Georgia Historic Newspapers

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WKDIIKSDAY MOEHIAfi, SEPTEMBER 11.
Democratic Convention for tlie
sth Congressional District.
At a meeting of the Executive Commit
tee for the sth Congressional District, field
in Augusta on the Ist day of September,
the following resolutions were adopted :
A 'etoltcd, That we recommend that a
Convention of the Democratic party for
the sth Congressional District be held in
the city of Augusta on Thursday, the 2‘Jth
of September instant, for the purpose cf
nominating candidates for the unexpired
term of the 41st, and for the fall term of
the 42d Congress.
Ihsoked, That each county be requested
to send to said Convention two delegates
for each Representative to which the
county is entitled in the Lower House of
the general Assembly.
D. M. Dubose, Chairman.
Willis Wili.ixsham,
E. 11. Pottle,
Ceo. T. Barnes,
J, J. Joses.
Correspondence.
Bandeu.svii.le, Ga., Bept. 6,1870.
Gen. A. 11. Weight:
Dear Sir: Your name having been sug
gested in connection with the Congres
sional nomination for this District, and
participating with yonr numerous friends
here and elsewhere in that desire, and
feeling some solicitude on the subject of
eligibility, the undersigned desire to learn
if, in your opinion, you are constitutional
ly qualified under the 14th Amendment to
hold office?
An early reply, either by letter or
through the columns of the Chbonici.b &
Sknti.nki. will oblige yours, Sec.
B. D. Evans, .
J. W. Renfroe,
H. D. D. Twiggs,
E. 8.1 angmade,
Green Brantly.
Augusta, Ga., September 9,1870.
Gentlemen :—Your esteemed favor of
the 6tli instant is just received, in which
you desire mo to state whether I am “con
stitutionally qualified under the XlVth
Amendment to hold office.”
1 never held an office before the war,
either State or Fedoral, and consequently
am not now, under the operation of the
odious amendment referred to, constitu
tionally disqualified to hold office.
Thanking you very sincerely for the
kind sympathy you express for me in con
nection with the approaching canvass, I
remain,
Very respectfully,
Your ob’t serv’tand friend,
A. R. W right.
To Messrs, B. J>. Evans, J. W. Renfroe,
11. I*. D. Twiggs, E. 8. Langmade, Green
Brantly.
Congressional Candidate.
The suggestion of the name of Colonel
.1. A. Billups, of Morgan, as a suitable can
didate for Congress from this District,
made hy correspondent, “Madison,”
which we publish in another column, will
lv read with pleasure hy the many friends
of this distinguished gentleman. Colonel
Billups is well known in Middle Georgia
as an able and experienced lawyer—a
patriotic, intelligent and cultivated gen
tleman, anil his nomination would doubt
less give general satisfaction to the people
of tbe whole District.
Congressional Candidates.
Wo cheerfully givo place to the commu
nication ol our friond from Bartow in re
lation to the policy to be pursued in mak
ing nominations for Congress from this
district.
The views wo expressed in our editorial
of the 3d are the result of long and ma
ture deliberation on this subject. Wo be
lieve they foreshadow tho true position
that the Southern people should take.
Tho more we reflect upon tho matter tho
nmro firmly do wo become convinced that
every consideration of justice, of right and
of self-respect, require us to nominal e* no
one who is not an intelligent exponent of
tho known popular sentiment of the dis
trict.
In rcgaid to the gentlemen named by
our correspondent, we can, from a long
and intimate personal acquaintance with
each of them, honestly ar.d cordially en
dorse all that is said of their honesty, pa
triotism and intelligence. Wo know that
either of them, it elected, would faithfully
and ably represent tho people of the Dis
trict' One of them is constitutionally dis
qu ililicd—tho other two are not. By tho
adoption of the rules recommended by our
correspondent, neither of them could re
ceive the nomination, for we are quite sur
that, after their long and distinguished
services in the late war, they cannot swal
low the tost oath; and our correspondent
says tho requirement of that oath will not
Lo suspended.
Wo fear that our correspondent has not
fully comprehended our position. Wo bc
lievo that it would bo inexpedient to nomi
nate candidates for State or Federal offices
who are, disqualified by the terms of the
XlVth Amendment. That amendment
has been, by the proper authorities, de
clared to be a part and parcel of the Con
stitution. While we do not now nor did
we ever bclievo that this amendment has
been adopted according to the letter or
the spirit of the Constitution, tho tact is
that it is now of foroe and will remain of
force until annulled by the proper forms of
law. Although odious, oppressive, un
just, tyranical, vindictive and hateful,
we can, in some sort of a way, manage to
exist under it until we can secure its
abolishment. But, if we aro driven to the
necessity of selecting candidates for Con
gress wfo can take the test oath—and
whose cli f, and only, recommendation is
that they can take that infamous oath—or
of remaining unro; resented in the Federal
Congress, we do n< t hesitate to declare that
wo would, without a moments hesitancy,
choose the latter^alternative.
Our advice is to select the best men we
have, both for State and Federal offices,
who are not ineligible under the terms
ol tho XlVth amendment, and without
the slightest attention to the fact whether
or not they can take the test oath.
A Petition Against Despotism.
The New 'i ork Journal of Commerce
lias received from Texas a very long peti
tion, signed by many respectable citizens
of that State, asking Congress to guaranty
to them a republican form of government.
The petition is strong, but temperately
worded, and we should think could not
fail to produce a good effect wherever
read. It asks tor nothing but what every
lover of republican institutions of all par
ties ought to be glad to see established in
Texas—that is, a form of State government
analogous to that of other States of the
Union. They say they are fully prepared
to live under such a government in peace
and quietude, and wo credit their asser
tions, tor there is no part of this country
where industry, frugality and obedience to
the laws (cruel and unjust as many of the
statutes are) prevail more than in Texas.
The Journal of Commerce justly remarks
that no people on earth, except those
who have been trodden under des
potic heels for centuries, and in whom
the love of freedom is a lost sense,
could be patient under such tyranny as
the Texans now suffer from. The Gov
ernor has a larger share of irresponsible,
one man power than falls to any potentate
in Christendom, except, perhaps, theCiar
of Russia, and this power he abuses, as
the Russian autocrat docs not. To begin
with, the Governor is commander-in-chief
of the militia, and has a large foroe at his
disposal. Tnen he is supreme head of an
extensively organized State polioc, having
members in all the cities and towus. Then
he has the appointment of all the district
attorneys aod every oounty and municipal
officer in the State, even down to the al
dermen of cities. Every soldier, every
constable, and every civil functionary is
solely responsible to the Governor. The
act by which the appointment of civil of
ficers are given to tho Governor was pass
ed in direct violation of the State Consti
tution, but the Legislature who were mere
ly the creatures of the ambitious execu
tive, stickled at nothing to* please him.
There are now some signs of a quarrel be
tween them and their master, and out of
their dissensions the people cf Texas may
possibly recover some of their lost rights,
or, at least, not suffer any further encroach
ment. But for entire relief they cau only
look to Congress, though we frankly say
that we fear they will suffer a great disap
pointment in expecting any alleviation cf
their miseries from that source.
| COMMUNICATED.]
Bartow, Ga-, September 5, 1870.
Editor» Chronicle A Sentinel.:
I beg leave to differ from the- views ex
pressed in your article of the 3d, in rela
tion to chosing camlidatcs for Congress
who can take the test oath. In y-,ur
closing paragraph you sey it is better to be
unrepresented than to be misrepresented.
Now, I think your plan is the sure way to
be misrepretented. If we elect a man
who is not eligible, he will not bo seated
and then his opponent, a Radical, will be
seated. Trust not the Rads to remove
this lest oath. II we cannot get the high
est order of talent, then we want an honest,
practical man—a man with good hard
common sense- -one who eannot be swin
dled or bribed out of his vote. I think we
have plenty of this kind. I think you
have some iu vour.city, and I know we have
a few here. I would name Major W. A.
Wilkins, General R. W. Carswell, Capt.
W. P. Johnson and others; and, without
disparagement to that gentleman, I would
say that either of those named will com
pare favorably with thn last representative
we had in the U. 8. Congress before the
war.
About a dozen men in Congress do all
the work—that is, they lay it out, aud the
balance do the voting. A lew leaders gov
ern and control the actions of Congress.
It has always been the case. And, if we
cannot have a leader from this district, let
us have an honest, practical man —a Dem
ocrat who is eligible.
Very respectfully, C.
Democratic Meeting In llancock.
Id response to a call for a meeting of the
Democratic party of II incock county, a
largo number of citizens met at the Court
House on Tuesday, September 6th.
The meeting was cal ed to order at 11
o’clock a. in., by Col. B. T. Harris, who
explained the objeot of the meeting, and
urged, id a forcible manner, the import
ance of a thorough organization of the
party in the county.
On motion of W. H. Brantly, Colonel
Harris was unanimously elected permanent
President of the party organization in the
county.
On motion of C. W. Dußose, J. S.
Newman was elected Secretary.
On motion of G. F. Pierce, Jr., a com
mittee of five was appointed to suggest
suitable persons to constitute an Executive
Committee, to consist of one from each
Militia District.
The Chair appointed G F. Pierce, Jr.,
J. J. Lawrence, F. A. Butts, Dr. Win,
8. Alfriend, and Frank Minor. During
the absence of this oommitte, on motion of
Col. J. T. Jordan, the meeting went into
an election of delegates to the District
Convention, to be held at Augusta Sept.
