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OLD SERIES, VOL. LXXVIH.
Ckonrdf & Sentinel.
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WiDKhdAV MOL> I No, i’KBBUARV I.
Public Sentiment—The Enforce
incut of the Laws.
Tic security of the citizen in his I Lie,
i.ii person, hli reputation and his prop
erty iici end') upon the strict eoforcca cot
of the lawr. Tue law caa only been
s reel riirough the inlluence of public
sentiment. This public sentiment is the
vital t rce of all our law-. Under oar
t r: ; of free representative government
ell power resides with the people. The
laachineiy adopted by the organic law of
•H« K<«- lor tire redress of publio and
private right- has for its foundation the
trial by jury—a light dear to Anglo-
Saxon—having been wrested from the
Dialed hand of despotic pi wer many cen
turion ago by our sturdy English fort
fatheir. The right to trial by jury is
secured to the people of the State by the
very letter of the Constitution itself It
i- a groat and valuable right—one which
cannot be curtailed or denied by the State
g iver ,met t. It is a right bild sacred by
Englishmen and the descendants of Eng
li-hmcn—a right whioh the destructive
hard of revolution itself dare not touch or
abridge.
The trial by jury is more or less effective
iri the enforcement of the law, as public sen- !
timent sustains or fails to sustain the law. ,
Jurors are but men. It *is true they act !
tinder the deep solemnity of legal oaths— |
they are selected from the most worthy |
and intelligent body of the citizens, and are ;
charged as conservators of the law under j
the solemn and impressive regulations es
tablished by custom and the law. But
they are at last but a part, and a very
mall part, of the body politic. They en
ter the jury boxes and take upon them
selves the character and obligations of ju
rors without losing their individuality,
and without merging their private charac
ter in that of public servants. They carry
with them into the jury box the opinions
and the principles, and the prejudices
which, ns members of society, they form
and entertain of public matters. With
honest intentions, and a sincere desire to
lie governed in their verdicts and decrees
by the letter of the law, they are insensi
bly influenced in a large measure by the
tone of public sentiment outside of the
Court House. It matters not how honest
and consciencious a juror may have de
termined to be governed in his verdict
only by the law, yet the unseen power of
well known and established public senti
ment enters the jury box with him, and
gives a cast and coloring to judicial pro
ceedings in many instances directly in op
position to t.jio spirit and letter of the law.
This is not the fault of the jury system it
self, but it is the natural result of our
peculiar system of self-government—that
great political problem announced by Jef
ferson in 1770, and solved by the patriot
ism and virtue of the forefathers of the
republic—that all just governments derive
their power from flic consent of the gov
erned.
Laws, then, which fail toieoeive the
approbation and support of tho people,
however goad and wholesome in them
selves they may bo, cannot be enforced by
or through the machinery of judicial pro
ceedings, wlieu that machinery, as wo
have -eon, is itself founded upon popular
sentiment. Society punishes criminal acts
just as tho acts thomselvos arc held by
society to be more or less venal- This is
the t xporietioe of all countries where the
jury system is relied upon lor the enforce
ment of tho laws. Whenever the punish
ment is disproportioned to the character
r criminality of the offense committed,
public sentiment operating though the
jury box fails to enforce tho law. And
this whether society believes the punish
ment establish and by tho law is less or more
than tho magnitude or triviality of the
act requires for the proper protection of
society.
Tbe object of punishment is the pro
tection of society. The penalty of the
law should be commensurate with t 1 c
wrong or crimo committed. If it bo less
than a duo regard for the safety of society
and the protection of the citizen requires,
public sentiment runs ahead of the law,
rnd failirg to procure amendment through
the power of legal enactments, falls back
upon tho original right, of sell-preserva
tion and is prone to take the law in its
own hand--. If the penally is greater
than the common sense of the community
believes right—if tho ordinary principles
of humanity are shocked at the extent of
tho penally—it tho punishment is gross
and extreme, public sentiment falls behind
the law —fails to keep pace with it and re
fuses to enforce these extreme penalties.
