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About Weekly chronicle & sentinel. (Augusta, Ga.) 1866-1877 | View Entire Issue (Sept. 28, 1870)
OLS) SERIES, VOL. LXXYII Cl tow;rtc & .feats ad. VEIIUH Ol' xtSWCttUTIOS. , , „ «*. TKI WEES X. M a • " raiiX- '.'.irim& . “, ’ Z ig WKIVIKSDA) MOK.VIMi, SKP7MBER 2S. Vi lit> is Making the Trouble ? A Hlbic I) i..' cratic Convention declined, through its business committee, composed o'gt. - : .tit men fr in a’l sections of the State, 11 g.ve cxprc-i.- iou to any opinion as to the (Jont'rc.-ioual canvass. Yet a porti uof too Executive Committee raiseu by that Convention, immediately put furib a puL- Lcution upon the subject. This action was unniccs.-.ary, ii!-timed and uncalled for in our judgment. And (hr the reasoD that the lion. J jiutoo Stephens, the elected chairman of that committee, is pleased to publicly dissent Irom this publication, he has been most ut justly aDd unkindly a;;- sailed, and a dire train of disasters ace troubles are conjured up by those who i take the lead iu these assaults. We re- j spectfully submit that the assaults on •Judge Stephens are finely to came troubles and disasters, lie is not the Democratic patty of tbc Slate any more than the Lmutivc Committee is. They arc both the creatures of that party, and the opin i it;M of neither the one nor the other ean or should control the party. But there his lieen injudicious and hasty express ion of opinion, ar.d it bus created trou ble and will create more if is not at oi.ee stopped. The suspicion has i con exe tedthat the deposition of .Mr. Stephens was desired before his letter was written or published. Whether this he true or not, j bo is a Democrat sound to the core in [ principle, a gentleman of long service, ! ripe judgment, strong talents, and power ful aud extended influence. Strong as the D iiiocrutic parly may be in the State, it is not sufficiently strong to drive such men from active co operation with it in times like these. And its troubles and trials will not be i moved or les .ened by attacks upon Judge Stephens, or arrogant de mands that lie shall bo displaced in order that the leader of some clique or faction may (ill his place. The opinions of Judge Stephens are in no particular at variance with the princi ple;; ol the Democratic party, and if be and others who may entertain their own views of party policy, are to bo defamed and ostracised, all the troutles of Demoo racy will he swallowed up in the treat and lusting one of defeat.— Columbus San. How May be Made. The Washington correspondent of the New v ork Journal <J Commerce writes that men at the capital, who probably have letter means of judging than other persons in this country, on account of their connection with the nations now at war, have certain fixed ideas, which are worth printing. They seem to sfeak authorita tively when they express a firm belief that King Wiliiam of Prussia will not treat with tho present provisional government of Plate.' Lryoud the conclusion of an aiui'stiec, should one be asked. They give us a reason lor belief that the pres ent Rovcri-trent will not last, a citation oi the (act li t while the vote cf dechcance in the Po uch Assembly was legally taken, yet the vote declaring a republic and pro visional government was carried by the minority of the extreme members of die party of the Left. The general opinion among them is, that after the capitulation of Metz and Strasbourg, which they con sider inevitable, the Prussians will hold those places, and in exacting guarantees ot peace givo up the idea of acquiring Alsace and Lorraine, only retaining those two keys to position to guard against attempted invation of Prussia in the future. After this, according to their theory, Paris is to bo taken, and then an armistice will be declared, King William will de mand the formal abdication of Napoleon and his family, and submit the question of future government to the people of Prance, so they may freely decide what (brm of government they desire. After this shall have been accomplished, the King of Prussia will treat with the proper representatives (f the government decided upon. It may bo that King William will submit the question of terms of peace to die arbitration of the lleichsrath. which will meet in a few days. These gentlemen believe the French provisional government, sooner than submit to the destruction of Paris, will invite an armistice. In diat ease the King of Prussia. would occupy Paris till a stable government be establish ed by vote of the people. \ VilSaimms Bill. In another column wo present the full j text of the bill, which, i’ is said, was pro- , pared by the Attorney General of the : United States, providing ier a postpone ment of die State elections until the 20th of December mst. If the bill simply pio posed ti postpone the election it would le bad enough, bu‘ the schemes cl the Radi cals do not stop there. They not oidy in- | tend to violate the constitution, which re- j quires the election to be held on Tuesday alter the first Monday in November, but the provisions of the fill are devised specially with r. view to insure a dishonest and corrupt poll. The second sect on of the bill provides for continuing the election for (Acre days. Heretofore one day has been sufficient. There never has bu n a time when the en tire voting population of the State could not have, without baste er crowding at the pulls, finish the casting of their bal lots between the rising and the setting of the sun of one day. The reason for ex tending the time, as proposed iu this bill, will become apparent as we examine the remaining sections. SocUou third requires that tho elections shall be held alone at the Court Houses at the county seat ot each county, aud at an> c cetioo precinct which may be established i:i an incorporated town. The vari a; ; rennets c tabiished by law in the several counties outside of the town are by t Ins bill abolished. The object of this sec tioa G two fold; First, it gives an excuse r the three days voting, provided for in ‘v. - “''l section; and second, it contem pt hudliirg the negroes en masse at the sing . voting place in the county to en able the c.- i • t-luggers and "scalawags to drive them litre cheep to the polls. They hope i>y thus mar-,::g the negroes to destroy the individual itflutuee ol the respectable >ns of the county ever this class of vo ters at* and force the negroes into the arms of their o"n partixans. The appointment of all the managers j of the election is given, by the -Ith seeticn, j to the corrupt and uuecrupuWs man who uoW oocupies the Executive chair. Bal lock is authorized to appoint five icrsons ~s managers to hold and superintend the election at each election precinct. These ti* n, as a matter of course, will be sclect d from the most corrupt and pliant tools ib, Bullock- Blodgett ring in each coun , . q'hoy will be selected with the single Vii-W ot' controlling the election and manip alatiug the returns in the interest of Bul lock ar.d hn. ring. They will be specially in traded, preciously, to make their tally sheets and returns thow Radical majorities, in d in the succeeding sections they arc i.othed w j*h full power to accomplish this object without the fear of detection; ! For fear that some of Bullock’s ap pointees may so much fear the popular in j a gnation which there schemers know will j be aroused in each county by the passage 1 of the bill, aud refuse to act the villain a | a manager of election?, at the behest of ; Bullock, the sixth section provides tl at the Radical judges appointed by Buliock may fine thoce who decline to set as such man ager in the sum of one hundred dollars j Bulicck may select whom he please?, and the individual selected is bound to accept the iffice under a severe penalty. This feature of the hill will Lardly he commend ed for iis strong republican tcndencs s. The seventh section declares that it shad h. the duty cf the manager to receive ‘the ballot of every male person apparent ly of awe, a resident of the county, who ha not previously voted:” and section eight re quire:- the manager to “prevent any per son from challenging any voter, or from hindeting, delaying or interfering with any persoD in the free and speedy casting of his ballot.’’ These two sections contain pro vident which must shock the honesty of every true man in the State. litre is a plain an 1 palpable violation of the Constitution of the State, which declares that no man shall vote who is not a citizen of the United States, or who has legally declared his in tention to become one ; that no one shall vote who is not twenty-one years old—not apparently so ; who ha i not resided in the State six months, and in the county thirty days next preceding the election; who bas not paid all taxes which have been requited of him; who has been convicted o( felory or larceny; who is the holder of public money unaccounted for; who lias engaged in a duel in or out of the State, either as principal or second ; who is an idiot or in-ane, or who has been guilty of bribery. The Constitution declares that these shall not vote. This election bill de clares that tiO one shall be prevented, hin dered or delayed from voting on account of these constitutional inhibitions. The Con stitution says no one under twenty-one years shall vote—this hill says they may, provided they are apparently twenty-on". The Constitution fixes a residence qualifi cation at six mouths iu thaState and thirty days in the county. This bill says a sim ple residence, if it is but for a single day or h'jur, shall bo sufficient. The object sought to be accomplished by these two sections is too apparent to de ceive any one. Tho author and supporters of the b'll intend to permit every one and any one to vote the Radical ticket who de sire to do so or who is driven to do so, irrespective of any legal qualifications whatever. The managers will suspett no Radical voter of being under twenty-one years of age—they will suspect none of a want of legal rc.sidenoj or citizenship. But when voters bearing iu their hands Dem ocratic ballots approach the polls, their age, rosidanco or cit'zenship wiil be sus pected and their votes refused. There is uo remedy for such arbitrary and unlawful conduct. These managers are clothed with full and most absolute and tyrannical power, as we shall see when we examine ho bill a little further. Section nine authorizes the managers to form the Radical voters - thj poor, ignor ant negroes into companies and battalions and have them marched to the polls under leaders selected for that purpose. This “forming of line” moans nothing else. This military line is dtclared inviolate—a severe penalty is attached for tho approach within fifteen feet of this privileged class. They are protected by law from the in torix inglingof whites and kept under their allotted loaders entirely distinct from the white voters of the county. To secure this part of the programme, section ten requires tho sheriffs, town marshals, bailiffs and police office)s to obey the com mands of the managers or either of then), in all the orders which may be given them. But a still more extraordinary power is given to the managers in section eleven. If theso managers shall find gentlemen of influence ini tho county who they may believe will bo likly to influence or control voters -whose opinions or action might in terfere with the Radical prospects, they are empowered to order such persons arrested and confined in prison one day without even a written chargo or a written order to that effect. All that is necessary is for them to point out such persons as they may think will bo likely to have a good influence over the voters, and direct their officers to put him or them in jail. This can be repeated as often as may ho necessary to accomplish the ends sought to ho obtained—the success of tho Radical ticket. There is no appeal from this verbal order. Tho power of tho managers is unlimited and absolute in the premises. To secure this, section seventeen provides that tlie managers may fine tlie officers one hundred dollars as for contempt for each and every failure to obey the orders which may he given to them. Sections 12, 13,14, 15 and 10 provide the manner of receiving the ballots, and j prescribes the method by which any ex i animation of the ballots shall he prevented, ! while section IS prescribes the oath which shall he taken by the managers, and section 19 declares that “uoone shall vote who is not, by the constitution, a qualified voter in the county of tho election.” The latter provision is mere brutem fill- J men. No challenges are allowed—no op portunity offered to show that persons of fering to vote are disqualified. Every one who can be drummed up by Radical industry and controlled by Radical cunning is pei mitted to vote—and his vote counted— even though a hundred mon may be pres ent able and willing to show that the parties arc ne t entitled to vote under the ! laws of force in the elate. The balance of the bill, it is cot neces sary to direct special attention to, We 1 have laid bare the most prominent and glaring outrages attempted by.this n.fari ou» project. It" such a bill is passed, it will be entitled to a place alongside of the ir.famou j Tennessee law concocted by Browalow just after the war. We cannot bring ourtelves to the belief that any respectable member of the Radical major ity now in the Legislature caa be brought to the support of this measure. We hope and trust that Bullock and Blodgett have j over estimated their influence over Re publican members. But if wc should he mistaken as to the , extent of Radical support the bill will receive—if the Radical pariy intend to push it through at all hazards—then the duty of Democratic and Conservative 1 members require that they should leave no means untried to strangle this uiODster of iniquity and fraud. If they are beaten down by a majority vote, they must leave their seats, and return to their constituents before tho bill is passed. At all hazards this bid must be defeated. Tue peace oi the State requires it. The purity of the ballot requires it. The best interests of society requirfl it. Colonel A. K. Lamar. Wo are sorry to lesrn that this gentle man has dissolved his connection with the press. Ever since the close of the war Col. Lamar has been editor-in-chief of the Columbus Sun, and it is no disparagvmec of the Southern press to say that tire edi torial columns of the Sun has shown as much of patriotism, vigor, ability, courage and tact iu tho discussion of the great questions which have agitated the South for the past tew years as any journal south j of the Potomac. Honest, brave, straightforward and hon orable m Ins editorial career, we looked upon him as the Chevalier Ifayard of the Southern press, and regret the necessity which draws him into anew livid of .duty. Norllieru J>< mocracy ~ The Woi Id. The New York World assumes to speak for the Northern Democracy, tor several ysars past it has been constantly thrusting itself forward as the organ of the party and the exponent cf Democratic principles and sentiment. It even undertook to force the party into the support cf Mr. Chase, in 1868, a r terthe National Conven tion had nominated Mr. Seymour, and within a few weeks of the election. This quixotic attempt cf the World cost the party many thousand votes. It produced distrust and confusion in the ranks and caused our friends, in many cf the closely contested States, to become lukewarm and disheartened. For this blunder—aye crime—the World was f"rgiven by the party. It made good premises for the future aud exhibited a genuine sorrow for the past. Since then its cood rct has been shifting and vascilla ting. TANARUS, has more than once threatened the integrity of the party by ill timed and anti-Democratic comments npen leading men and measures of the party. It has shown an utter disregard of principle whenever sueh a course promised to make it conspicuous or bring it prominently be fore the public. It has apparently bat one object—to make money. To be sensa tional, to attract attention, to blow its own horn, rr.agni y its own merits, and pander to its own interests has been its chief end an 1 aim. The presumption of the World has really challenged our admiration. It. not only presumes to dictate the cour.-e of the party en national questions, but it undertakes to decide local and State Lues with a cool impertinence which is sometimes really re freshing. In a three column leader, published in its issue of the 17th, under the heading of “Reconstruction,’’ it undertakes a review of the action of the Federal (government for the last five years; and concludes by announcing that while the Democratic party believed the series of reconstruction acts unconstitutional and revolutionary, jet, having become de facto laws, the na tional Democracy will not undertake their modification or repeal. Being rcvolutiop ary, tyrannical, UDjust and oppressive as the World admits they are, the Democracy will not pledge themselves to attempt their repeal should they ultimately acquire power to do so. It these acts, says iho World , are stii! considered by the South as unjust, odious a id oppressive—if they de sire to escape stem their cruel exactions they must resort to the Courts. But the World tells us that these acts have been before the Supreme Court and that the Court “with the concurrence of its Democratic judges” has declared “that the validity of the reconstruction acts, so far as they were measures atfect ir.g the political status of those communi ties, presents a question political in its na ture, and not jaToial, and therefore that it is one with which the judicial power cannot deal.” I The question, then, according tj the World’s statement, having been decided to boa political one, the only remedy for the redress of the greivous evils of the reconstruction legislation to be looked for is in a repeal or modification of those measures. Tbo World says the Demo cracy will make no pledge to that . effect. The National Democracy,the World speak ing for them, say these acts were unjust, tyrannical, revolutionary and oppressive— that it was wrong to pass