29th.
The following delegates and alternates
were eleoted. Delegates—C. W. Dußose,
W, H. Brantly, J. J. Lawrence and S. E.
Pearson.
Alternates—G F. Pierce, Jr., J. L.
Culver, J. R. Simpson and Dr. W. R.
Gilmore.
Oa motion of Col. Jordan the delegation
was authorized to fill its vacancies,
The following were elected Executive
Committeemen : Jno. Amos, H H. Cul
ver, J. W. Cawthon, J. R. Binion, J. J.
Coorer, G. C. Copeland, A. S. Mitchell,
A. F - Copeland. J. L. Culver, W. 11.
Brantly. C. W. Dußose, F. W. Brinkley,
F. A. Butts, Frank Minor and 8. E.
Pearson.
On ino ion of Colonel Jordan, the Presi
dent ot' this meeting was authorized to fill
vacancies in the Executive Committee.
The Secretary was instructed to inform
the absent members of the Executive Com
mittee of their appointment, and ask them
to report promptly to the President.
On motion of G. F. Pierce, Jr., the Pres
ident was added to the Executive Com
mittee.
By C. W. Dußose:
Resolved , That our desire for wise aud
good government prompts us to adhere to
our long cherished principles, embodied in
the late Atlanta Democratic Platform, and
any deviation from which we regard as
detrimental to the cause of truth and con
stitutional liberty.
Speeches were made hy Messrs. Dußose,
Jordan, Pierce anil Harris, ably arguing
the necessity of a change in our State
government, and the importance ot select
ing true and faithful men as State and
national representatives.
By Mr. Brantly :
Resolved, The Democratic papers of
Augusta, and those of this county he re
quested to publish the proceedings of this
meeting.
Adjourn*! subject to the call of the
President. ' B. F. Harms, Pres't.
J. S. Newman, Sec’y.
Trial of the Rioters In Jefferson County.
[SPECIAL CORRESPONDENCE CHRONICLE A
SENTINEL. J
Louisville, Jefferson, Cos., Ga. )
September 7th, 1870. J
Editors Chronicle A Sentinel:
A special term of the Superior Court,
called for tho trial of tho negroes
engaged in the riots and insurrection of
the 20th and 21st of August, is now being
held. A largo number of our citizens are
in attendance. There is no excitement,
everything quiet, and a perfect willingness
to leave all to the law is evident. That
same disposition which was first manifest
ed by the whites to remain quiet, only as
sisting the officers in enforcing the law, is
still perceptible.
Judge Gibson opened Court at 10 A.
M. The following list embraces the Grand
Jurors: llobt. J. Patterson, foreman, L.
C. Warren, A. J. Davis, Wiliam Harrol,
Jas. O. Span, George C. Brown, George
W. Belcher, Jr.. Samuel S. Beall, A. L
Archer, J. B Watkins, Timothy Duoo
vaD, H. E. Smith, Jackson Farmer, E.
R. Beasly, J. J. Rollins, W. J. Battle,
A. J. Davis. Jr., Josiah Gunn, William
Swan, James Gordon.
Judge Gibson’s charge was exceedingly
brief. He stated that he bad, in comply
anee with a request of some of tho citi
zens of the oounty, called this special term
of the Court; that they were assembled
only to act upon criminal cases, ami that
if they needed any assistance or advice,
that they couid call upon the Attorney
Goneral; that the county had already in
curred great expense, and that he hoped
that they would make no addition to that
expense ly any delay in getting along with
the business brought before them. This
was his whole charge. lie made no men
tion of the special infraction of the law
that had assembled tho Oourh The Jury
retired, aod, at once, found true bids for
insurrection against Cudjo Fye, Richard
Roberson, Andrew Seott. Ardley Hubbard,
Eli Adams, Sol Whitehead, Madison
Walker, Dave King, Sol Shelman, Dutton
Mai tin, lt'bert Jones, Dck Drown, Naco
Jackson, and George Sherman. They,
also, brought in true bills, for riot, agaiost
Tom Braver, Ferry Beall, Prince Bur on,
Jioob Quarterman, Anthony Rock, and
Regsr Shelman. Ail these parties are
now in jail but Jacob Qaarterman. The
Sheriff will go in search of hint to-nich'.
The first cases brought un for trial this
afternoon wete against Cudjo Fye and
Richard Roberson. They agreed to plead
guilty provided the jury would consent to
recommend them to mercy. Tho prosecu
tion, after consultation, thought it best to
agree to tho proposition. The motive or
reason that influenced them in this course
was, an apprehension that if Cudjo Fye
was sentenced to be hung that Governor
Bullock would pardon him. Judge Gib
son has sentenced Cudjo Fye to twenty (20)
years imprisonment in the Penitentiary.
He sentenced Richard Roberson to five
years imprisonment. In my next com
munication I will attempt to give you a
synopsis of the remarks made by the
Court just before passing sentence. Rich
ard Roberson, in his remarks or confes
sion, declared that Cudjo Fye, who was
the head of all their clubs, openly stated
to his meeting that he had seen Governor
Bullock, and that he was acting altogether
by his orders, and of course he would protect
them in what they were doing. Roberson
further said had he not believed that be
was acting under the Governor’s orders
that he never would have joined or aided
in the insurrection. The trials will be re
sumed to-morrow, an account of which I
will send you. J. H. W.
Serious Affray. —We regret to learn
that quite a serious affray occurred at
Terzer church, last Sunday. There was a
large gathering there for the purpose of
singing. Four young men from Griffin
got into a fight abont some old grudge or
other, and one got slightly wounded with a
pistol, and two got pretty badly bruised up
with sticks. We did not hear further par
ticulars.— Griffin Star.
Letter from Richmond.
SPECIAL CORRESPONDENCE OF THE CHRONI
CLE A SENTINEL.
Richmond, Va., Sept. 5, 1870-
Editort Chronicle A Sentinel:
The dailies of Sunday morning announce
that we are to have a new paper, the
Sunday Telegram, a weekly, excluding
political discussions, furnishing a price
current, the latest telegraphic news, -and
other interesting matter for Sunday read
ing. “The to-be editor,” a popular and
sprightly young man, asserts that the peo
ple of ibis goodly city, in being > deprived
of war intelligence, from 5 o'clock cn
Saturday afternoon to Monday morning,
are mbjected to a suspense two painful to
be borne.” If some “clairvoyant,” or
“p“vcfcometician” should callup thesLade
of Berkeley, the Royal Governor of ir
uinia in 1671, what would his indignant
spirit say? Then he thanked God that
there vere no free schools and no printing;
tiow. by a dancing-table, or a rattling
I knuckle bone, he would probably wish to
; sxtend his "hundred years” invocation
| three or four centuries later.
If the Sunday telegrams are to be like
' the tangled webs, which perplex and ir
ritate on secular days, with all the ear
oess of the old colonial magnate, we can
pay —Good Lord, deliver us ! Possibly Sun
day news may be both more authentic and
important. It is singular how many bat
tles have been fought on Sunday, i remem
ber during our late unpleasantness, that on
two occasion s , worshipping assemblies iu
Richmond, did Dot have their devotions
quickened by the receipt of telegrams
from the seat of war. The “first Ma
nassas” was announced as in progress
while we were “in church and Genera!
Lee’s announcement of the evacu l tion of
Petersburg, was communicated to Presi
den Davi s , during service, to the utter
dissipati nos all religiou-i solemnity for
the remainder of that Sabbath —lucus a
non lucindo —as surely there was rest no
loneer'
News from Europe unquestionably en
lists earnest attention. Public sentiment
is divided in sympathy. As France is
continually pressed to the wall, the num
ber of her friends increase, as to help the
weak seerns a characteristic of our English
ancestors and their descendants. While
admiration for the strategical skill of von
Moltke, the Dane, is not suppressed. Every
diaster draws out more pronounced mani
festations in behalf of France. What prac
tical interest Americans have in the con
test is not readily perceived, except that
the defeat of the French may he the over
throw of the Napoleonic dynasty, and the
setting up of another so-called Republic.
Those who have property and whose
welfare depends on the stability of laws
and the civil power, must shrink with
dismay, from another coup d'etat or
emeute, sutfh as occurred in 1848. The
primary object of municipal institutions
should be, certainly, of duration and secu
rity. This will he defeated by the Social
istic and Red Republican elements, which
are likely to gain the ascendancy, in the
event of the expul.-ion of Napoleon. The
Red Republicans arc worse than our Black
Republicans. Their theories are imprac
ticable. Their Government would hardly
rise to the dignity of a decent caricature
of statesmanship. If nations can learn
anything by experience, France should
avoid popular revolutions. A mob, exer
cising supreme authority, is worse, then,
and nearly always leads to a military despot
ism.
The allied powers were in Paris in
1815. Tbe treaty of Vienna was con
cluded. What tangible results were pro
duced ? What settlement of public law ?
What progress in civilization ? What
checks on grasping ambition, or the
tyranny of power ? Is civil government an
accident? Are laws made .with wisdom,
with a definite purpose ? Is liberty a
inoth ? Must we meet dangers as they
arrive by temporary expedients ? Are
people to he slaughtered in war on the
smallest pretences ? Anil is war to be car
ried on in utter disregard of the principles
of humanity and Christianity? A thou
sand questions like these are constantly
arising to disturb and awaken doubt. A
tribunal of blood is sadly at variance with
the boasted civilization of the 19th cen
tury. Grotius was induced, by horrible
barbarisms of hostile nations, to w rite his
book on the law's of war and peace, but a
greater than Grotius is needed to assure the
triumph of right and truth.
