 1840 he made a descent up on Boulogne, and after performing in vain with the eagle before an unappreciative audience he was locked up by the police and ordered to be imprisoned for life in the foitress of Ham. His friend, Dr. Conneau, there got a figure of wood carv ed with a Napoleonic nose, and left it in the bed or Louis, while he escaped from the fortress. He resided in England afterwards, and a while in America, until he obtained the French Presidency in 1848 and the empire by the cowp d'etat of the 2d December, 1852—the anniversary of the coronation of Napoleon the First. Throughout all these pii-oucdioHaNapoloon the Third olartned to be a republican. He still professes to rep resent the principle ot the revolution of 1789, and it would really seem that he has always cherished hopes of an extended empire and to see ail Europe, not Cossack, but REPUBLICAN AND BONAPARTIST, and this at the same time. “Cmsar” thus would not be an emperor so much as the perpetual dictator of a republic. This was tbe dream of Napoleon the First. He rose like an idea, ready armed from the heated intellect of the revolution. He livrd on ideas—he died by ideas. All Eu rope, France included, laughed at him when be escaped from Elba and tried to cope single-handed again-t all Europe. But he had his idea, and it was not wholly worthless. Napoleon the Third has bis ideas, and they have been likewise so vast that it has taken twenty-two years posses sion of the supreme power in Franco to hatch them. BONAPARTISM UNVEILED. There is a book called “Napoleonism Unveiled,” giving a brief description of the features in which the third Napoleon corresponds to the Antichrist of Daniel and Saint John. The bookseller, how ever, himself “wise as a serpent,” in stantly hides tho placard whenever a vic tory is announced for the Prussians. On the first, turn of the tide for the French out came “Napoleonism Unveiled” again. NAPOLEON HIMSELF IS A FATALIST. This fact can be demonstrated by a very few words, in his address to ihe French nation, upon bis proclamation of war against Prussia, be plainly told them that they were entering “upon a long and bloody war.” Now how did he. know this? Why did he not rather say—“ The Prus sians will fly at the first shot; I shall fire blank cartridge in order to spare expense and the trouble of carrying the wouuded.” No; he believes in his own destiny, and actually seems to wish to obtain credit for supernatural foresight. Ho did a foolish thing, however, in being so explicit in his prophecies. The oracle of the Delphi, that governed the world for centuries, and incited or postponed wars according as it gave encouragement or not to the contem plated enterprises used, expressed itself ia such ambiguous language as to defy any imputation or error in its calculations. Dr. Cumming, of London, was a great prophet until he foretold that the end of the w.irld wa3 to be on the Gth of October, 1850. Since that date he has naturally tallea into disrepute. Napoleon the Third, hov ever, seems to have had good reason for believing that thp WAR WOULD BE “LONG AND BLOODY.” He rushed into the field unprepared, as the events prove, relying upon the re sources of France to procure the necessary supplies of men and money at a moment’s notice. But why d'4 be thqs ruah, like -■Bacas, into the midst of a superior host? Now, the fact is that the FRENCH NATION WAS ANXIOUS FOR WAR, more anxious even than Napoleon the Third. The antipathy exhibited to tbo empire throughout the FreDch cities and towns during the last two years, and their marked opposition to him in the voting on the plebiscite, all show some rankling with Napolesn the Third. The casus belli be tween the Emperor and his subjects was not the pretended one. The real cause of the dissatisfaction of the French nation with Bonaparte was pot his despotic and persona! government, but, his acquiescence in tbe growing greatness of Prussia. As halt the world do not know “how the other half live,” so neither do kings and emperors know what their subjects really think of them. Besides, for a refined Frenchman to cry opt, “1 want war—lead me to tbe front,” wa a a tbirg not to be ex pected. NapoleOD, therefore, has been for a long time at bia wit’s end to know what was the matter with the French people, and whether himself and Dr. Conneau could not prescribe something nice and wholesome ior them. Benge nc tons bo gan to put the so-called constitution into the crucible. He has tried the experiment of recasting it so often that few French men or foreigners could at last say whether ic was more like the model set by Jethro or by Napoleon I. 4-*fm English and American newspapers, of oourse, con tained articles