them, but being passed it would now bo wrong to repeal them. The World informs us further that it ‘‘dees not propose to stultify itself for the sake of excluding the negroes from suf frage,” because the World “has always favored universal suffrage.” I; announces that “the dogma that this is a white man’s government is an obsolete idea,” and that it will not aid in resorting it to the control of white men. If these views are entertained by the Northern Democracy—and we dou’t be lieve they arc—we confess that wo would not givo a “toss up” for choice between it and the lladTils. Indeed, we believe that wo should rather prefer the latter. They pretend to believe that they had the right i.o pass the reconstruction acts —they pre tend to believe those act3 beneficent and just, and they therefore defend and sup port them. The World says they arc wrong, unconstitutional, unjust and oppres sive, and, therefore, as they have been passed it will support and defend them. The Northern Demccraey must repudiate these views of the World, or they cannot retain the respect and confidence of the Southern people. In striking contrast with theso heresies of the World is the able speech of Senator Thurman, delivered n Cincinnati a few days since, a portion ol which we published yesterday. Senator Thurman is a patriot and a statesman. W e regard him as the ablest man r.ow in the United States Senate. He warns the Democracy and the whole country against the centralizing tendencies of the recon struction acts, and shows that the only safety of the people lies in retracing our steps and correcting the .evolutionary legislation which threatens to overthrow I the government. But we beg pardon of j Mr. Thurman fer mentioning hi 9 name l in connection with that of the double-faced i “limber jim” of the World. Tl>e Fair-Preparations, Etc. We wish most heartily that we could induce our citizens to picture to themselves our city as it will appear during the week of the Fair. A gathering snch as we shall have then is something so unusual to our quiet, stay-at home population, that we must be pardoned for again striving to con - vince every one in the city of Augusta of the short time that will elapse before the crisis is upon us, and to ask once more: Are we prepared with adequate means to accommodate 25,000 visitors ? We under stand that many of our enterprising and public-spirited citizens are making ar rangements to as great an extent as they can, individually. Our private citizens should not wait to be called upon, bnt should send to the Secretary of the Asso ciation, at once, the kind and quantity of room that they can spare. We confess that we are exceedingly anxious, for the welfare and reputation of our city, to be able to say, when the Fair is over, that we j entertained 20.000 or 25.000 strangers, | and that we did so creditably and satisfac torily to all concerned. Already applications for exhibitions are pouring in. We are ready in this respect, anjl we are convinced that our people will not be behind hand in accomplishing their P+ ' _ Liberia—Primus Green reached Charles ton the 17th from New York, where he arrived about a week ago, direct lrom Liberia. He looks badly in comparison with the condition he represents he was in when he left Georgia some months ago. lie gives a gloomy account of Liberian affairs. He could not obtain employment there, and, with others, who would hail any opportunity to get home, nearly starved. He had not had a cent by labor r t-jr since be left his home. He is per fects disgusted with his experience, and advices Lu, colored friends to remain where j tbev ue, if they do not want to endure i pangs that have killed others and left but Ia remnant of his former self. Delegates to the Agricultural Congress.— The Fanners Club, of Central Kentucky—the Kentucky Agricultural aE d Mechanical Association, and the South Eikhorn llorse Asssooiation, of Kentucky, will be represtented at the Congress. AUGUSTA, GA., YTEDNESDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 28, 1870. Took Again. We have carefully examined our Demo cratic exchanges from every part of the State, and, excepting the Augusta Chroni cle and the Athens Watchman, they un qualifiedly dissent from the views ex pressed in Judge Stephens’ letter on the question of eligibility as applied to Demo cratic nominees for Congress. —Columbus Sun. There is more than one mistake in the above extract. There are more than two papers in the State who approve and en dorse Mr. Stephens’ views on the eligi bility question. The Chronicle & Senti nel has never endorsed them. Will the Sun make the correction ? The Proposed Sale of tlie State Road. A oil! has neen introduced in the Legis lature for the sale ts the State Road. We admit that there are many reasons which might be given in favor of such a disposition of : tliat valuable property. The fact that the road has become, and is likely to continue more or less a party machine, to be used and run in the interest of the party in power, lias always been advanced by those favoring a sale as a strong reason why the State should dispose of it. We know that under the most honest administration of the State Gov ernment the management of the roau will necessarily be more or less involved in the political fortunes of the party in power- This is a necessary result, flowing from tbc fact that any* one who has boon or who may hereafter be elected Governor, will give the chief positions on the road to gentlemen who sympathize with the State Government. The mere fact, however, that a Whig Governor appointed a Whig superinten dant, or a Democratic Governor a Demo cratic suporintendant, was no evidence that the road would not bo managed as well under such appointees as it would have been if gentlemen of opposite poli ties to the Governor had been selected, i On the contrary, looking at the road as a ! more party machine, to be used chiefly in j tho interest of the party in power, it be i came vitally necessary for tho success of the party that the road should be ably, ef fieiently and honesty managed- While, if well managed, it was a strong card iu fa vor of the administraten, it was also true that bad management would seriously in jure the party who controlled it. Thus these two opposing interests or forces fur nished a strong guarantee that the road would be managed as well aud as honestly as tho capacity of the dominant part would admit. A Democratic administration felt that unless this great work was skillfully and economically managed, the Whigs would taka advantage of their snort com ings and make tha mismanagement of the road a leading issue in the next canvass. Although it was common for one party to accuse the other of failure in the con duct of tho road, we believe that up to the time that it passed into Bullock’s hands this great work had been upon the whole as well managed as any similar en terprise in tho South managed by a private company. The net income from the business of the road has boc-n gradually running up from twenty-five thousand dollars a month, many years back, to forty thousand dollars during Governor Brown’s administration, and, under the skillful and honest management ol Mr. Jenkins, it promised as much as fifty or sixty thousand dollars, per month. This regular increase in the profits of the road was due not alone to the improved manage ment of the roa 1, but it was mainly at tributable to the increased business which the extension of old and the opening of new Western lines of railways, tributary to this road, poured over this single grand trunk which connects the Atlantic with the waters of the Mississippi valley. Since the war the business of the road has been greater than at aDy period during its past history. With anything like lair management and an honest administration the net income of the road for the past two years should have reached at least a half million annually. This amount could have been realized, and the road bed and equip ments kept up to the maximum standard of Southern railways. This amount would have found its way into the Treasury if tie road had been under the management of men who had personal character at stake, and who felt that, as a party meas ure, good management and full returns were absolutely necessary to secure party success. The men in power, unfortur ately for the people of the State, are not only bank rupt in private character, but. what is quite as bad, c.r even worse, they are po litically corrupt and dishonest. They feel and know that the general misconduct of State affairs—the corruption and bribery which stalks through all the departments of the State government —their open and flagitious violation of the constitution and thekws—has doomed them and their party to utter overthrow and everlasting dis grace, and lienee their chief object in man aging the road has been to put mueh money in their own pockets—run down the rolling stock and road bed—bring the road into disrepute with the people, and when public sentiment, in its impatience and indignation at their bad management, should demand a sale of