Virginia is blessed with a bountiful crop.
In some of the tide-water regions, the
drouth has been severe, but in the greater
portion of the State, tho yield of wheat,
oats, corn, potatoes, fruit and tobacco has
been abundant. Local agricultural Fairs
are advertised for Wythe ville. Lynchbnrg,
Staunton, Petersburg, Danville anil Lex
ington. The State Fair begins iu this city
on the Ist of November, and promises to
surpass all its predecessors. Shall we
have representatives from Georgia ?
Increase of rents aud building of new
IIOUBeB attest llle piUi.por;ty nf
Richmond. Iu addition to foundries, iron
works, tobacco manufactories, nail mills,
flour mills, &c., we have establishments for
grinding sumac and tan bark, and a com
pany is organizing for a large sugar refi
nery; colleges ami schools for boys and
girls, literary and professional, will open
their winter sessions on tbe first of Octo
ber. Richmond College will have over 200
students. The high standard of schol
arship required for graduation, the ability
of the Faculty, tho astonishing cheap
ness of lEpecses —tbe sum total not
exceeding
of books and clothing—aud the healthful-'
ness, and other advantages oflocation. are
making this institution a great favorite.
The Law Schorl seems to have mot
a long felt want. Than Doctor
Green and Judge Halyburton, no more
able Professors could have been found.
From information received, it seems the
school will at once take rank with like
schools in Cambridge, New York and
Chicago. <'-•
[communicated. ]
ZlUors Chronicle (Sc Sentinel:
1 have read with interest, and approval,
your leader in your isiue of the 3rd lost.,
in reference to the nomination of candi
dates for Congress by the Democratic party,
j In common with yourselves, 1 have no
I partialities to gratify, no interests to sub
| serve but the good of the State, arid
! prepared to support, cordially , any one of
that noble and numerous class, of whom
! you say, “they would ably, honestly aEd
i faithfully represent the popular voice of
the district, and of the whole State.”
In the article alluded to, you speak of a
class of "good men, and true,” who would
receive your cordial support, and be hearti
ly sustain dby the people. In a survey
of the district, you recall but two men who
i fall within this class, while admitting the
probable existence ct ethers, at the same
time offering controlling reaeous against
entertaining the idea of securing their
eminent and desirable services. Permit
me to add to your list a third name—that
of Col. J. A. B Hups, of Morgan couuty.
T propose no panegyric upon Col. 8., but
will simply say that he possesses in an emi
nent decree, intellectual, moral, cultivated
and refined elements of true manhood,
coupled with integrity and experience,
which, in the halls of Congress, would i
“illustrate Georgia” as the she was in her
pride and glor/. _ i
Prior to the secession of the Sta f e, in
common with all, he held that the tenden
cies of the Republican party were to rev
olution and subversion of the Government,
and its elevation to power would prove the ;
destruction of Constitutional liberty, and
the erection upon its ruins of the her
maphrodite rule of imperialism, and un
bridled democracy ; hence he denounced it.
Admitting the right, but deprecating the
cousequepcas to the State, he 'opposed
secession.
The struggle between the States ended,
and the practical workings of KepubHean
i>m, “so-c*il(d,” realising his most pain
ful anticipations, in dragging the nation, |
State and society, into a vortex of conup
tion and rnin, be, consistently, and boldly, !
opposes the party which, politically and
socially, has brought “death, and all our
woes.” Madison.
Tue American Press Association.—
This organization appears not to be get
ting along quite a-’swimmingly as some
sensational papers belonging it would
have us believe. The New York_ Stand
ard, whoseeditor, John Russel Young, is
President of the Association, is about to
be cut off trom its pnvilges,*in regard to
telegraphic dispatches, for non-payment of
dues and it appears tbat other papers are
to be excluded for the same reason.
YouDg owei the Association SSSO for
dispatches already received. We rather
think the A. P. A., has overcoofed itself,
and that the publie will soon be invited to
drop a tear on its tomb. We suggest as an
epitaph these touching lines:
V\ bile it lived, it lived in clover (per
haps)
And when it died, it died all over.
1 Macon Telegraph <£• Messenger.
Edward A. Pollard, having grown tired
of barking at the sun in the person of
Jefferson Davis, is baying the moon at
Patrick [Henry. For some good reason
Mr. Pollard has come to the conclusion
that the veteran statesman was no better
than he ought to have been, and so he has
taken the public into his confidence. We
never heard of a bird more persistant in
defiliog its own nest than Mr. Pollard.—
Maccm Journal.
THE BATTLES BEFORE SEDAN.
FORCED MARCH OF THE GER
MAN S IN PURSU IT OF McMAHON
—TERRIBLE STRUGGLES UNDER
THE WALLS OF SEDAN—THE
FRENCH DEFEATED AT EVERY
POINT AND DRIVEN INTO THE
FORTRESS-SCENES AND INCI
DENTS OF THE CAPITULATION.
PRUSSIAN' ACCOUNT.
London, September 3.
The following is the conclusion of the
account of the battles before Sedan, from
the correspondent of the New York
Tribune, at the headquarters of the King
of Prussia, eight miles from Sedan, Thurs
day night, September Ist, the first portion
of which will he found on the fourth page:
“There will he a devil of a fight for
that crest before it is won or lost,” said
Sheridan, straining Lis eyes through his
field-glass at the hill which was not three
miles from us. The full sun was shining
upon that hill; we gazing upon it had the
sun behind us.
ANOTHER FRUITLESS CAVALRY CHARGE.
At 1:30 I’rench cavalry—this time, I
presume, a regiment of carabineers —made
another dash at the Prussians, who on
their part, were receiving re-inforcements
every moment ; but the carabiniere met
with the same fate as their brethren in
iron jackets, and were sent to the right
about with heavy loss. The Prussians
took advantage of their flight to advance
their liue about 200 yards nearer the line
which the French iniantry held.
ANOTHER FRENCH BLUNDER.
This body cf adventurous Prussians split
into two portions, the two partu leaving a
break ot a hundred yards in their line.
We were not long in perceiving the object
ot this movement, for the little white puffs
from the crest behind the skirmishers, fol
lowed by a commotion in the dense French
masses, showed us that these “diables de
Prussians have contrived, heaven only
knows how, to get two four-pounders up
the step ground, and have opened fire on
the French. Something must at this
point have been very much mismanaged
with the trench infantry; for, instead of
attacking the Prussians, whom they still
outnumbered by at least two to one, they
remained in column on the hill, and though
seek g their only hope of retrieving the day
vanishing from before their eyes, still they
did not stir. Then the French cavalry
tried to uo
A LITTLE BaLAKLAVA BUSINESS,
tried, but without the success of the Im
mortal six hundred, who took the guns on
I which they charged. The cuirassiers
| came down once more, this time riding
straight tor the two field-pieces ; but be
| fore they came within two hundred yards
| ot the gnus, the Prussians formed line as
it on parade, and waiting til! those furious
I French horsemen had ridden to a point not
! fifty yards away, they fired. The volley
I seemed to us to empty the saddles of al
| most the whole of the leading squadron.
The dead so strewed the ground as to
block the Path ot the squadron following,
and close before them the direct and dan
gerous road they had meant to follow,
i’heir dash at, the guns became a bait.
ItF.TREAT OF THE FRENCH-.
When once this last effort of the French
horse had been made and had failed—
tailed, though pushed gallantly so far as
men and horses could go—the French in
fantry fed swiftly back toward Sedan. It
fell back because it saw that the chance of
its carrying that fiercely-contested hill was
gone, and saw also that the Prussians hold
ing the lull were crowning it with guns so
that their own line could not much longer
be held facing it. In an instant, as the
French retired, tbe whole slope ot the
ground was covered by swarms of Prussian
tirailleurs, who seemed to rise out of the
ground, and push forward by help of every
slight roughness or depression in the sur
face of the hill. As last as the French
went back these active enemies followed.
After the last desperate charge of the
French cavalry, Gen. Sheridan remarked
to me that ho never saw anything so reck
less, so utterly foclish, as that last eharge.
“It was sheer murder.”
The Prussians, after the French infantry
fell back, advanced rapidly—so rapidly
that the retreating squadrons of French
cavalry, being too closely pressed, turned
suddenly round and charged desperately
once again. But it was all no use. The
days of breaking squares are over. The
thin blue line soon stopped the Gallic on
set.
It struck me as most extraordinary that
at this point tbe French bad
Neither artillery nor mitrailleuses, J
ewpcoiclly tllO latter, on lE© n©Kl t© cover
their infantry. The position was a most
important one, and certainly worth strain
ing every nerve to defend. One tiling was
clear enough, that the French infantry- af
ter once meeting the Prussians declined to
try conclusions with them again, and that
the cavalry were seeking to encourage
them by their example. About 2 o’clock
still other reinforcements came to the
Prussians over this long-disputed hill be
tween Toroy and Sedan to support the
regiments already established there.
HAVOC AMONO THE BAVARIANS.
All the time that this great conflict was
going on under Fritz’s eyes, another was
fought, not less severe and as murderous
for the Bavarians as the one I have at
tempted to describe was tor the French.