These failures of society to enforce such
laws ari-e from no inherent defect in the
organism of society itself, they are rather
tho result of that sensitiveness of justice
which is honorable and ennobling. It is
tho assertion cf that grand inherent
quality of tho enlightened human heart
which abhors wrong even in the punish-
moot of wrong.
The careful reader of history will not
fail to note tlpit certain periods have been
more strongly marked by these disturb
ances in the laws of society than others. It
is worthy of observation also, that these
restive moods of the public mind have
not always been clearly traceable to known
or acknowledged causes. They appear,
exist for a time, and disappear. While in
operation, the enforcement of the law is
at the mercy of the caprice or whim of
the moment. These revolutionary condi
tions of society generally appear in con
nection with new social and political or
ganisms. Ip the infancy of society it is
often found that public sentiment,speaking
and operating through the law, is too slow
and uncertain for the protection of the
people. Hence, in newly settled districts,
crime someth: os gets the start of the law.
In such districts public sentiment is of
slow growth— too slow and imperfect for
the protection of the people through the
regular forms of law, while crime is stim
ulated into greater activity by this slug
gishness iu the growth of power and ex
pansion of a correct public opinion.
From 1640 to 18-43, society in the neigh-
boring State of Florida was reeling and ;
suffering from the absence of a well form- j
ed public opinion, adequate for the pun- !
ishment of crime through the machinery j
of the law. Organized bands ot lawless j
persons, taking advantage of this weak |
condition of society, roamed the country,
a terror to good citizens. The law prov- i
iug too weak for the punishment of these !
bands of outlaws, public sentiment justi- j
tied and supported the formation of armed j
combinations among the people for their '
mutual safety and protection. The Flori
da Regulars, as they were called, while in
the zeal and excitement of the occasion,
undoubtedly committed many indiscreet
perhaps cruel acts—yet it was admit
ted at the time, on all hands, that to their
exertions mainly were the people of the
State indebted for the discovery, punish
ment and dispersing of the organized
j bands of outlaws who bad so lately ex
ercised a reign of terrorism all over the
State.
So it was ten years later, when in tffe
infancy of society San Francisco and the
whole Territory of California was over
awed by the atrocious acts of organized
mobs, who set at, defiance the laws of the
land and the good order of society, l'ublie
sentiment- feeling its helplessness by and
through the regular routine of the courts
for the redress ot these grievances—ran
ahead of the laws—seized the offenders
and brought them to immediate and coc
i dign punishmeo'.
I In both cases the well-adjusted and
1 thoroughly organized public eeetiment cf
the tiler States tolling its own powers
j and its full capacity for the prevention cf
; crimes through the agency of the courts,
cried out for a time against the regulators,
as these defenders of the laws cf society
were then called. But in both cases as
soon as the evil was curtd, which the law
failed to suppress, public sentiment natu
rally and quietly fell back upon the ma
chinery of the law as amply able to meet
the ordinary exigmeies of organized so
ciety.
Since the close of the late war between
tbe States, public sentiment, sis a force or
power, has, in the Southern States, lost in
a large degree its proper influence. And
this mainly because public sentiment has
too often witnessed palpable violations of
the law by the very power which society
looked to for its due enforcement. With
the return of peace, so-called, the Federal |
Government through the agencies of mil- ;
itary State Governments’ set aside and i
annulled our laws,tore away the bulwarks j
of society—overthrew our domestic insti- I
tutions—set up arbitrary and irresponsible j
tribunals of justice—closed our courts ;
tore the sacred ermine from our judges— \
imprisoned our leading citizens—worried
and barrassed and outraged our people, j
These military governments observed none j
of our legal enactments. They set np for j
themselves laws of their own, and were
guilty of the most flagrant and illegal I
usurpations. Tbe life aud liberty of the j
citizen, liis property, his reputation, were I
alike at the mercy and unbridled license
of these Federal officials. An organized
System of plunder and robbery was set on
foot and successfully prosecuted by many
of the highest Federal officials. The prop
erty of citizens was no where safe from
tbe avarice of Northern political bummers
and carpet-bag bureau agents who covered
tbe whole land. Our people saw the laws
daily violated by those in power. They
saw the property of the citizen seized, his
liberty violated, bis life imperiled, and
his reputation defamed, without the slight
est legal pretexts, and in defiance of the
plainest provisions of the law.