the road, to fix up a bill by which they and their friends could purchase it at a merely nominal price- The bill now before the Legislature is the offspring of the bad, coriupt men who have controlled the road for the past four years. It may be true, as we see it stated j in an Atlanta paper, that there is not the j name of a single citizen of this State to be j found in the list of corpoiators named in j the bill. This omission is no doubt iotec i tioual. It is made with the view of de- J oeiving the people. Even the apparent ! opposition of Bullock’s organ to the pro i posed sale is doubtless a part of the plan. The general features of the bill, as we I get them from an Atlanta exchange (we | have not yet seen a copy ot the bill), are as | follows: “By the first section of the bill, certain gentlemen, none cf whom even reside in this State, are authorized to incorporate an 1 subscribe for a capital of ONE million dollars. On this they are to enjoy all tic rights, privileges, &c., conferred upon the Central, the Georgia, and the Brunswick and Albany Roads. That is, they may start banks and have State aid to the amount of $15,000 a mile in gold. _ “2d. The corporators are made ‘Direc tors,’ to continue until they elect their suc cessors, and may held meetings at any place in the United States. “3d. The capital stock is one million, in shares of one hundred dollars each, and the ‘Directors’ are authorized to sell or dispose of this stock. “4tb. Toe stock may be indefinitely in l cieased by the ‘Directors.’ “o‘.h. The Governor is directed to give a warrantee title to the estern and At lantic Railroad and all its appurtenances, transferring that property to these Direc tors, - and give immediate possession to theta upon their delivery of $5,000,(K)0 of their bonds to him. The State to pay ail debts due by the road. “6tb. The State to indemnify the self sacrificing ‘Directors’ against any and all liens, mortgages, &c., now on the road. “7th. To enable the ‘Directors’ to de liver this $5,000,000 of bonds, ana have a ‘few mare of the same sort left, they are authorized to mortgage the road to the State for nine millions dollars of bonds, five millions of which are to be given the State in exchange for the road, and the other four millions retained for ‘mar 1 gins’ by the ‘Directors,’ “Btb. Id addition to the foregoing, the ‘Diiecters’ shall have power to purchase, leaca, or consolidate with any road cither in or out ot this Stale. “9th. To build brioches anywhere and at any time with State aid for $15,000 in gold per mile. “10th. And the rights to these ‘Direc tors’ is extended to ary aDd all roods which they may lease or comolidate with. “11th. The privilege is granted of es tablishing credits in the markets of foreign nations, and to ‘issue its credits in ex change for the credit and feopehty cf others.’ “12th. Gives exemption from all State, county and municipal taxes, and then, as there is nothing more worth asking for, the bill closes in the usual form, repealing aii laws and parts of laws inconsistent with it.” The bill is nothing more noi less than a ; preposition for the most gigmtic swindle | that was ever perpetrated upon a free * people. There is not the slightest security I offered to the State for the surrender of this most valuable proptrty, even if the amount which it is proposed to sell it for was in any considerable degiee commensurate with the real worth of tho road. It is a big grab game, by whim the State is to be swindled, and a/ew daring, corrupt speculators are to mgie a stupendous for tune. These corporattTs have doubtless promised large sums to members to secure their votes. There netd be no attempt at concealment on this sibject. The sale is sueh a bare faced iniquity that every affirm ative vote will carry alotg with it strong prima facie evidence cl bribery. , Wo know that many loncst and worthy men believe it would bt best to sell the road. Upon that pcic there is much honest difference of opinion. Many plausi ble reasons caD be given.n favor of such a proposition. But this coitcm plates a fair, bona fide sale— it imply) a fair price and reasonable security for thtpurohase mooey. Under such conditions honest and true men might vote for a sah. We would be opposed to it, but we cai readily perceive why goud men should with to sell- But, under the provisions of tho presont bill, the idea of a fair sale, of an honest trans action, is entirely excluted. It is a mass of corruption and fraud and bribery and rascality from beginning ;o end. Carpet-Baggers—A Graphic Pic ture. The split among the Chirleston Radi cals is developing someourisus pictures of Radical rascality and exptsing the cor ruptions and fraud and britery which has kept that party alive for the past four years. Cain, a negro, and, ve believe, a preacher, has been a promiront leader of the ultra Radical tying of the party in Charleston. He is now, if wo mistake not, a warm supporter of Scott. He has had some troubles with Ms wiog of the parly, and in a recent isste of the Mis sionary Record, a Radical paper, ho lets off the following against certain elements in his party : “The time has come for every honest man in tie Republican partj to assert his liberty and declare his opposition to a class of men who have proposed to rule the colored people of this State with a rod of iron and of damnable corruption. For the last two years a certain set of unmiti gated scoundrels have dictated to the mass of voters of this State what they should do, what they should think, and how they should act ; what they should say and hew they should vote. There has been a certain class who have been ‘picked up ’ out of the prisons and gutters of poverty, coming t o this State, begging their passage and lifting contributions to start them in business, wl o have since grown so#roud and arrogant that they now wish to dictate to the whole people what their duties are, and what they shall think.” More Dirt for Southern Men to Eat. It seems that we are not through with our federal “dirt eating” yet. The five gentlemen of the State Executive Com mittee, who met iu Atlanta on the Ist instant, in accordance with the direction of Samuel J. Randall, Chairman of the Congressional Committee, recourmeuded that no candidates be nominated for Com gross in the State who were not eligible under the laws now of force. These Committee men thought—we thought, and so did tho public—that the party was at liberty to select any one whose disabilities had been removed by Congress. Taking this view of the in structions, the Congressional Convention for the Seventh District mot a lew days since and nominated lor Congress irom that district General YouDg, whose disa bilities had been removed. It seems now that this action was wrong. That the lion. Samuel J. ILt Jail and his Commit tee are opposed to the nomination of any one who cannot take the test-oath. The mere fact of the removal of disabilities is not sufficient. Wo must send truly loil men—those who prayed for the success of the Federal arms while their own kith and kiu were engaged iu a fierce and bloody conflict to drive back the invaders of our soil. None but simon pure “loyalists” wiil be permitted to take scats in Con gress. In answer to an inquiry from the editor of tho Memphis Appeal, the Hod- Samuel telegraphs as follows : “Washington, D. C., Sept. 15, 1870. —We think members elect whose disa j bilirics have been removed, are legally j eligible without taking the test oath ; but we do not believe they would be enrolled | by the Radical Clerk of the House, or be ; permitted to participate in the organiza ] tio-i of the House. We therefore urge as \ safest that none should be nominated WHO | CANNOT TAKE THE TEST OATH. Samuel J. Randall; Ch'n.” _ Now, as the action of the five gentle ; men of the State Executive Committee j was ostensibly founded upon (he advice of j the Congressional Committee, and as they ! have misconstrued the meaning of the latter committee in relation te the eligi bility question, it occurs to us that they | should make another recommendation to j the people—tell them that none but truly kril men must be nominated. Tue action of the Cartersville Conven tion must also be reversed, for we take it I far granted that General Young caDnot swall -w the test oatb. As be cannot gulp N ave taut >weet Radical piil, the Radical | Clcik of the House will refuse to enter his name on tec roil, and, therefore, he will be txiluded frem his place until a Radical Congress chooses to permit him to take his seat. Truly, this is not a flattering prospect fer the whitewashed and their friends. After all their anxiety aDd labor and ex pense in procuring a removal of disabili ties, it is, we think, bard that they should be now snubbed in this shameful way— thet they should be denied participation in the) “spoils ol office” unless they will swallow the test oath. What will the State Executive Commit tee do now ? What will the Democrats of the Seventh District do? Another Bio Job. —Some days since it was mentioned in an Atlanta paper that the new residence) built by