If there was a want of mitrailleuses on the
hill above Torcy, there was certainly no
lack of them in the Bazeille ravine. On
that side there was, for more than an hour,
one continuous roar of musketry anil mi
trailleuses. Two Bavarian officers told me
that the loss in their regiments was ter
rific, and that it was the mitrailleuses
which made the havoc.
THE FRENCH FALL BACK ON SEDAN.
At 2:05 in the afternoon the French to
tally abandoned tho bill between Torcy
and Sedan, and fell back on the fauborg
of Caval, just outside tbe ramparts of
the town. ’ “Now the battle is lost for the
French,” said Gen. Sheridan, to the de
light of the Prussian officers. One would
almost have imagined that the French had
beard his words—they had hardly been
uttered whan there came a lull in the
firing all along the line, or rather circle ;
as such it had now become-
BELGIAN NEUTRALITY,
j Count Bismarck chose that! moment
I to come and have a talk with the English
and American friends. I waa anxious to
know what the Federal Chancellor had
dime about tbs neutrality of Belgium, now
threatened, and my curiosity was so grati
fied. “I have told the Belgian Minister
of War,” said Count Bismarck, “that
so long as the Belgian troops their
j utmost ro disarm any number of French
soldiers who isysv cross the frontier, I will
stricjly respect the uaufnil tv of Belgium ;
j but if, on the contrary, the Belgians, either
through negligence or inability, Jo pof
; disarm and capture every man in French
uniform who sets hi - foot in their country,
| we shall at oci« foljow the enemy into
; neutral territory with oyr troops consider
ing that the French have been the first to
violate the Belgian soil. I have been downto
have a look at the Belgian troops near the
frontier,” added Count Bismarck, ‘ and I
confess they do no) inspire me with a very
high opinion of thai, xpartisj ardor or
discipline. When they have fctf.''’Ms
on, one oan see a great deal o! paletot but
hardly any soldier.”’
BISMARCK’S FIRST MISTAKE.
I asked His Exeeileney where he thought
the Emperor was: "Jn Sedan?” “Oh,
no!” was the reply; “Napoleon is not
very wise, but he is not so foolish as to put
himself in Sedan just now.” For once in
hie life, Count Bismarck was wroug.
At 2:45 the King came to the place
where 1 was standing. He remarked that
he thought the French were about to try
to break out just beneath u.-, in front of
the ScuoDd Bavarian Corp3.
BRAVERY 0? THE BAVARIANS. )
At 3:20 the Bavarians below us not only 1
contrived to get themselves inside th? for
tifications of Sedan, but to maintain them- !
selves here, working their way forward
from house to house. About 4, there was
a great fight for the possession of the ridge
above Bazeille. Tnat carried, Sedan was
swept on all sides by the Prussian cannon. i
This point of vantage was carried at 4:40. I
When carried there could no longer be a
shade of doubt as to the ultimate fate of j
Sedan.
A FLAG OF TRUCE.
About 5 o’clock there was again a sud
den suspension of the cannonade along the
whole line. Many were the speculations
as to the cau-e, but nobody seemed to di
vine the truth. You must judge of our
surprise when, five minutes later, we saw
a French officer escorted by two Chians,
coming at a hand,ome trot up the steep
bridle-path from Sedan to our post, one of
the Uhlans carrying a white duster oa a
faggot stick as a flag of truce. The mes
senger turned out to be a Fieneh colonel,
come t-o ask for terms of surrender. After
a very short consultation between the
King and Gen. Yon Moltke, the messen
ger was told by the General that, in a mat
ter so important as the surrender of at
least 80,000 men, and an important for
tress, it was necessary to send an officer of
high rank. “You are, therefore,” said
the General, “to return to Sedan and tell
the Governor of the town to report him
self immediately to the King of Prussia.
If he does not arrive within an hour, our
guDS will again open fire. You may tell
the commandant that there is no use of
his trying to obtain any other terms than
unconditional surrender." The park-men
taire rode back with this message. When
he was fairly out of ear-shot his mission
was most eagerly canvassed.
At 6:30 there arose a sudden cry among
the members of the King’s staff — "lter
Kaiser in dal' —and then came a loud
hurrah. Soon we began to look anxiously
for the arrival of the second flig of truce.
In ten minutes more Gen. Reilly rode up
with h letter for the King of Prussia.
THE EMPEROR’S SURRENDER.
As soon as the French General was in
sight, the sleoder escort o! cuirassiers and
dragoons we had with us was drawn up in
line, two deep. Behind the King, in front
of the escort, was the Staff; and ten yards
in front of them again, stood His Majesty,
King William of Prussia, ready to receive
Geo. Reilly. That officer, as we soon
learned, was the bearer of an autograph
letter from the Emperor Napoleon to King
William. The Empmor of the French
wrote: “As I cannot die at the head of
my army, I lay my sword at the feet of
your Majesty.” ["A’e pquvant pas mourir
ala lete demon armee, je vtens nuttre mon
epee avx piei Is de votre Mojtste."]
On receipt of this most astounding letter,
there was a brief consultation between the
King, the Crown Prince, who had come
over from his hill on the arrival of the flag
of truce, Count Bhmarek, General Von
Moltke, and Gen. Von Room After a few
minutes’ conversation, the King sac down
on a rush-bottomed chair, and wote a note
(on another chair held as a table by two
aides-de-camp) totheEmperor, asking him
to come r.cxt mornieg to the King of
Prussia’s headquarters as Vendresse,
SHERIDAN CONGRATULATES BISMARCK.
While the King was writing this note
Count Bismarck came up to Gens. Sheri
dan and Forsyth, and myself, aod heartily
shook our hands. “Let me congratulate
you most sincerely, Count,” said General
Sheridan, "lean only compare the sir
render of Napoleon to that of General Lee
at Appomattex Court House.”
When it camo my turn to grasp the
Chancellor’s hand I could not help saying,
after I had warmly congratulated him :
“You cannot but feel a pride, Count
Bismarck, in having contributed so largely
to the winning of to-day’s victory.”
“Oh ! no, aiy dear sir,” was the mild
answer ; I am no strategist, and have
nothing to do with the winning of battles.
What I am pioud of is that the Bavarians,
the Saxons, and the Wurtembergers have
not only been on our side, but have had
so large a share—the largest share —in the
glory of the day, that they are with us,
and not against us. That is my doing. I
don’t think the French will say now that
the South Germans will not fight for cur
common Fatherland.”
When the King had written his letter,
he himself handed it to Gen. Roily, who
stood bareheaded to receive it—the Italian
an 1 Crimean medals glittering oa his
breast in the fading sunlight.
At 7:40, Gen. Reilly left lor tko belea
guered town, escorted by the Uhlans.
A DI’.INK TO UNITED GERMANY.
Then there was a general demand for
something to drink and Count Bismarck’s
Aid-de-Camp produced two bottles of Bel
gian beer. One of them His Excellency
shared with Gen. Sheridan, Gen. Forsyth,
and myself, saying that he drank to"the
closer union of the three groat Teutonic
peoples.
THE IMPERIAL PRISONeR
Next morniug early I started for Belgium.
As I rode along I suddenly came first on a
knot of Uhlans, then on two lackeys in the
green and gold Imperial liverv. Directly
behind them came His Majesty Napoleon
111., in his traveling carriage, on his way
to report himself a prisoner at King Wil
liam’s hiadquarters at Vendresse, a little
dirty villiage some eight miles from Sedan
The Prussian Soldier.
Wo take the following statement of the
peculiar excellencies of the German mili
tary system from a letter of Mr. Fredrick
Kapp, dated Berlin, August 11, printed in
the Nation of Thursday last:
In leading the French papers, you will
find that the defeat is attributed by them
to the greater numbers of the Germans. I
admit that thus far we have been stronger
on every field and at any given point than
the French, lint does this act speak in
their favor ? Their population and our is
about equal. They have between thirty
seven and thirty-eight millions of inhabi
tants, while, on the other side, the North
German Confederation has thirty, Bavaria
five, Wurtemberg, Baden and Southern
Hesse three and a half—a total of thirty
eight and a half millions. The French
were three weeks ahead of us when they
declared war, but they did not move be
yond the frontier tor the first blow.
Nevertheless, they considered themselves
so strong, and were so sure of the victory,
that they neglected the most ordinary
precautions. Why, then, were they beaten?
We Germans are better organized for a
war, we have a better and more thorough
way of doing things in that line, than the
FrenM, TT»oy are courageous, gallant,
and full of spirit, bin, they do not care ror
the details of the service; they labor un
der the mistaken idea that everything can
be done and carried out by impetuosity
and bravery.
The strength of our organization does
not he in the one per cant, of the popula
tion which forms the regular army, but-in
the Dumber of those who have served their
time, and in case of war are called in as
reserve[and landwehr. Every year 100,-
000 fully drilled are mustered out of the
standing army; who, in case of war, are
liable to active duty in the field for nine
more years. Thus, while the standing
army numbers only 300,000, our reserve
and landwehr are 600,000 strong. They
are the flower of the nation—-none young
er than twenty and none older than thirty
two. The French have only enlisted men.
Their last effort to imitate the German
system was frustrated by the egotism of
the ruling classes, who did not feel dis
posed to devote a part of their time, and,
in case of need, their lives, to the serviee
ot their country.