on the plebiscite; but the omniscient editors contradicted one another and themselves in each alternate sentence. Then came the voting en the plebiscite Now, a party in the possession of power acts very foolishly in questioning its con stituents as to whether it should remain. In private life a visitor should at once ac cept A hint to ao. If he does not walk out he will next be kicked out. But in politics and offices of emolument politeness Is out of place. The party in possession should appear to cqn consider everything as eovleur de rose , and, above all things, avoid raising tho i discussion of any exciting question. Let those who are out of office shuffle the cards; those iu ollice had better not do so, but as little as possible. Napoleon, however, believing that he was to live and die oa the throne of France, put that throno to the vote, and the vote confirmed his expectation. TIIB FRENCH WANTED SOMETHING more than a plebiscite, and an appeal in timating that they were the ultimate de positories of power. They wanted a war with Prussia: and Napoleon, after having at last discovered the seat of the French irritation, at once pushed headlong into war, lest his tenure of the empire might be come further insecure. Now, Napoleon may be a fatalist, but I am not, and I believe that liis rushing in so unprepared a manner into the field was the work ot a person little better than a maniac. At the same time, let no one suppose that the other great Powers of Europe can escape being caught in its whirl. France, since the accession of Louis Xl\. —le Grande Monarque—has been, as it was in the time of Sliakspearo, “the dictator of Europe in fashions as in power. ’ “The mistress court of mighty Europe,” as the bard of Avon termed it, has since lost none of its prestige, except during the tumults consequent upon the Reformation, and again from the date of the battle of Waterloo to about 1850, on the establishment of Napoleon in the supreme power. Now Franco, daring the first republic and the consulate aud empire was almost a match for all Europe united. As all Europe was not united, she was more than a match for those nations that opposed her. But the population of France has since increased from thirty-two to forty five millions; her wealth has increased in proportion, and her military ardor is as great as it was when Cmsar described her “singular chivalry.” Prussia, then, has many war conse quences on her hand-. CONSEQUENCES. The honors of the campaign belong to the Prussians. They have been able to bavc the war cairied on in the enemy’s ter ritory and this alone is a signal advantage to the Prussian nation. But their losses have been very great, nor is it possible for them to rule or make rule in Paris. Napoleon I. bivouacked in all the lead ing cities of Europe—London alone ac cented. Vienna, Milan and Berlin were all occupied by his legions, but they did not dare to enter any of these towns until all show of opposition was completely ex tinguished. An army advancing to be siege a city while there is a pursuing force on its own rear is the most ridiculous idea that could enter a military or no military mind. The occupation of Paris would not be followed by the sack of the city. The in habitants would bo sure to captulate if once straitened, and Euglaud, though of course thoroughly Prussian in sympathy, does not exactly hate France. England would insist upou the city being treated with humanity. America would also be opposed to the dismemberment of France. Russia is threatening India in the East, and its huge shadow has been long upon the Black and Caspian seas. England is afraid of Russia and not of France. Prus sia therefore, would lose more men in tak ing Paris than it would be worth. The Prussians would be compelled by united Europe to evacuate Paris. No blame, of course, can be attached to persons engaged in war for prosecuting it with the utmost vigor. Still thePrussiaus have gained such splendid honors already that their better plan would be to aet much on the defensive, and engage Russia and England on their behalf. If Napoleon can yet stimulate therepublieaa idea, as he must do to retain the warm support of Frenchmen, all of whom in the large cities and towns are republican, Russia will then at ot ce back Prussia; so will England, so may even Austria, at least for a considera tion. If Prussia has really at her com mand the number of men alleged she can doubtless approach Paris. But I see now how muon the military power of France has been exaggerated, nor is there any ground for doubting that the Prussian re sources have been similarly, though proba bly not equally, misrepresented. THE BAIAANCE. It is time, then, that Prussia should