John U. James, would, be purchased for an Ex ecutive mansion. We did not notice the rumor at the time, but we laid it up in our mind. Now, a bill has been intro duced in the Senate to authorize the pur chase of a house for the Governor. Put these two things together, and our rcadeis can easily understand that another big haul is to bo made on the public treasury. James will doubtless get three or four times as much for his house as it is worth —the surplus to be divided arnoDg the ring who manipulate the purchase. I COMMUNICATED, j Columbia Cos., Sept. 10, 1870. Editors Chronicle if- Sentinel : "Trust me, Yoriole, when to gratify a private appetite (or political one might have been added), it is onqe resolved upon, that an innocent and an helpless creature, shall be sacrificed. ’Tis an easy matter to pick up sticks enough from any thicket, where it has strayed, to make a fire to offer it up with.” Thus spake the mirth-loving and fun-provoking Sternes in his vulgar witticisms, yclept, Tristam Shandy. And thus speaks the modern reign and infamous history of tho Radical parly. Vituperation, calumny, falsity, hate, malice, revenge, in a word, si! the low-down, sordid, selfish, malignant and greedy passions of the worst forms of human nature, are the component parts of the party in power.tand who are now either asking for a further “ prolongation ” of office or who are covertly manipulating to that end, even though it be in violence to the public will! ! And, appropos. if vulgarism, the very name and all the as sociations of dirty work and dirty fellows are suggestive of this Radical party. A few of them are a little more cleau and clever than the majority, the herd of swire ; yet the taint ot past affiliation ard bed-fellow ism is upon them, and seventy times seven dippings in the pool will only wash them clean. We are glad to welcome them hack into good t.ociely, hut we are not willing to kill the fatted calf for them. By their confessions they stand convicted of having been cstrays from the pathways of right and duty, and we should be chary of the gift of pilotslup to them. Hence it was deemed an assumption, when in Atlmta a few days since, the moderately few of these recent con verts proposed to mould or direct the course of ovents in the future. Self purified!! so pure and holy, that even the long tried and honored J effersonian doclr me of Democracy “stunk in their nostrils,” and forsooth the label of the bottlo at least must be changed. Label it "Conserva tive.” You will patronize and endorse the perfume. “Balm of a 1,000 flowers” “Otto of Roses”—Lubin !! The material of this Democratic aroma is all good and fine, just change the name, “a rose will smell as sweet by any other name”—but as the call was, for the Democratic party to meet in Convention, and as the change of name of Democrat to that of Conserva tive, might be taken as prima facia evi dence that the Democratic party was not in the past a Conservative party—the ma jority preferred all things considered and in view of the fact, that there were but strictly two.national parties of Democrats ano Radicals, to hold on to the old nama. So when the Convention acted upon t’ue “Platform of Principles,” a second sober thought was manifest, inasmuch as there was no opposition to the declared duly of our people in tho present crisis, liere was a “ Georgia bill ” of no doubtful pa ternity. No ambiguity, no double dealing, straight forward,, open, concise, manly declaration of principles. It will go home to the hearts of our friends at the North, the friends of Constitutional liberty, law and order, as “glad tidings of great joy,” while it may strike our enemies, the out laws, the foes of good government under the “left rib,” or in their pocket , the most vital part. Then, we take it for granted that the great body of the people of the State are a unit-, anil that not even a respectable (ex cuse the word just here, for I confess it is terribly out of place) minority will oppose onr having an election this fall, or will fail to assist with their votes and their influence at that election to hurl from power and place tlie “Bullock-Blodgett, or the Blod gett-Bullock Ring,” for it is hard to tell which is the “Big Dog." Now, it is said that Bullock, in a speech to the missionary voters, the lately enfranchised, said “there should be no election this fall," and, if I mistake not, the C. L. S. has already given the warning note , that an effort will be made to resuscitate the buried "prolonga tion scheme," and that, with arts of per suasion, soft-sodder , bribery, dodgering , etc., affect not only a reconsideration but a reversal of the former righteous decision of the present Legislature. That tho effort will be made, I have no doubt, for this de ponent is prepared to believe that there is nothing too low'—nothing beyond the fathom, the plummet of this low down, groveling creature. But that it will fail, my estimate of the character of our people bids me fear not. Such a hold, naked, In men affron t to the people 1 cannot be lieve will be perpetrated by a class of the people who are acting under the plea that they are the chosen representatives of the State’s interest, but who, by thisaci of out lawry, will constitute themselves the elect. Never! nevcrl The question just here arises, and it is a grave one and should be well considered before action is taken, but when resolved upon firmness but discretion should rule the hour. Now, l take for my text this axiom, as declared many years since by the good and great man, John Randolph : “Government to be free and safe must consist of representatives hav ing a common interest and common Iceling with the represented.” Now,* suppose Bullock should, by his veto, his chicaner,y, hodge-podge—by some successful manipulation of party machine ry —carry his point, forbid or lail by pro clamation to order an election this fall, are we, the people, the sovereigns of the State, nearly all of us to the “manor born,” having a “common interest,” a “common feeling,” and a common destiny, to quietly submit to this outlawry, this diabolical assumption of power? Shall our late Convention, composed as it was of the best material the Stato afforded, so harmonious in its meeting, so respectful in its deliberations, and so law abiding in its declaration of principles, all be as naught and become a dead letter to the people? 1 hope not! 1 trust not!! The “Georgia bill” was a long time in travail, taking tho skill of the Congress of ob stetricians. The presentation was un favorable, and the delivery tardy. Now, in obstetrics proper, it is a wise and common injunction that hasty interference is oftimes declaratory of bad management and bad luck. But in the history of l his bantling of the last Congress, tlie obstet ricians (too many in number, and too few in ability to meet the emergency) wore exceedingly slow to give birth to their own conception, and whcD, at last, a birth was affected, it proved neither “fish nor fowl.” The mountain labored, etc. It was argued by some that it meant an election this fall, and that this was patent in the very fea tures of the little imp. Bingham and his school said an election was already ordered, whiie those favoring Bullock’s nefarious plans, and who had been with him parta kers in the rich viand?, and sparkling wines at Wormley’s, all ac the State's ex pense, only went so far as to say that the State Constitution was to be the interpre ter of the time when an election was to be held. The Legislature before taking action on the subject, apparently desiring to be well advised, obtained the legal opinion of Grant’s Attorney General, and Bullcck’s do. Both were to t‘ e effect that an elec tion this fall must be had. The Legislature after a fuff, fair and timely considered test vote defeated the prolongation scheme , or trick, and thus gave their sanedon to their interpretation of the Georgia bill, that it meant an “ election this fall.” NjW, against all this authority, and this pile of evidence is the one man power to prevail ? Does Bullock intend to outstrip even the infamous Winchester rifle Scott in his role of iniquities ? Scott, perhaps feeling a little more secure iu his tenure of office, and relying upon the large majority in the negro vote in South Carolina, is willing to hazard his chance of re-election. If the '•forty-cents-a-iine Forney has interviewed Bullock correctly, and his statements be true, that B. has done, and is doing well for the Stats, that he lias protected the people in their just rights, that lie has shown great wisdom and foresight in the selection of his officers, and partien- larly the Judges of the Superior Court, I say, if this be true, which is a great | assumption , and is giving credit : when credit is not due, then, we think Bullock should not fear the verdict of the people at the ballot-box. But be this as it may, an “ election this fall the people expect, and they must and will have it!!! I do not think General Grant, the Con gress or the military will intervene to prevent it. Our voice is not for war, but we do