When the German troops moved toward
the frontier, everything was ready for bat
tle ; the smallest strap of' the knapsack,
the button on the coat of the steward,
were io tbeir places. Formerly, the nor
mal time for mobilizing the army was a
fortnight. This time less than a week
was required; in some instances, the work
was done in four days. Again, formerly
the forwarding of an army corps by rail
road took either five, or at the utmost
eight days, for it wa3 supposed that a rail
road cculd not forward more than twenty
or twenty-four trains of troops a day.
Each army corps requiring one hun
dred and thirty to one hundred
and fifty _ trains, the whole num
ber of trains for ten to eleven corps
thus amounted to from thirteen hundred
to eighteen hundred. We have five trunk
lines running from east to west at our dis
posal, and, instead of ten to eleven days
for forwarding the army to and beyond
the Rhine, only six days were required;
instead of thirty, we had forty and fifty
trains a day, the government dispatching
a train about every forty-five minutes. On
coming from Cologne to Berlin, I counted
sixty-three military trains, each of which
contained about one thousand men. A
battery of grtillery (six pieces) occupied
five to seven cars. The service was done
with wonderful promptitude and exact
ness. Not one train was behind time, and
only two accidents happened. The soldiers,
who were expressly drilled for this kind of
inroad service, entered and left the cars
with as little noise and dplav as the pas
sengers of an express train, t was present
when the Second Regiment of the Guards
—three thousand men—left Berlin; they
marched along the platform, and each car
[laying the number it could hold marked
on the outside (jj.s, fpr instance, forty men
or six horses, &c ,) they were seated in
about three tninufes.
After the first week’s service, the em
ployees were so accustomed to their work
that, they despatched trains laden with
soldiers oj rapidly as passenger trains.
Tlte whole Second Army Corps (Pomera
nians) were sent from Berlin to Neukir
chen, near Saarbrucken, in fifty hours !
(.feeding, drinking and inarching included,) j
and arrived there punctually to the min- I
ute.
This spirit of punctuality and strict obedi
once to the orders of his superior has been
inculcated into every Prussian and North
German from his earliest youth. The
whole trainipg of the natiou is pre-emi
nently military, and, tnhateper bad effects
it may have in other relations ana at otcesr
times, in emergencies like the present one
it is wonderfully adapted for carrying out
even the most difficult task. These quali
ties cannot be drilled into a man in a
month or a year; they muss by inter
woven with his feeling and thinking; they
must work by tradition as well as by pres
ent practice. In Prussia these traditions
and practices are now two hundred years
old.
But higher than this personal efficiency
I value the moral tone of the German
army. Our soldiers go to war to defend
their hearths and homes, to repel an at
tack, to settle our relations to France so
fully and thoroughly that she will never
again venture to provoke us. It in a bad
job, you can bear every iandwher-man
say, but it must be doue; we koow tbat we
ruin our busidess, but now the time for de
feating the French once and forever has
come. There is an earnest resignation and
firm resolution in these men which de
serves the highest admiration from every
impartial observer. All classes of society
are represented in this popular army. Even
a New England regiment cotjld not find so
many educated men. While you had the
scholar, professional man, and artist by
the dozen, we have them by the hundred
in every regiment ; they constitute in our
armies the same per centage which they
do in common life. For instance, the
other day, I read a small pamphlet written
by a Prussian sergeant on the part he bad
taken in the Bohemian war of 1866. The
night before the battle of Koniggratz he
had a dispute, ho says, with a comrade. It
was about the “peripetia” of Sopliocle’s
Antigone, and his friend was just going to
answer him when the drum suddenly called
the soldiers to arms. This same material
we have now —of course not ail so well
educated, but on the average as good as
the best of our nation. Each one of these
educated men is as good as two others.
Mr. Frederick Kapp may or may not be
very good authority on the excellencies of
the Prussian military system ; but he is
certainly very bad authority on the excel
lencies of the New England military sys
tem during the late war between the
States. When Mr. Kapp says that schol
ars, professional men and artists were to
be found by the dozen in the rank and file
of the New England troojs, he says what
is not true. Those classes remained at
home, while foreigners did their fighting.
Philosophy of the War.
The Balance of Power in Europe—Can
Prussia Dismember France, or France
Prussia ? —Sadowa the Exciting Cause
of the Conflict, but many Others Ante
terior—Napoleon Not Sufficiently Suc
ecsefu! to be the Antichrist—Bonapart
ism Unveiled—Russian and British in
terests —Bismarck and Francis Joseph
The Light, Hope and Coming Tri
umph of the Peo]>les.
From the New York Herald.
The following correspondence on the im
portant subjects of the causes aud probable
consequences of the great war between
France and Prussia has been forwarded to
the Herald for publication :
THE EUROPEAN CONFLICT—ITS EXCITING
CAUSES,
Since the Tattle of Sadowa, in 1566, and
the consequent traneferrenco of .German
supremacy from Vienna to Berlin, states
men and politicians considered that the
situation thus arranged was only tem
porary. The “balance of power” in Eu
rope, it is true, has not been in danger lor
the last hundred years except on the side
of France, and latterly of Prussia.
The “balance of power” means that all
the European States, great and small, are
to take care that none of them becomes so
powerful as, like Moses’ serpent, to be
able to swallow up all the rest. Russia,
indeed, at first sight seems able to devour
the remainder of the Continent of Europe,
of which she has had already a fall meal ;
but as her territory is almost wholly in
tensely cold, and barren to a great extent,
she is more like a huge Greenland whale,
icebound in its own waters, than an active
aggressive monster destined to devastate
Southern Europe. Still it was fear of the
growing power of Russia that led Louis
Napoleon to acquiesce in the victories of
Prussia cf 1866, and to behold with com
placency, if not satisfaction, the rise of the
great North German
CONFEDERATION.
Louis Napoleon is a dreamer after the
model set by the uncle. From the latter
he bat inherited much material and much
intellectual wealth, Napoleon the First
was a man ot more solid abilities than
even Julius Caesar, and, unlike Charles
the Second, never, or at least very rarely,
said or did an unwise thing. Napoleon
the First, then, was mightly afraid of
Russia, and always told his companions at
St. Helena that Europe in fifty years af
terwards would be either republican or
Cossack. Napoleon the Third, in the
Russian war of 1854 and in acquiescing
in the recent apgandizement of' Prussia,
was acting upon the traditions left by the
uncle. But, as the moon on account of
her proximity to us acts more forcibly
than the eud upon the waters cf the ocean
and the seething brain of the lunatic, so
Prussia has been found a more troulesomo
thorn in the side of Franco than the really
more formidable Colossus of the North.
If Prussia had an ally in Spain or
Italy she might greatly annoy France.
The Ilohenzollern candidature, indeed,
was the merest and hollowest pretext for
war. Napoleon would have gone to- war
even if a HoheLZillern was never men
tioned, Lot us consider the character,
then, of this Na;oleon the Third, from
the beginning, and see whether he has
been undergoing development of obscura
tion.
A WILD YOUNG MAN WITH A TAME EAGLE.
In the year 1840 he made a descent up
on Boulogne, and after performing in vain
with the eagle before an unappreciative
audience he was locked up by the police
and ordered to be imprisoned for life in
the foitress of Ham. His friend, Dr.
Conneau, there got a figure of wood carv
ed with a Napoleonic nose, and left it in the
bed or Louis, while he escaped from the
fortress.
He resided in England afterwards, and a
while in America, until he obtained the
French Presidency in 1848 and the empire
by the cowp d'etat of the 2d December,
1852—the anniversary of the coronation of
Napoleon the First. Throughout all these
pii-oucdioHaNapoloon the Third olartned to
be a republican. He still professes to rep
resent the principle ot the revolution of
1789, and it would really seem that he has
always cherished hopes of an extended
empire and to see ail Europe, not Cossack,
but
REPUBLICAN AND BONAPARTIST,
and this at the same time. “Cmsar” thus
would not be an emperor so much as the
perpetual dictator of a republic. This
was tbe dream of Napoleon the First.
He rose like an idea, ready armed from
the heated intellect of the revolution. He
livrd on ideas—he died by ideas. All Eu
rope, France included, laughed at him
when be escaped from Elba and tried to
cope single-handed again-t all Europe.
But he had his idea, and it was not wholly
worthless. Napoleon the Third has bis
ideas, and they have been likewise so vast
that it has taken twenty-two years posses
sion of the supreme power in Franco to
hatch them.
BONAPARTISM UNVEILED.
There is a book called “Napoleonism
Unveiled,” giving a brief description of
the features in which the third Napoleon
corresponds to the Antichrist of Daniel
and Saint John. The bookseller, how
ever, himself “wise as a serpent,” in
stantly hides tho placard whenever a vic
tory is announced for the Prussians. On
the first, turn of the tide for the French out
came “Napoleonism Unveiled” again.
NAPOLEON HIMSELF IS A FATALIST.
This fact can be demonstrated by a very
few words, in his address to ihe French
nation, upon bis proclamation of war
against Prussia, be plainly told them that
they were entering “upon a long and
bloody war.” Now how did he. know this?
Why did he not rather say—“ The Prus
sians will fly at the first shot; I shall fire
blank cartridge in order to spare expense
and the trouble of carrying the wouuded.”
No; he believes in his own destiny, and
actually seems to wish to obtain credit for
supernatural foresight. Ho did a foolish
thing, however, in being so explicit in his
prophecies. The oracle of the Delphi,
that governed the world for centuries, and
incited or postponed wars according as it
gave encouragement or not to the contem
plated enterprises used, expressed itself ia
such ambiguous language as to defy any
imputation or error in its calculations.