consider what she lias to gain by the war. Neither France nor Prussia will be allowed by Europe to conquer tho other. Facb affords lateral support to the other arid to the whole balance of power in E trope. It was Napoleon, indeed, and re t K ng Wil liam, that kicked the beam anti cast, his sword into the scale. But, still, where a war eaanot bo attended with permanent conquest or advantage, there is no use in pursuing it with more vigorous conoe quences than is necessary. ROME AND CARTHAGE. In ancient times Rome and Carthage fought not merely for supremacy, but (or a right to extinguish and annihilate the 0: her. All tbe wars recorded in ancient history were of this nature. One great city or nation is ruling all the rest. When an other appears still more Western and still more powerful she is not content to share a divided sovereignty with the former. No! It is a ease of Carthage est defenda— they fight not for glory only, but for life anil death. THE MODERN PRINCIPLE. The modern am phyctiony of nations is constructed upon a different prinoiplc. The science of political .economy teaches thatnations, instead of being mutual rivals, are, or ouebt to be, mutual :rienda, and that in trade, unlike war, all parties can gain and progress without humbling or destroying their neighbors. Although, then, one universal empire would prevent civil war, yet it is to be observed that, a oootest between one city -and another in such an empire would be likely to be one of life and death—one between Rome and Carthage. But where there aro several States, as in Europe, all both sovereign and independent, they will take care that neighboring nations when at war, like France and Prussia at present, will not prooeed to extermination, or kicking the foe when prostrate, but be content with glory pur et simple, at and some light pecu niary assessment upon the conquered nation. THE “INCURSIONS OP THE GERMANS,” This, as the “modern Caesar” may probably regard his i avaders, seems strong ly to prove that conquest belongs to the North, and that slight as is the difference of latitude between the south of France and the north of Germany, yet that a harder raoe of men is reared on the shores of the Baltic. WILL NAPOLEON UNMASK ? It is time now that Napoleoon should unveil himself of his prophecy and his nonsense and eive up the iu-ano and blood thirsty idea that he was destintd to be a Ghengis Khan nr a Tamaiane. The First Napoleon trifljd too much with the blood of his subjects. The French peasants vo'ed fir'he Third on the plebis cite beeau e the peasantry of Franco are conservative ar.d not republican. Being peasant proprietors, they dislike a fresh revolution, which might deprive th< m of their little properties and turn themselves and their families upon the world. This strongly shows the political utility of splitting landed properties. The owners of these ; though willing to make some sac rifice for their country, will not consent reaffily to revolution, for that usually means anew division of the soil. It was owirg to this, and not to the glory and charm of the Napoleonic Dame or destiny, that the French pea-ants hitherto support ed Napoleon in his contests with the towns. He had, indeed, tho army also attached to him. Rut oyen soldiers may get too much of fighting, especially if, unlike the days of the first empire, the battles are not all victories ; bat, on the c mtrary, j ‘ought on the soil of France and with the I imperious object of averting a march on j Paris. THE MO It AI. OF IME WAR. Tbe moral of the war is this : As all the nations of Europe, though armed to the teeth, are like the rioters in the scene cf Bombastes Furioso, where each has a dagger at the breast of his neighbor and yet cannot move without being himself assassinated, it is time that France and Prussia would realize the situation and re member that neither will be allowed to vripo out the other from the map cf Eu rope, or even to dismember it. Perhaps it is some such view as this that led to the re cent retrograde march of the victorious Crown Prince. If Napoleon suooeeded he would try to dismember Prussia, proclaim a kingdom or, rather, a republic of Poland, and at tract to his interest tbe republican and anti Cossack element in Hungary, Italy, Ireland and elsewhere. I am givinv the aged Emperor, however, credit ior more energy than hp appears to have possessed. But were Lis uncle in his shoes this is what he would do. All Europe would then be in war, and like the author of “Napoleonism Unveil ed,” many more would hgye reason to think they feaw “tue beginning of the end.” The present European troubles had their first origin in the Italian campaign of 1859. Napoleon theD, without