declare, loudly and boldly , for the exercise of the sacred, and should be inviolate right of freemen to the undis turbed expressions of their ehoice of rulers at the ballot-box. Then the question of an “ election this fall ” settled in our favor, the second interrogatory, porti nent to the occasion is, upon what basis are our representatives to be chosen? Those points were well con sidered and digested by those who shaped and wisely ordained the “platform of principles” and the character of the nominations to be made. In the selection of Representatives for our State Legisla j ture, it was thought that wc could find 1 among our youDg men, who have come upon the political arena within the past i ten years, material sound and good tor the i emergency —men who, while they would j be unencumbered with the political dis j ability of having held office in anti-bellum 1 times, would at the same time be possessed of intelligence and judgement sufficient to take council together in the affairs of State. Not so, however, in cur National Councils. Men of more advanced years , larger experience iu governmental ques tions, and in parliamentary knowledge, should be selected ; and this, of course, will necessarily throw us, ia the selection of our National Legislators, within the proscribed list. “Better be unrepresented than mbreprescctcd” was the motto. Go ing upon the idea that “by-gones were by gones” and the “dead past numbered among the things that were,” and without any reference to antecedents, we would in our nominations for Congress select those, and those only, whose fitness, intellectually and morally, gave them a claim upon our suffrage. And here permit me to quote from an article of mine, which was pub lished in your paper in 1867, on this very point : “John Wilkes was in bad oder with the British government; his imme diate c rastituency elected him to Parlia ment, but he was denied his seat and sent back to his people. They re-elected him ; again he was denied admission. And this was repeated to the fourth time, vs hen the Parliament yielded and Wilkes was ad mitted to his seat. ” This much ; nothing more. We claim this as a right, aud in the exercise of it we mean no offence. 11 representation is graciously idlowed us, we only propose to send our best men. For instance, among the cardinal principles avowed in our platform the “rights and the undcstnictibiUty of the States” are primarily asserted. Now, would it not bo the veriest lolly to select men who had become shaky in this time honored doctrine, and yielding to the force of circumstances and the illegal “enactments of an unjust and irresponsible Congress, and who were now converts to the odious doctrine of a consolidated or central government ? In the selection of Representatives, wc mean business; nothin!? more. In the old Con gress, (a “Congress what was a Con gress,”) the Georgia Representation con trasted favorahty with that of any State in the Union. We have lost our property, many of cur rights, have “seen the ele phant,” etc , but our pride, our honor and our manhood have survived the wreck ol fortune and the deinorilization incident to great revolutions. S. Q. Lapius. Letter from (irecnc County. On tiie Wino, September 16,1870. Editors Chronicle & Sentinel: The Greene County Superior Court con vened on the 12th inst., Judge Robinson, presiding. The charge of his honor to tho grand jury was worthy of the man and the great interests to be subserved by these custodians of society. Upon them largely devolved the wholesome admiui-ttratiou of laws, the suppression of crime, and tho peace, order and prosperity of the coun try. But few are warmer advocates of the principles vital to the moral as well as civil interest and honor of the people than Judge Robinson. Besides the local bar, Colonel Lewis and Son, Messrs. Brown, Robinson, Branch and Heard, present, were Judge Stephens, of Hancock; Judge Reese, Colonels Billups and McHenry, Hon. Joshua Hill and the Messrs. Fosters, of Madison ; Judge J. L. Harris and Captain Sandford, of Milledgeville; Major McDaniel, of Walton ; Captain Reid, of Oglethorpe ; Judge Bristor and Colonel Reid, of Crawfordville; Colonel Loften and Solicitor General Jordan, of Monticello; Colo Del Winfield, ol Eatontnn, and Major Morgan, of Warrenton. A vigorous prosecution of the civil docket was entered upon and quite a number of cases disposed of, among them a suit against L. B. Jackson, agent in trust for the graudaugbters of Steven Jaokson, deceased, for live thousand dol lars, Judge Harris and Judge Reese, for the plaintiffs, and Col. Lewis, for the de fendant. After a very warm and excited discussion of the points at issue, and the charge of his Honor, the jury retired for an hour or two, and returned a verdict in favor of the plaintiffs for thirty-three hun dred and fifty dollars. A railroad case, involving a considerable amount, was on docket for trial, but from some cause was continued. Without any knowledge of this case, or reference to any other, from the multiplicity of such against these corporations, I consider father legis lation indispensable to their protection. The idea obtains force that these are great monied monopolies, and the slightest and most frivolous pretext, backed by popular prejudice, seems to justify arid encourage public avarice in preying upon them. Many of the stockholders in these corpo rations are poor men, some orphans and widows, who are largely dependent on their dividends for a support, and that they should be deprived of these resources by exorbitant decrees of the crurts, which are often most palpably unjust, 13 not, otdy wrong, but is a matter that deserves legis lative interference. Not as large a number as usual have been in attendance upon the Court, owing, 1 suppose, to the busy time among farmers, in picking and ginning cotton for the mar ket, which is being done and sold as rapid as possible. The cotton crop will fall short of what was expected, but com is better than for several years, and it is thought an ample supply will be made for the county. Tlie fanners soem thoroughly convinced of the ruinous policy of raising all cotton to the exclusion of grain, and say they intend to reverse tilings in the future. I think Greene deserves great credit for her conduct in this respect the past year, when compared with some other counties. Mr. James M. Cox, of this county, pre sented me with two ears of corn of a se’ect and highly improved quality, and sample of a largo portion of his crop, that meas ures fifteen inches in length. His crop suffered severely for rain, consequently the cob was not as well filled, nor the grain as fully developed as otherwise would have heen. Mr. C. has two little boys, eleven and thirteen years of age, to assist him on his farm, and has made this year one hundred and eighty bushels of wheat, lour hundred bushels of corn, thirteen good stacks of fodder, a quantity of oats and rye, will raise plenty of peas and potatoes, his own meat, and four bags of cotton, without the cost of a dollar for fertilizers, Well done for Mr. Cox. Colonel Armor infnrined mo that his three little bovs, aged eleven, thirteen and fifteen years, became tired of going to school, and to develupe their physical as well as men tal powers and prevent the evil con sequences of idleness, he provided them with a horse, twenty-four years old, twelve acres of ground, one ton of fertilizers and put them to wotk. In addition to this they cultivate his potatoes, garden, a corn patch, &c., and made fifteen bushels of corn, and eight bags of cotton, averaging four hundred and seventy-five pounds, all the work of their own hands. Two little boys, aged thirteen and six teen years, and sons of Doctor j mes, also of this county, sowed down twelve aerosol ground in red clover, and the different grapes, from which they recently mowed (by maehine) and garnered twenty five tons of as good hay as can be had in the Eastern or Western markets. This hay, f„ r y and liars per tun (the price in mid d!e Georgia) i- worth one thousand dollars. These are a few cf the noble ex amples of industry and frugality even among the rising generation of Green county, and of the value and importance ot their native soil. The Court has enjoyed quite a har monious session, and the good order of the streets has been truly remarkable. Judge Gibson arrived on Wednesday, and pre sided in several cases with his usual ability. The Dougherty Hotel ha3 been pretty full through the week, and the guests ot the accomplished proprietor highly pleased with their accommodations. Those who may visit this venerable old town to commingle with her citizens, will find no more pleasant and agreeable head quarters than at Dougherty’s Hotel. Traveller, Noseology. —The nose is one of the most important component parts of ug!i ncss, and is almost invariably a drawback to beauty. It is a terrible* thing, that nose! Who ever saw a nose that he could call perfect? Who every saw one that was not a little too red, or two yellow, or two white in it3 color? Where is the nose that is not a little too broad, or too slim, or too long, or a little wry ? Taken in another light: The nose is a good sign of charac ter. An aquiline nose indicates determi nation, genius. A sharp, delicate nose is expressive of intellectual resources. A broad, flat nose is suggestive of good hu mor. A pug nose, in its very name, indi cates pugnacity; a shapeless nose means brutality; while a rad, speckled blooming nose is a flaming sign, lettmg the world know that just below is the entrance to a well stocked whiskey store. Democratic Gains.