Dr. Cumming, of London, was a great
prophet until he foretold that the end of
the w.irld wa3 to be on the Gth of October,
1850. Since that date he has naturally
tallea into disrepute. Napoleon the Third,
hov ever, seems to have had good reason
for believing that thp
WAR WOULD BE “LONG AND BLOODY.”
He rushed into the field unprepared, as
the events prove, relying upon the re
sources of France to procure the necessary
supplies of men and money at a moment’s
notice. But why d'4 be thqs ruah, like
-■Bacas, into the midst of a superior host?
Now, the fact is that the
FRENCH NATION WAS ANXIOUS FOR WAR,
more anxious even than Napoleon the
Third. The antipathy exhibited to tbo
empire throughout the FreDch cities and
towns during the last two years, and their
marked opposition to him in the voting on
the plebiscite, all show some rankling with
Napolesn the Third. The casus belli be
tween the Emperor and his subjects was
not the pretended one. The real cause of
the dissatisfaction of the French nation
with Bonaparte was pot his despotic and
persona! government, but, his acquiescence
in tbe growing greatness of Prussia. As
halt the world do not know “how the
other half live,” so neither do kings and
emperors know what their subjects really
think of them. Besides, for a refined
Frenchman to cry opt, “1 want war—lead
me to tbe front,” wa a a tbirg not to be ex
pected. NapoleOD, therefore, has been for
a long time at bia wit’s end to know what
was the matter with the French people,
and whether himself and Dr. Conneau
could not prescribe something nice and
wholesome ior them. Benge nc tons bo
gan to put the so-called constitution into
the crucible. He has tried the experiment
of recasting it so often that few French
men or foreigners could at last say whether
ic was more like the model set by Jethro
or by Napoleon I. 4-*fm English and
American newspapers, of oourse, con
tained articles on the plebiscite; but the
omniscient editors contradicted one another
and themselves in each alternate sentence.
Then came the voting en the plebiscite
Now, a party in the possession of power
acts very foolishly in questioning its con
stituents as to whether it should remain.
In private life a visitor should at once ac
cept
A hint to ao.
If he does not walk out he will next be
kicked out. But in politics and offices of
emolument politeness Is out of place. The
party in possession should appear to cqn
consider everything as eovleur de rose ,
and, above all things, avoid raising tho i
discussion of any exciting question. Let
those who are out of office shuffle the
cards; those iu ollice had better not do
so, but as little as possible. Napoleon,
however, believing that he was to live and
die oa the throne of France, put that
throno to the vote, and the vote confirmed
his expectation.
TIIB FRENCH WANTED SOMETHING
more than a plebiscite, and an appeal in
timating that they were the ultimate de
positories of power. They wanted a war
with Prussia: and Napoleon, after having
at last discovered the seat of the French
irritation, at once pushed headlong into
war, lest his tenure of the empire might be
come further insecure.
Now, Napoleon may be a fatalist, but I
am not, and I believe that liis rushing in
so unprepared a manner into the field was
the work ot a person little better than a
maniac. At the same time, let no one
suppose that the other great Powers of
Europe can escape being caught in its
whirl. France, since the accession of
Louis Xl\. —le Grande Monarque—has
been, as it was in the time of Sliakspearo,
“the dictator of Europe in fashions as in
power. ’ “The mistress court of mighty
Europe,” as the bard of Avon termed it,
has since lost none of its prestige, except
during the tumults consequent upon the
Reformation, and again from the date of
the battle of Waterloo to about 1850, on
the establishment of Napoleon in the
supreme power.
Now Franco, daring the first republic
and the consulate aud empire was almost
a match for all Europe united. As all
Europe was not united, she was more than
a match for those nations that opposed
her. But the population of France has
since increased from thirty-two to forty
five millions; her wealth has increased in
proportion, and her military ardor is as
great as it was when Cmsar described her
“singular chivalry.”
Prussia, then, has many war conse
quences on her hand-.
CONSEQUENCES.
The honors of the campaign belong to
the Prussians. They have been able to
bavc the war cairied on in the enemy’s ter
ritory and this alone is a signal advantage
to the Prussian nation. But their losses
have been very great, nor is it possible for
them to rule or make rule in Paris.
Napoleon I. bivouacked in all the lead
ing cities of Europe—London alone ac
cented. Vienna, Milan and Berlin were
all occupied by his legions, but they did
not dare to enter any of these towns until
all show of opposition was completely ex
tinguished. An army advancing to be
siege a city while there is a pursuing force
on its own rear is the most ridiculous idea
that could enter a military or no military
mind.
The occupation of Paris would not be
followed by the sack of the city. The in
habitants would bo sure to captulate if
once straitened, and Euglaud, though of
course thoroughly Prussian in sympathy,
does not exactly hate France. England
would insist upou the city being treated
with humanity. America would also be
opposed to the dismemberment of France.
Russia is threatening India in the East,
and its huge shadow has been long upon
the Black and Caspian seas. England is
afraid of Russia and not of France. Prus
sia therefore, would lose more men in tak
ing Paris than it would be worth. The
Prussians would be compelled by united
Europe to evacuate Paris.
No blame, of course, can be attached to
persons engaged in war for prosecuting it
with the utmost vigor. Still thePrussiaus
have gained such splendid honors already
that their better plan would be to aet much
on the defensive, and engage Russia and
England on their behalf. If Napoleon
can yet stimulate therepublieaa idea, as he
must do to retain the warm support of
Frenchmen, all of whom in the large cities
and towns are republican, Russia will then
at ot ce back Prussia; so will England, so
may even Austria, at least for a considera
tion. If Prussia has really at her com
mand the number of men alleged she can
doubtless approach Paris. But I see now
how muon the military power of France
has been exaggerated, nor is there any
ground for doubting that the Prussian re
sources have been similarly, though proba
bly not equally, misrepresented.
THE BAIAANCE.
It is time, then, that Prussia should
consider what she lias to gain by the war.
Neither France nor Prussia will be allowed
by Europe to conquer tho other. Facb
affords lateral support to the other arid to
the whole balance of power in E trope. It
was Napoleon, indeed, and re t K ng Wil
liam, that kicked the beam anti cast, his
sword into the scale. But, still, where a
war eaanot bo attended with permanent
conquest or advantage, there is no use in
pursuing it with more vigorous conoe
quences than is necessary.
ROME AND CARTHAGE.
In ancient times Rome and Carthage
fought not merely for supremacy, but (or a
right to extinguish and annihilate the 0: her.
All tbe wars recorded in ancient history
were of this nature. One great city or
nation is ruling all the rest. When an
other appears still more Western and still
more powerful she is not content to share a
divided sovereignty with the former. No!
It is a ease of Carthage est defenda— they
fight not for glory only, but for life anil
death.
THE MODERN PRINCIPLE.
The modern am phyctiony of nations is
constructed upon a different prinoiplc.
The science of political .economy teaches
thatnations, instead of being mutual rivals,
are, or ouebt to be, mutual :rienda, and
that in trade, unlike war, all parties can
gain and progress without humbling or
destroying their neighbors. Although,
then, one universal empire would prevent
civil war, yet it is to be observed that, a
oootest between one city -and another in
such an empire would be likely to be one
of life and death—one between Rome and
Carthage. But where there aro several
States, as in Europe, all both sovereign
and independent, they will take care that
neighboring nations when at war, like
France and Prussia at present, will not
prooeed to extermination, or kicking the
foe when prostrate, but be content with
glory pur et simple, at and some light pecu
niary assessment upon the conquered
nation.
THE “INCURSIONS OP THE GERMANS,”
This, as the “modern Caesar” may
probably regard his i avaders, seems strong
ly to prove that conquest belongs to the
North, and that slight as is the difference
of latitude between the south of France
and the north of Germany, yet that a
harder raoe of men is reared on the shores
of the Baltic.
WILL NAPOLEON UNMASK ?
It is time now that Napoleoon should
unveil himself of his prophecy and his
nonsense and eive up the iu-ano and blood
thirsty idea that he was destintd to be a
Ghengis Khan nr a Tamaiane.
The First Napoleon trifljd too much
with the blood of his subjects. The French
peasants vo'ed fir'he Third on the plebis
cite beeau e the peasantry of Franco are
conservative ar.d not republican. Being
peasant proprietors, they dislike a fresh
revolution, which might deprive th< m of
their little properties and turn themselves
and their families upon the world. This
strongly shows the political utility of
splitting landed properties. The owners of
these ; though willing to make some sac
rifice for their country, will not consent
reaffily to revolution, for that usually
means anew division of the soil. It was
owirg to this, and not to the glory and
charm of the Napoleonic Dame or destiny,
that the French pea-ants hitherto support
ed Napoleon in his contests with the
towns.
He had, indeed, tho army also attached
to him. Rut oyen soldiers may get too
much of fighting, especially if, unlike the
days of the first empire, the battles are
not all victories ; bat, on the c mtrary, j
‘ought on the soil of France and with the I
imperious object of averting a march on j
Paris.
THE MO It AI. OF IME WAR.
Tbe moral of the war is this : As all the
nations of Europe, though armed to the
teeth, are like the rioters in the scene cf
Bombastes Furioso, where each has a
dagger at the breast of his neighbor and
yet cannot move without being himself
assassinated, it is time that France and
Prussia would realize the situation and re
member that neither will be allowed to
vripo out the other from the map cf Eu
rope, or even to dismember it. Perhaps it
is some such view as this that led to the re
cent retrograde march of the victorious
Crown Prince.