the shadow of a pretext, invaded the Austrian teri tory and dismembered it. Bismarck, seeing the thing could be j easily done, made Ins preparations accor- j dmgiy, and, in 1800, picked the other j pocket of Austria’ Although, theD, the French nation have ’ been anxious for tho present rar stung, it ! is said, by the jubilant tones of the Prus sian press, yet the real originator of all ' there tumnlts is Napoleon 111., backed, i certainly, by Count Bismarck. How long, then, will nations submit to be massacred at Hfo whims of a few in dividuals, who arc even silly enough to imagine that their ambitious bloodthirsti ness is consecrated by destiny ? THE AWAKENING OF THE NATIONS, AT HAND. No executive, consisting of a considera ble number of persons—in other words no democratic government—would be so 'de void of sense as to plunge into such seas of blood with such little excuse as liavo the kings apd emperors.' The nations would be awake. The peoples would en joy light, and iQ the light of the democracy they would, and soon will, see universal charity, liberty, equality, fraternity, peace arm the blessings of cheap government and freedom, both of mind and conscience, for all. Such will most likely be the realization ot the late war and of Napoleon's fall. Bevolutionary Scenes ip, Paris, THE EXCITEMENT IN PARIS ON THE RECEPTION OF THE NEWS OF McMAHON’S DISASTER PROCEEDINGS OF THE CORPS LEGISLATIF-THE EMPEROR DEPRIVED OF ALL CONSTITU TIONAL FUNCTIONS—A PRO VISIONAL GOVERNMENT FORMED. S}>tcial Disjialch to the New York World. Ostend, September 6. The Republic has been proclaimed in Paris. On the train which left Paris this morning and reached Ostend this evening, by way of Lille, the mail carriage came with the Imperial arms effaced and the legend Poste NationaleFrancaiso. In Paris yesterday evening the approaches to the Palace of the Legislature were guarded by detachments ot the line and squadrons of the Gendarmerie. The Guards ot Paris and the National Guard occupied the centre of the Pont de la Concorde, and were formed in squares around the centre of tiio Place do la Concorde. No vehicles were allowed to traverse the Place de la Concorde. The Champs Elysees were cleared of all carriages, and a cordon of National Guards stretched across them at the Rond Pont. After the suspension of the sitting, a number of persons gradually assembled on the grand stair case within the Legislative Palace, and finally came out on the portico iu front, waving their hats, and shout.ng “Down with tkcEmpire !” “Long live the Republic!” The shouts were not echoed by the troops, but the demonstration was taken up by crowds on the quays, and by other crowds in the Rue Royale and along the Rue de Rivoli by the gardens of the luilleries. These crowds were a compact mass from just beyond the Obelisk ot Luxor quite down the Rue Royale to the Hue St. Honore, and down the Rue de Rivoli to the Rue Castiglione. The shops were not shut, and there was no disorder beyond that merely incident to the pres ence of so great a multitude. About six o’clock the National Guard and the troops of the line nearest the Leg islative Palace began to show signs of sympathy with the people. Shakos were raised on the bayonets, auil cries uttered here and there of “Death to the Prus sians!” “Long live France!” Shortly after a column, perhaps a thousand strong, of National Guards, fully uniformed and equipped, with a band playing the “Mar seillaise,” came down the line of the quays from the Pont des Arts, and pressed on to the Legislative Palace. The gate keepers made some resistance, but finally gave way, and the people pressing in after the troops, the whole enclosure was rapidly filled, and the multitude, the troops still in the frout, aud in perfect order, surrounded the whole building, and passed into the door ways aud tip the numerous stairways, a number even invading the buildings ap propriated to the residence of the Coun sellors of State aud other officials. The cries of the multitude were incessant. The Emperor’s name was never ihentioned, not even in cries for his downfall. The Depu ties of tho Left catne out of the hall to meet the people. Men embraced each other with cries of joy, shouting, “Long live France!” The Deputies of the Left were soon gathered in a body and set off, amid cries of “a l’Hotel de Ville,” for the municipal palace. Two stalwart workmen in blouses and as pinny National Guards in uniform seized Messieurs Picard and Gambetta, raised them in the air, and car ried them as if iu triumph to the Hotel de Ville - The scene on their arrival was most impressive. Someone hail mounted the towers of Notre Dame, and from each of the gray piles floated three or