- -The gains on the popular vote in Maine is ah rut 16,000, compared with that given lor Grant in 1868. In Vermont the Democratic gam is twenty in the Ilouse, and ten in the Senate. NEW SERIES, VOL. XXVIII. NO. 31). Democratic Meeting. A meeting cf the Democratic Party of Morgan county was held in the Court house, at Madison, on Saturday morning, 17th inst., fer the purpose os’ selectirg delegates to represent this county at tie Congressional Convention to be held in Augusta on the 29th inst. On motion of Mr. D. P. Evans, Nathan Massey, Esq., was elected Chairman. On motion of Col. J. G McHenry, Mr. Jno. F. Shecut was requested to act as Secretary. Motion of Mr. D. P. Evans a committee of three was appoipted to draw present the names of four suitable persons to rep resent this county iu the C. ugressional Convention. The Chair anpointed Messrs. D, P. Evans, 8. A. Burney and Harris, as said committee. After a short absence the committee n - aDd resorted as follows : Resolved, by the .Democratic Party ol Morgan county, that we do hereby ratify and accept, a* a platlorm for the coming canvass, the resolutions drawn up and adopted by the State Convention of the Democratic Party, Held in Atlanta, Aug. 16th, 1870. Resolved, That wc suggest as suitable peisons to represent this county as dele gates in the Congressional Convention iu Augusta, on the 29th inst.. the following named gentlemen : James S. Reid, T. if. S. Brobston, Seaborne Hesse, J no. F. Shccut. Delegates are empowered to appoint thci r own alternates. Resolved, That while we do not wish to forestali the action of the Convention, we respectfully suggest Cjl. Joel A. Billops, of Morgan county, as one eminently qualified to represent thesth District in the United States Congress. Resolved, That in opposition to his ex pressed wishes, the delegates be, and they are hereby instructed to present bis name in said Convention. The above resolutions were unanimous ly adopted. On motion the proceedings were ordered published in the Southern Farm Journal of this city, and Augusta papers requested to copy. Meeting then adjourned- Nathan Massey, Chairman. Jno. F. Shecut, Secretary. The A iter man B>ll to l’oslpono an Election to December. Abill to be entitled an Act to provide for an Election , and to alter and amend the laws in relation to holding of elections : Section 1. The General A scurbly of Georgia hereby enacts, That an election shall bo held, beginning on the 20ch day of December, 1870 and ending on the 22d of December, 1870, for members of Congress to serve during tho uuexpircd terra of tho 41st Congress of the United States, ana for members of the 42d Congress ; for Senators in the State Senate for each dis trict numbered in the Constitution with an odd number; for members of the House of Representatives of the General As sembly ; for Sheriffs, Clerks of the Su perior Court, Tax Collectors, Tax Re ceivers, County Treasurers, Coroners, and County Surveyors, of the several counties of this State. See, 2. That the said election shall com mence on the said 20th day of December, , aud continue between the hours now fixed by law for three separate days. Sec. 3. That said election shall be man aged and superintended at the Court houses at the county seat, and at any elec tion precinct that may exist or to be estab lished in any incorporate and organ zed city or town by managers chosen as fol lows : Sec. 4. It shall be the duty of the Gov ernor of the State, by and with the advice and consent cf the Senate, as soon after tho passage of this act as possible, to ap point live fit and proper persons of intelli gence aod mor;l worth for each election precinct established at the county Court house, cr iu any oitv or incorporate town in this State; aDd said five persons, or any three or more of them, may and shall hold the elactiou at said Courthouse and pre cincts iu said cily or town. Sec. 5. It shall bo the duty of the Gcv ernor to cause the said appeintaos to be duly notified of tbeir several appointments as aforesaid ; and it shall be the duty of said appointees to appear at tho said Courthouse and at said precints in said city or town on the day fixed by this act tor the said election within the hours pre scribed by law, and hold said election. Sec. 6. It Bhall bo the duty of the Gov ernor to furnish each of the Judges of the Superior Court with a list of said appoint ees in the several counties of their respec tive circuits, and at the next term ot said court in each county, after the said eleo tion, it shall be the duty of tho J udge to inform himself if said appointees have ap peared aa required by this act and held the said election, aud if any such appointees have failed to appear, and tho absence of his signature to the returns required by law to bo made to the Clerk of said Court, shall b c prima facie evidence of such fail tiro, it shall be the duty of the said Judge forthwith to fine sueh appointee one hun dred dollars; provided, that said tine may be remitted oti said appointee’s satisfying said Judge that his failure so to attend was caused by severe sickness or oilier un avoidable causes, or that he was legally disqualified from serving. And provided further, That said ap pointees shall each of thorn ho citizens of tho county for which they arc appointed and voters of tlie same. Sec. 7. In addition to the duties now prescribed by law for tlie managers of elections, it shall ho the duty of said man agers to preserve order at and near the polls, but they shall have no power to re fuse ballots ot any male persons of appa rent full age, a resident of the county, who has not previously voted at tho said election. Sec. 8. They shall not penult any person to challenge any vote, or hinder, or delay, or interfere with any other person iu the free and speedy casting of his ballot. See. 9. It shall be the duty of said man agers to prevent rioting, disturbances, and rioting at or near the polls, and to secure the end it shall ho their duty to prevent more than one person and lie, only while voting, approaching or remaining within fifteen feet of the place of receiving bal lots, and said managers may, if they see fit, require the porsons desiring to vote to form themselves into a line, and when a line is thus formed said managers shall prevent any persons not in the line from approaching the polling place nearer than fifty feet, but in no case shall more than one voter at any time be permitted to ap proach the polls nearer than fifteen feet. Sec. 10. It shall be tha duty of the sheriff, deputy sheriff, town marshal, bailiffs and police officers, the whole to be under the orders of the sheriff or his deputy, to attend at one or other of said places of voting during'the election, and obey all lawful orders of said managers, or either of them, and to act as conserva tors of the peace, and for the protection of the voters against vio'ence, intimidation and all unlawful attempts to influence voters or to interfere with the perfect free dom of each voter to cast his ballot ac cording to his own wishes. Sec. 11. The said managers, or any two of them, shall have power, by parol, to order the arrest and confinement during the day of any person disturbing the peace at or near the polls, or disobeying any rea sonable order for the enforcement of these provisions for the preservation of order and the protect.on of voters; and the sheriff and his deputy shall also have power, without warrant, to arrest or order the arrest of any person for the causes aforesaid. Sec. 12. It shall be the duty of said managers to receive each ballot and de posit the same in a ballot-box, and it shall not be lawful for either of them, or for any clerk, to open aDy clo-ed ballot until the polls are closed and the counting of the votes is commenced. See. 13. It shall be the duty of sail managers to prevent any person, except themselves and the three clerks, by them to be appointed and sworn, to remain in the room when the ballots‘are received, so near the ballot-box or polling i lace as to examine the tickets, or to handle any ticket, and they shall have the same power to enforce this as other duties herein cist upon them. , Sec. 14 The said managers may select three competent persons to act as eieras in keeping the list of voters and taily sheets, but said clerks shall not be permitted to handle any ballot or examine tho same. Sec. 15. One of said ran r agcr3 shall re ceive the ballot from the voters, and hand them to a second, who shall deposit the same in a box, and at no time shall any vote be received unless there be at least three of