If Napoleon suooeeded he would try to
dismember Prussia, proclaim a kingdom
or, rather, a republic of Poland, and at
tract to his interest tbe republican and
anti Cossack element in Hungary, Italy,
Ireland and elsewhere. I am givinv the
aged Emperor, however, credit ior more
energy than hp appears to have possessed.
But were Lis uncle in his shoes this is what
he would do.
All Europe would then be in war, and
like the author of “Napoleonism Unveil
ed,” many more would hgye reason
to think they feaw
“tue beginning of the end.”
The present European troubles had
their first origin in the Italian campaign of
1859. Napoleon theD, without the shadow
of a pretext, invaded the Austrian teri
tory and dismembered it.
Bismarck, seeing the thing could be j
easily done, made Ins preparations accor- j
dmgiy, and, in 1800, picked the other j
pocket of Austria’
Although, theD, the French nation have ’
been anxious for tho present rar stung, it !
is said, by the jubilant tones of the Prus
sian press, yet the real originator of all '
there tumnlts is Napoleon 111., backed, i
certainly, by Count Bismarck.
How long, then, will nations submit to
be massacred at Hfo whims of a few in
dividuals, who arc even silly enough to
imagine that their ambitious bloodthirsti
ness is consecrated by destiny ?
THE AWAKENING OF THE NATIONS, AT
HAND.
No executive, consisting of a considera
ble number of persons—in other words no
democratic government—would be so 'de
void of sense as to plunge into such seas
of blood with such little excuse as liavo
the kings apd emperors.' The nations
would be awake. The peoples would en
joy light, and iQ the light of the democracy
they would, and soon will, see universal
charity, liberty, equality, fraternity, peace
arm the blessings of cheap government and
freedom, both of mind and conscience, for
all.
Such will most likely be the realization
ot the late war and of Napoleon's fall.
Bevolutionary Scenes ip, Paris,
THE EXCITEMENT IN PARIS ON
THE RECEPTION OF THE NEWS
OF McMAHON’S DISASTER
PROCEEDINGS OF THE CORPS
LEGISLATIF-THE EMPEROR
DEPRIVED OF ALL CONSTITU
TIONAL FUNCTIONS—A PRO
VISIONAL GOVERNMENT
FORMED.
S}>tcial Disjialch to the New York World.
Ostend, September 6.
The Republic has been proclaimed in
Paris. On the train which left Paris this
morning and reached Ostend this evening,
by way of Lille, the mail carriage came
with the Imperial arms effaced and the
legend Poste NationaleFrancaiso. In Paris
yesterday evening the approaches to the
Palace of the Legislature were guarded
by detachments ot the line and squadrons
of the Gendarmerie. The Guards ot Paris
and the National Guard occupied the
centre of the Pont de la Concorde, and
were formed in squares around the centre
of tiio Place do la Concorde. No vehicles
were allowed to traverse the Place de la
Concorde. The Champs Elysees were
cleared of all carriages, and a cordon of
National Guards stretched across them at
the Rond Pont.
After the suspension of the sitting, a
number of persons gradually assembled on
the grand stair case within the Legislative
Palace, and finally came out on the portico
iu front, waving their hats, and shout.ng
“Down with tkcEmpire !” “Long live the
Republic!” The shouts were not echoed
by the troops, but the demonstration was
taken up by crowds on the quays, and by
other crowds in the Rue Royale and along
the Rue de Rivoli by the gardens of the
luilleries. These crowds were a compact
mass from just beyond the Obelisk ot
Luxor quite down the Rue Royale to the
Hue St. Honore, and down the Rue de
Rivoli to the Rue Castiglione. The shops
were not shut, and there was no disorder
beyond that merely incident to the pres
ence of so great a multitude.
About six o’clock the National Guard
and the troops of the line nearest the Leg
islative Palace began to show signs of
sympathy with the people. Shakos were
raised on the bayonets, auil cries uttered
here and there of “Death to the Prus
sians!” “Long live France!” Shortly
after a column, perhaps a thousand strong,
of National Guards, fully uniformed and
equipped, with a band playing the “Mar
seillaise,” came down the line of the quays
from the Pont des Arts, and pressed on to
the Legislative Palace. The gate keepers
made some resistance, but finally gave way,
and the people pressing in after the troops,
the whole enclosure was rapidly filled, and
the multitude, the troops still in the frout,
aud in perfect order, surrounded the
whole building, and passed into the door
ways aud tip the numerous stairways, a
number even invading the buildings ap
propriated to the residence of the Coun
sellors of State aud other officials. The
cries of the multitude were incessant. The
Emperor’s name was never ihentioned, not
even in cries for his downfall. The Depu
ties of tho Left catne out of the hall to
meet the people. Men embraced each
other with cries of joy, shouting, “Long
live France!” The Deputies of the Left
were soon gathered in a body and set off,
amid cries of “a l’Hotel de Ville,” for the
municipal palace. Two stalwart workmen
in blouses and as pinny National Guards
in uniform seized Messieurs Picard and
Gambetta, raised them in the air, and car
ried them as if iu triumph to the Hotel de
Ville - The scene on their arrival was
most impressive. Someone hail mounted
the towers of Notre Dame, and from each
of the gray piles floated three or four tri
color flags.. The gilded colossal lamps of
the Place de l’Hotel de Ville were wreathed
in flags, and high up on each was perched
a bov waving a tricolor.
The va 5 t place itself was a dense mass
of people, mingling with whom every
where were tho uniforms and bayonets of
the National Gnarde, and of the line. As
the deputies advanced, or were borne up
to the facade of the vast building, Henri
Rochefort came out to meet them, holding
out both hands, with a cry of “Vive la
Republique!” At the same moment half
a dozen men burst open from within a
window in the facade, and began throwing
out a great crowd of small, white papers,
crying, as they did so, “These are the votes
of the Plebiscite.” Then, for the first
time, went up a great cry from the whole
vast crowd, of “Down with the Empire!”
It was taken up arid sent, with a noise like
the roaring ot the waves, along the quays,
and along the liuede Rivoli, both towards
tho Louvre, and towards the ancient city
ot Paris. Down the great Boulevards de
Sebastopol a procession of several thou
sand troops, surrounded by crowds of men,
women and children, advanoed with bands
of music. The procession and its wings
filled tho enormous street from front to
front of the houses on either side, and the
music of the bands was accompanied by
the whole mass singing tho Marsellaise.
In all this time and in all these places
the shops were still kept open ; the police
were swept in with the processions or
quietly disarmed. I heard of ana I saw
nc case of violence, no disorder, no rob
bery. Everywhere the deepest rxeitement
and the most extraordinary improvised
public order. The Imperial arms were
torn down from all the public buildiugF,
and in one or two cases the windows of
shops were broken which contained them.
In the Rue Vivienne a well known mil
liner’s establishment was thu3 menaced,
but the proprietress oame out and remon
strated with the leaders, holding up a gold
Naprloon, and saying, “If that passes to
day, why shall my windows be broken?” The
men cheered and laughed, the women cried
•‘Vive la Republique !” and the crowd
passed on. One gate of the Tuilleries on
the side of the Seine was burst open, aud
the crowd poured in ; but forebore to enter
the palace on the appearanoa ol M. Eman
uel Arago, who came out to meet them,
and said: “Citizens, the Empress left
Paris at midnight This p; lace, the prop
erly of the people, i3 under the protection
of liberty and the law.” The crowd
cheered immensely ; guards of tho Nation
al Guard wore posted at the gates. The
Republic was p’-oclaimei] immediately af
terwards at the Hotel de Ville, with the.
following list of the Provisional Ministry : j
Interirtr —M. Gambetta.
foreign Affairs —M. Jules Favre.
Finances —M ■ Magne.
Public Instruction. —M. Jules Simon-
Justice —M. Cmmieux.
IPar—General L fi •„
President of ife VtjPeteil of Slate—hi.
Grevy..
Secretary- General— M. La Vertugou
cn•n t m t
I Governor of l‘arv —General Troche.
I Meissieurs < Dais liizoin, Pulletan, Ernest
i Picard, Koeheforte and Garnier-Pages
! have also places in the administration. M,
j <le Keratry has been appointed Prefect of
j Police, and Emmanuel Arago, Mayor of
! Paris. lii response to tho Prussian ap
| propriation of that province, Messieurs
I Valatin and Engelhart have been appoint-
I ed Civil and Military Commissioners of
j Alsace.
NAPOLEON’S CORPS LEGIBLATIF.
j Paris, September s.—The following is
i a sketch of tbe proceedings in the Corps
, Legislatif on Saturday night and Sunday
; moaning, previous to the closing session
I already reported:
The Corps Legislatif, which bad only
j taken a recess, reassembling at 1:30 Sun
j day morning, after an exciting session in
tbe evening, at which the Ministers had
i explained the situation.
j President Schneider said: Painful and
grave news was communicated to us during
| the evening, and as President of the House
j I had a double duty to perform towards it
i and the nation. For the rest, by an urgent
, demand on the part of a great number of
my colleagues, you have beeQ called to
gether in extraordinary session. I allow,
! therefore, the floor to the Minister of War,
that he may finish the statement which he
commenced during this morning’s sitting.