four tri color flags.. The gilded colossal lamps of the Place de l’Hotel de Ville were wreathed in flags, and high up on each was perched a bov waving a tricolor. The va 5 t place itself was a dense mass of people, mingling with whom every where were tho uniforms and bayonets of the National Gnarde, and of the line. As the deputies advanced, or were borne up to the facade of the vast building, Henri Rochefort came out to meet them, holding out both hands, with a cry of “Vive la Republique!” At the same moment half a dozen men burst open from within a window in the facade, and began throwing out a great crowd of small, white papers, crying, as they did so, “These are the votes of the Plebiscite.” Then, for the first time, went up a great cry from the whole vast crowd, of “Down with the Empire!” It was taken up arid sent, with a noise like the roaring ot the waves, along the quays, and along the liuede Rivoli, both towards tho Louvre, and towards the ancient city ot Paris. Down the great Boulevards de Sebastopol a procession of several thou sand troops, surrounded by crowds of men, women and children, advanoed with bands of music. The procession and its wings filled tho enormous street from front to front of the houses on either side, and the music of the bands was accompanied by the whole mass singing tho Marsellaise. In all this time and in all these places the shops were still kept open ; the police were swept in with the processions or quietly disarmed. I heard of ana I saw nc case of violence, no disorder, no rob bery. Everywhere the deepest rxeitement and the most extraordinary improvised public order. The Imperial arms were torn down from all the public buildiugF, and in one or two cases the windows of shops were broken which contained them. In the Rue Vivienne a well known mil liner’s establishment was thu3 menaced, but the proprietress oame out and remon strated with the leaders, holding up a gold Naprloon, and saying, “If that passes to day, why shall my windows be broken?” The men cheered and laughed, the women cried •‘Vive la Republique !” and the crowd passed on. One gate of the Tuilleries on the side of the Seine was burst open, aud the crowd poured in ; but forebore to enter the palace on the appearanoa ol M. Eman uel Arago, who came out to meet them, and said: “Citizens, the Empress left Paris at midnight This p; lace, the prop erly of the people, i3 under the protection of liberty and the law.” The crowd cheered immensely ; guards of tho Nation al Guard wore posted at the gates. The Republic was p’-oclaimei] immediately af terwards at the Hotel de Ville, with the. following list of the Provisional Ministry : j Interirtr —M. Gambetta. foreign Affairs —M. Jules Favre. Finances —M ■ Magne. Public Instruction. —M. Jules Simon- Justice —M. Cmmieux. IPar—General L fi •„ President of ife VtjPeteil of Slate—hi. Grevy.. Secretary- General— M. La Vertugou cn•n t m t I Governor of l‘arv —General Troche. I Meissieurs < Dais liizoin, Pulletan, Ernest i Picard, Koeheforte and Garnier-Pages ! have also places in the administration. M, j <le Keratry has been appointed Prefect of j Police, and Emmanuel Arago, Mayor of ! Paris. lii response to tho Prussian ap | propriation of that province, Messieurs I Valatin and Engelhart have been appoint- I ed Civil and Military Commissioners of j Alsace. NAPOLEON’S CORPS LEGIBLATIF. j Paris, September s.—The following is i a sketch of tbe proceedings in the Corps , Legislatif on Saturday night and Sunday ; moaning, previous to the closing session I already reported: The Corps Legislatif, which bad only j taken a recess, reassembling at 1:30 Sun j day morning, after an exciting session in tbe evening, at which the Ministers had i explained the situation. j President Schneider said: Painful and grave news was communicated to us during | the evening, and as President of the House j I had a double duty to perform towards it i and the nation. For the rest, by an urgent , demand on the part of a great number of my colleagues, you have beeQ called to gether in extraordinary session. I allow, ! therefore, the floor to the Minister of War, that he may finish the statement which he commenced during this morning’s sitting. Count Palikao said : I bave the painful mission to inform you what my words be fore must have foreshadowed. The news which was only semi-official has become official After heroic efforis the army has been roiled back iuto Sedan, acJ has been encompassed there by such superior forces that it has been obliged to capitulate. The Emperor has been made a prisoner. In view of this news, it will be impossible to c-nter upon serious discussion of the conse quences which these events may involve, when I have been forced to leave my bed to attend this sitting, and my colleagues have had no opportunity to deliberate. President Schneider proposed an adjourn ment until to-day at noon. He said the situation imposed on him great duties and lie would fill them. But the Ministry not having yet been able to deliberate, and each one needing time to think over care fully the grave resolutions which tho occa sion required, lie thought it would lie wise to adjourn, v™, rd t w ho teXt which wo n,,w before frV-7° mOV ° that the Chamber adopt the following resolutions : hl/ll 1 "?]' 