said managers present. Sec. 16. Said managers, clerks and offi eers. except police officers actually on duty, shall receive from the County Treasurer three dollars for each day’s duty at said election. Sec. 17. It shall be in the power of said managers, or any three of them, to fioe any sheriff, deputy sheriff, marshal, or police officers, not more than one hundred | dollars, as for contempt, it he fails to obey ; any lawful order of said managers, or | of them, either for the enforcement of the 1 laws, for keeping tLe peace, or preserving order, aud for the protection of the free dom of elections on the day of eleetion- Sec. IS. Said managers shall each of them take the following oath : I ilo swear that I will faithfully, fully and impartially hold the present election ; I will prevent no person from voting who is of apparent age, a resident of tho coun ty, and who has not previously voted at this electvm ; I will not open any closed ticket until the polls have been closed, nor will I divulge lor whom any person has voted, unless called upon to do so by some legal tribunal. I will permit no one to challenge, delay, or hinder any voter from tlie free and speedy casting of his ballot. I will in good faith, to the host of my ability, endeavor to carry into effect the provisions of this act, and the other laws for holding elections. I will make a fair, correct, honest, arid impartial return of tho result of tho elec tion. So help me God. (Any manager may admininister this oath to the others.) Sec. 19. Nothing iu this act prohibiting challenges at the polls shall he construed to authorize anyone to vote who is not, bj the constitution, a qualified voter iu ’the county of tho election ; butnl! persons not duly qualified to vote, arc, and shall con tinuo to he, subject to all the pains and penalties fixed by law iu case tliev vote illegally. bee. 20. Each of the said clerks shall be sworn fairly, impartially, and truthfully to keep the list of voters, and fairly and hon estly to keep the tally-sheets at said elec tion. Sec. 21. It shall be the duty ol the or dinaries of the several counties of this Stato to furnish stationery for the purpo ses ot said election; also, to have ready, and furnish for each of the sets ol mana gers provided for by this act, a ballot-box sufficiently large to hold tlie ballots likely to be cast at said polling plan"—said ballot box to bn made so that it cannot he opened without serious damage to the box, on all sides except one, and on that side to have a moveable lid, with an opening there sufficiently large to admit the pushing ino f the ballots one by one —said lid to be so constructed as that it may slide into grooves in the box, aud have a lock there on ; and it shall be the duty of the mana gers to open and examine said box at the opening of said polls, and then to lock the same, and at the close of the polls on each day it shall be the duty of each manager to put upon said lid a strip or paper with his name thereon, and affix the same by ad hesion to the box, so that the b. x cannot be openod without the rupture of said pa per, and this being done, the box shall for the night be entrusted to the keeping ol* one of the managers, and another of the managers shall fake the key ; and it shall be the duty ot any sueh managers entrust ed with said box or key to permit no ono to tamper in any way with tho same, and if such tampering be done, the managers entrusted with the same shall be prima facie guilty of having done the same, and on conviction, shall be punished as pro vided in 4608 scotion of the Revised Code for the punishment of misdemeanors. See. 22. An election manager or clerk, ,- >r other officers on duty in the holding of any election, who shall be guilty of any fraudulent practice in changing any ballot, or in using any trick or device by which an r false return is made, or any ballot box tampered with, or who shall, in any a v, be guilty of any false or fraudulent ’■notice or act by which any vote actually cs >t is not fairly counted and returned, <!;?!! be guilty of a misdemeanor, and on eonviction shall be punished as provided iu section 4608 of the Revised Code. Sec- 23. Repeals conflicting laws. [communicated.J Editors Chronic 1 e ifc Sentinel: I find in the Constitutionalist of the 17th instant this sentence: “According to exports, there are just two men in this Fifth District who can possibly worry down the test oath.” I take it for granted that the writer re f rs to an editorial of a recent date in the C ibonicee & Sentinel, in which it was stated that, as far as the writer knew, there wore but two gentlemen in the District legally eligible to Congress. I do not think ihac the words “test oath” were men tioned in connection with the names of those two gentlemen, of whom I was one. I know as little of the antecedents of ihc writer in the Constitutionalist as he docs of mine, and, reversing our positions, I might have made the same mistake. For his information, I beg to state that I was a “member of the legislature of a State of the United States,” and that, although opposed to the policy of secession, I gave all the “support and aid (in my power) to tbo insurrection or rebellion,” or whatever else it was that ended with the surrender of General Lee in April, 1865. And so 1 don’t think that, even in these days of facile deglutition, I could “possibly worry down the test oath.” Respectfully, yours, A. C- Walker. Democratic Meeting In Talilarerro, By virtue of a call, a meeting of the Democratic party of Taliaferro was held at the Court House on Saturday, Septem ber lith. On motion, Isaac C. Kent was called to tbccha’r, and D M. Lanneau requested tc act as secretary. The object ol the meeting having been stated to be tho selection of delegates to represent the county in the Congressional Convehtinn, to assemble in Augusta on the 29th instaDt, and also in the Senatorial Convention, to assemble in Crawfordville, on the 30th instant, on motion, the chair man appointed ()• F. Bristow, W. 11. Brooko, S. Harris, J. W. Asbury, and L. Acree, as a committee to propose names of delegates. After _ consultation, this committee, through its chairman, reported the names of Singleton Harris and William T. Brooke as delegates to the Congressional Convention, with power to select their alternates; and J. D. Ilammack, S. 11. Perkins, Wm. B. Kindriek, F. L. Winn, E' M. Anthony, J. W. Asbury S. Har ris, W. G. Harris, and T. J. Overton as delegates to represent the county in the Senatorial Convention, which report was adopted. On motion it was resolved that the pro ceedings of the mooting be published in tho Chronicle & Sentinel of Augusta. Isaac C Kent, Chm’u. B. M. Lanneau, Secretary. Agricultural Fairs. A correspondent writes as follows: “As many of your readers in this place and the adjacent country desire to attend the State Fair, and others to be held at various prominent points, will you do us tire favor to publish a list of the fairs to be held, the places where held, the dates of meeting, <fec., also the names of the orators who will deliver the addresses ?” It would .afford ns pleasure to comply with oar correspondent’s request if we had the data to enable us to do so. We have received prospectuses of agricultural fairs to be held at Atlanta, Augusta, Macon, Columbus and Tliomasville, besides others i m various portions of the State, bnt at ! present have no means of ascertaining any particulars in regard to them. Will not some of our agricultural cotemporaries supply the public with the information asked by our correspondent? | The Georgia State Fair is to lie held at I Atlanta, commencing on the 19th day of j October next. Extensive preparations are j making for this grand demonstration, in which it seems 11. J. Kimball and the “11. I 1. Kimball Hotel” are to be the prominent j features. Ex-Governor Uerschel V. Jobn i -on was some time smee selected to de ] liver the address before the association, I but, wo learn, has declined the appoin I incut. The Columbus Sun informs ns ! i hat Mr. Robert Bonner, of New York, j the publisher of a trashy sensational lit erary weekly, called the New York | Ledger, but more extensively known in Northern shoddy snob circles as the groom aud owner of the celebrated trotting horse Dexter, has been invited by the Society to fill Mr. Johnson’s place as orator of the occasion. We presume Bullock w ill have a conspicuous place in the picture, and that he will send another special train to New York to bring Dexter, Bonnei, For ney and Beast Butler, with another gang of Radical Bohemians and Metropolitan bummers, down to Georgia to share the hospitalities and outrage the sensibilities of her people. —Samnnah News. Txleobai h. —The Savannah Republican, noticing tho hill which has been intro duced in tho Legislature for the purpose of incorporating the Georgia Magnetic Tele graph Company, says the charges of tlii s proposed new company arc not to exceed three-fourths of the tariff now collected by the Western Union Telegraph Company in tiiis State, and Government messages arq to be transmitted free.