Count Palikao said : I bave the painful
mission to inform you what my words be
fore must have foreshadowed. The news
which was only semi-official has become
official After heroic efforis the army has
been roiled back iuto Sedan, acJ has been
encompassed there by such superior forces
that it has been obliged to capitulate. The
Emperor has been made a prisoner. In
view of this news, it will be impossible to
c-nter upon serious discussion of the conse
quences which these events may involve,
when I have been forced to leave my bed
to attend this sitting, and my colleagues
have had no opportunity to deliberate.
President Schneider proposed an adjourn
ment until to-day at noon. He said the
situation imposed on him great duties and
lie would fill them. But the Ministry not
having yet been able to deliberate, and
each one needing time to think over care
fully the grave resolutions which tho occa
sion required, lie thought it would lie wise
to adjourn,
v™, rd t w ho teXt which wo n,,w before
frV-7° mOV ° that the Chamber adopt
the following resolutions :
hl/ll 1 "?]' 2 ?" 1 ' 1 ?" Bonaparte and
tl e b l de , c!ar , ed have forfeited
Ssrss...’**"» “<»»«-«»««
“That there shaH be chosen an Execu
tive Committee composed of members the
number of whom shall be fixed by ’ the
Chamber, which shall be invested with all
the powers necessary to repel invasion and
tle ene my from the soil.”
p*t General Trochu, Governor of
i aria, be charged exclusively with the
defence of the capital.”
, e reading of these resolutions was
listened to in profound silence.
nr Mr> v ? ica was raised. It was that
°;-j ; 1 'pard. - We have not the power,”
saitt tie, to pronounce th cdecheance."
President, Schneider returned to his pre
p sal to adjourn the sittirg until no; n, on
pem'd" 1 01 t lC gravity of what had liap-
The Corps Legislatif agreed, and the
sitting was adjourned.
Lei ter from Louisville,
TRIAL CF TIIE CONSPIRATORS.
SPECIAL CORRESPONDENCE OF THE CHRON
ICLE &. SENTINEL.
Louisville, G.y., September S, 1870.
Editors Chronicle if- Sentinel :
On ye. terday I promised to furnish you
with further particulars in relation to tho
trials progressing here of the loaders in
the late insurrection, and no.v proceed to
do so as briefly 33 possible.
. !l,s murG i ß S seven more, charged with
insurrection, plead guilty, and were sen
tenced.
Andrew Scott, the first or.e sentenced,
in his confession or plea lor mercy, stated
that he was appointed a captain, by Fye,
of the company that broke open the jail’;
that ho had sixty-five men ; that he left
home by Fye’s orders; that Fye told him
that he t had his orders from Governor
Bullock, and that he had the power so
have him shot il he disobeyed orders.”
He joined Fye’s club on Saturday in
Louisville; that Fye had with him two
books, which he asked mo to read ■ 1
looked at them, but could not read them •
the books were printed, and did not have
stiff backs, but could ho roiled up and
placed in the tide pocket of a coat, Fye
read to mo the 14th, 15th and 16th laws :
That when one ot our members were put
in jail without our permission, w 0 had the
power to band together aad take him out ;
that when any one of our members worked
for a man, and he was not paid, then the
members of the club could join together
and seize and sell out the last thing the
man had until the member got his pay.
Judge Gibson sentenced him to two
years’ imprisonment. He remarked, in
making this sentence, that perhaps in his
judioial.district there were more convicts iu
the penitentiary than from any other sec
tion, and that oe knew that no convict had
evir been pardoned by tbe Governor, un
less he had good reasons lor exercising the
gubernatorial clemency.
Eli Adams was next sentenced to one
year’s imprisonment in the penitentiary.
In his plea he said that he was a member
of Fye’s Blub, he was 19 years o’d. Fye
said he was old enough to vote, so he sent
his name off to the Governor. He made
the samo statement as to the rules of his
ciub, as was made by Andrew Scott. lie
said Fye had shown him papers authoriz
ing him to aet from Governor Bullock.
Madison Walker waa next sentenced to
one year’s imprisonment.
Britton Martin was then scntcncod for
one year. He aid that Fye had told him
that he had written to Governor Bullock
for instructions, and he approved 0 f his
proposed proceedings.
Robert J ones was next sentenced to two
year’s imprisonment. He made about the
same statement as the others, to wit: That
they had organized under orders from
Governor Bullock. .
George Sherman was sentenced to two
ycar3. He made the same confessions.
Sol Whitehead was sentenced to two
years, he making about the same conles
sions.
Prince Bruton, charged with riot, lias
been found guilty and sentenced to work
twelve months on the chain-gang.
Court will adjourn to morrow. I have
a good many affidavits which I will send
you to-morrow. Your«, &c..
J. 11.
Louisville, Ga. Si pt. <)th, Ls7o.
Editors Chronicle & Sentinel :
Everything is now quiet. Uur Court
adjourned late yesterday afternoon. All
the accused plead guilty, except Prince
Burton, whom I in closing my
communication, a3 being convicted for
riot and sentenced to twelve month in the
chain >:ang. low Brewer {dead guilty to
the charge of riot and was sentenced to
twelve months in the chain Tom
Brewer and Prince Burton commanded tho
crowd on Saturday, the 20ih August,
which marched through the streets, and
demanded the jail keys, and when the keys
were refused them, marched on to the
i'll, threatening to break it open, and
would, doubtless, have carried the threat
into execution had they not been intimida
ted by Maj. M ilking the Chairman of the
Hoard of CommiPidoncrs.
Perhaps you may have hoard several
months ago, of some unknown parties
riding uo at night to the residence of a
' if Hall, who IHed near Bartow, and
called for Mr. Hall to come out to them.
Hall only camo to the door, or window,
anl askc.l what was the matter ? As soon
as he was seep, this unknown party fired
a volley at him. For weeks, no proof
could he had against any ono. A few (lays
ace, three negroes, Joe McGinniss, Pitt
Harris and John Walker, were charged
with this offence, and arrested and lodged
in jail John Walker, one of this party,
turned State s evidence. His tesfimuny
was, that McGinniss, Harris, himself, and
a John Jones (a negro), composed the
party who shot Hall. John Jones is still
at. large, and when last heard of he was in
Hamburg. Just before Court adjourned,
i McGinniss ar.d Walker plead guilty, and
were sentenced, by Judge Gibson, to two
years imprisonment in the Penitentiary.
So our work is now ended. In two days
| ’- v e have sent eleven representatives to the
j penitentiary, and two to the chain-gang,
1 to assist Grant, Alexander & Cos., in con
i struct ing railroads. We could have con
victed many more, hut thought ti.at the
I ends of justice were .attained in tho nnm
[ her convicted. To-day a guard of soldiers
will escort these convict* to their new
home, and we will be left all quiet.
Every one seems satisfied with what
has been done. Many would have prefer
red seeing Fye hung, and their wishes
would have been gratified had not tho
prosecuting attorneys feared a pardon.
The wholo evidence lias developed the
fact that Fye is a most consummate scoun
drel, and no punishment that the law in.
flicts could be too severe. But in these
days justice cannot always be fully meted
out.
j .’fbe imppession is general that there
i wiR be no farther disturbances in this sec
| tion for a long time to come. The cabn
| ness and moderation, and firmness of the
w bites have taught the negroes a most in
structive lesson. The idea all the time
has been to hold up the law ns a terror to
evil doers. We hr.re tried by our acts to
inculcate the Idea that if the law is broken
the law is able to vindicate itself. That
though we had the numbers and the
strength to rise up and crush down in its
very bud all disturbances and uprisings,
yet we [preferred waiting on the law-,
knowing that though comparatively slow
it would bo equally jmre. My own sym
-I‘arliies cannot but go out and ding to
many of these poor, ignorant, deluded,
j misled negroes. I was there in the midst
I of their excitement, when they wore in
solent, and vind.ctivc, and full of bravado
aud threat I heard their cursings acd
listened calmly to their bitter a-niili mas.
But: ow ‘ .Samson isshorn of his locks’’—
and they are ibe same quiet, docile, hum
ble, dependent people tiiaL in olden times
were amongst us I cannot but pity thoir
ignorance, aod make mattv allowances for
their false prejudices. Will cot worse
than “mill stones be cast around the
necks” cf those who to make capital for
themselves, pander to the ignorance of
these people, and by their insidious ap
peals, and lying promises arouse their
prejudices, and bring into action all their
slumbering passions and and .rut-in vices ?
In a day or two I will trouble you with
mv/t’W communication.
Truly yours, J. JJ. \y.
| A Cheap Fertilizer —Tho Southern
I lanter says tha' a cheap fertilizer, nearly
as good as guano, may be made in the
following manner : First gather any quan
tityof -wamp muck into a pile to dry;
measure off six barrels of this, or any oth
er rich black earth, imo another pile, and
add the following salts, previously dissolv
ed in a barrel or more of water, viz,: 40
Ibs. of nitrate of soda, 00 lbs. sulphate of
ammonia, and half a bushel of common
salt; then add a barrel of ashes, a barrel
of plaster of Paris, aod a barrel ofground
bones. Mix ali of those well together
and use in the same manner as Peruvian
guano.
We learn from a private letter to a
gentleman in this place, that difficulty oc
curred in Pike county in August, between
two families named Wood and Smith—
two men from each family—in which
fourteen shots were fired. Ilobe.-f Wood
was killed, and one of the Smiths dan
gerously wounded. Mr. \Y. 'leaves a wild
and seven children. .