2 ?" 1 ' 1 ?" Bonaparte and tl e b l de , c!ar , ed have forfeited Ssrss...’**"» “<»»«-«»«« “That there shaH be chosen an Execu tive Committee composed of members the number of whom shall be fixed by ’ the Chamber, which shall be invested with all the powers necessary to repel invasion and tle ene my from the soil.” p*t General Trochu, Governor of i aria, be charged exclusively with the defence of the capital.” , e reading of these resolutions was listened to in profound silence. nr Mr> v ? ica was raised. It was that °;-j ; 1 'pard. - We have not the power,” saitt tie, to pronounce th cdecheance." President, Schneider returned to his pre p sal to adjourn the sittirg until no; n, on pem'd" 1 01 t lC gravity of what had liap- The Corps Legislatif agreed, and the sitting was adjourned. Lei ter from Louisville, TRIAL CF TIIE CONSPIRATORS. SPECIAL CORRESPONDENCE OF THE CHRON ICLE &. SENTINEL. Louisville, G.y., September S, 1870. Editors Chronicle if- Sentinel : On ye. terday I promised to furnish you with further particulars in relation to tho trials progressing here of the loaders in the late insurrection, and no.v proceed to do so as briefly 33 possible. . !l,s murG i ß S seven more, charged with insurrection, plead guilty, and were sen tenced. Andrew Scott, the first or.e sentenced, in his confession or plea lor mercy, stated that he was appointed a captain, by Fye, of the company that broke open the jail’; that ho had sixty-five men ; that he left home by Fye’s orders; that Fye told him that he t had his orders from Governor Bullock, and that he had the power so have him shot il he disobeyed orders.” He joined Fye’s club on Saturday in Louisville; that Fye had with him two books, which he asked mo to read ■ 1 looked at them, but could not read them • the books were printed, and did not have stiff backs, but could ho roiled up and placed in the tide pocket of a coat, Fye read to mo the 14th, 15th and 16th laws : That when one ot our members were put in jail without our permission, w 0 had the power to band together aad take him out ; that when any one of our members worked for a man, and he was not paid, then the members of the club could join together and seize and sell out the last thing the man had until the member got his pay. Judge Gibson sentenced him to two years’ imprisonment. He remarked, in making this sentence, that perhaps in his judioial.district there were more convicts iu the penitentiary than from any other sec tion, and that oe knew that no convict had evir been pardoned by tbe Governor, un less he had good reasons lor exercising the gubernatorial clemency. Eli Adams was next sentenced to one year’s imprisonment in the penitentiary. In his plea he said that he was a member of Fye’s Blub, he was 19 years o’d. Fye said he was old enough to vote, so he sent his name off to the Governor. He made the samo statement as to the rules of his ciub, as was made by Andrew Scott. lie said Fye had shown him papers authoriz ing him to aet from Governor Bullock. Madison Walker waa next sentenced to one year’s imprisonment. Britton Martin was then scntcncod for one year. He aid that Fye had told him that he had written to Governor Bullock for instructions, and he approved 0 f his proposed proceedings. Robert J ones was next sentenced to two year’s imprisonment. He made about the same statement as the others, to wit: That they had organized under orders from Governor Bullock. . George Sherman was sentenced to two ycar3. He made the same confessions. Sol Whitehead was sentenced to two years, he making about the same conles sions. Prince Bruton, charged with riot, lias been found guilty and sentenced to work twelve months on the chain-gang. Court will adjourn to morrow. I have a good many affidavits which I will send you to-morrow. Your«, &c.. J. 11. Louisville, Ga. Si pt. <)th, Ls7o. Editors Chronicle & Sentinel : Everything is now quiet. Uur Court adjourned late yesterday afternoon. All the accused plead guilty, except Prince Burton, whom I in closing my communication, a3 being convicted for riot and sentenced to twelve month in the chain >:ang. low Brewer {dead guilty to the charge of riot and was sentenced to twelve months in the chain Tom Brewer and Prince Burton commanded tho crowd on Saturday, the 20ih August, which marched through the streets, and demanded the jail keys, and when the keys were refused them, marched on to the i'll, threatening to break it open, and would, doubtless, have carried the threat into execution had they not been intimida ted by Maj. M ilking the Chairman of the Hoard of CommiPidoncrs. Perhaps you may have hoard several months ago, of some unknown parties riding uo at night to the residence of a ' if Hall, who IHed near Bartow, and called for Mr. Hall to come out to them. Hall only camo to the door, or window, anl askc.l what was the matter ? As soon as he was seep, this unknown party fired a volley at him. For weeks, no proof could he had against any ono. A few (lays ace, three negroes, Joe McGinniss, Pitt Harris and John Walker, were charged with this offence, and arrested and lodged in jail John Walker, one of this party, turned State s evidence. His tesfimuny was, that McGinniss, Harris, himself, and a John Jones (a negro), composed the party who shot Hall. John Jones is still at. large, and when last heard of he was in Hamburg. Just before Court adjourned, i McGinniss ar.d Walker plead guilty, and were sentenced, by Judge Gibson, to two years imprisonment in the Penitentiary. So our work is now ended. In two days | ’- v e have sent eleven representatives to the j penitentiary, and two to the chain-gang, 1 to assist Grant, Alexander & Cos., in con i struct ing railroads. We could have con victed many more, hut thought ti.at the I ends of justice were .attained in tho nnm [ her convicted. To-day a guard of soldiers will escort these convict* to their new home, and we will be left all quiet. Every one seems satisfied with what has been done. Many would have prefer red seeing Fye hung, and their wishes would have been gratified had not tho prosecuting attorneys feared a pardon. The wholo evidence lias developed the fact that Fye is a most consummate scoun drel, and no punishment that the law in. flicts could be too severe. But in these days justice cannot always be fully meted out. j .’fbe imppession is general that there i wiR be no farther disturbances in this sec | tion for a long time to come. The cabn | ness and moderation, and firmness of the w bites have taught the negroes a most in structive lesson. The idea all the time has been to hold up the law ns a terror to evil doers. We hr.re tried by our acts to inculcate the Idea that if the law is broken the law is able to vindicate itself. That though we had the numbers and the strength to rise up and crush down in its very bud all disturbances and uprisings, yet we [preferred waiting on the law-, knowing that though comparatively slow it would bo equally jmre. My own sym -I‘arliies cannot but go out and ding to many of these poor, ignorant, deluded, j misled negroes. I was there in the midst I of their excitement, when they wore in solent, and vind.ctivc, and full of bravado aud threat I heard their cursings acd listened calmly to their bitter a-niili mas. But: ow ‘ .Samson isshorn of his locks’’— and they are ibe same quiet, docile, hum ble, dependent people tiiaL in olden times were amongst us I cannot but pity thoir ignorance, aod make mattv allowances for their false prejudices. Will cot worse than “mill stones be cast around the necks” cf those who to make capital for themselves, pander to the ignorance of these people, and by their insidious ap peals, and lying promises arouse their prejudices, and bring into action all their slumbering passions and and .rut-in vices ? In a day or two I will trouble you with mv/t’W communication. Truly yours, J. JJ. \y. | A Cheap Fertilizer —Tho Southern I lanter says tha' a cheap fertilizer, nearly as good as guano, may be made in the following manner : First gather any quan tityof -wamp muck into a pile to dry; measure off six barrels of this, or any oth er rich black earth, imo another pile, and add the following salts, previously dissolv ed in a barrel or more of water, viz,: 40 Ibs. of nitrate of soda, 00 lbs. sulphate of ammonia, and half a bushel of common salt; then add a barrel of ashes, a barrel of plaster of Paris, aod a barrel ofground bones. Mix ali of those well together and use in the same manner as Peruvian guano. We learn from a private letter to a gentleman in this place, that difficulty oc curred in Pike county in August, between two families named Wood and Smith— two men from each family—in which fourteen shots were fired. Ilobe.-f Wood was killed, and one of the Smiths dan gerously wounded. Mr. \Y. 'leaves a wild and seven children. .