Is it surprising that when the people
saw their property taken, and their lives
and liberty imperiled without law, (hat
they learned to regard tho law with little
reverence or affection? Having been de-
prived of a large portion of their property
without law, is it singular that they should
in time pome to regard its recovery, with
out law, right aud proper? Having wit
nessed the cruel and before unheard of
punishment of their fellow-citizens by the
strong arm of power, without even the
semblance of law, is it to bo wondered at
that they, in time, should seek to redrets
real or imaginary wrongs without the laws
slow process? When the writ of Habeas
Corpus was suspended, and martial law
proclaimed io time of profound poses—
when the powers that were, in their daily
dealings with the people, acted upon the
principle that the people had no rights
which they were bound to recognize, is it
remarkable that the poople should come
to regard all power as vindictive, all re
straint as tyrannical ?
But the situation was not sensibly im
proved when, in the process of reconstruc
tion, anew State government was formed,
and tbe machinery of the law again pre
tended to be set in motion. The people
saw on every hand the same reckless dis
regard of the law by those in high official
position. They saw the executive, legis
lative, and judicial departments of the
government entrusted to the hands of men
whofiy incompetent to make or enforce
laws, and whose private characters were
tarnished with the slime of many evil
deeds. They found that the laws wore
never enforced against “ loil” people,
whda the honest citizen was made thesub
] jeot of its severest penalties:
But worse than this, thero has been a
deliberate attempt made to popularize
crime by reducing the punishments which
had been affixed to those offenses peculiar
to our country and the latce population of
iguorant and vicious negroes whioh it con
tained. The first Legislature which met
after the war reduced several hundred
“felonies” to the grade of “misdemeanor.”
In this list will be found the various
classes of larcenies burglary, arson, mali
oious mischief and the like. The mid
night robber who, in the darkness and
cover of night, breaks into your dwelling
and steals your goods, is no longer a felon
—the offense is simply a misdemeanor.
And so ot the higher grades of all offenses
exoept homicides—the punishment has
| been reduced until the enforcement of the
; law has become a solemn mockery and a
farce. The citizen is deprived by thett,
!of his goods. Ho detects the thief. He
; brings him to trial. He is convicted and
: then —he is sentenced to pay a fine, in
many instances smaller than the value of
| the property stolen, and again he is let
loose upon society to repeat the same
| operation- Or if, as has been the case in
| a few instances, henious crimes have been
j duly punished by the oourts, a bad Esc
| cutive has corruptly interposed the par
doning power and relieved the felon,
j These aie some of the causes whioh
have led to the present condition of socie
ty. The people felt insecure when the
law failed to protect them. They found
that public opinion was Dot sufficient for
the emergency. With a better code of
laws, public sentimeat, acting through the
| courts, would have been adequate to their
\ full protection. But with an insufficient
penal code, a corrupt Executive, a venal
Legislature and an incompetent Judiciatv.
j the people lost confidence in the power of
public sentiment as a conservator of the
peace and protector of society, and hence,
as has al vays been the case under similar
circumstances, they sought the protection
which the law failed to give them, in their
own independent organizations.
But now that the people have, after ;
long and patient suffering regained
power in the State, it becomes all good
citizens to renew their allegiance to (he
laws, and devote themselves to their due
and proper enforcement, lhere can be no
I longer excuse for taking the law in their
own hands. The imperfections ot the laws
can and must be amended by (he legisla
ture, composed now of our best men aad
most patriotic citizens. Private and pub
lic wrongs must be punished through the
agency of the laws. Private and public
rights vindicated through the instrumen
talities of the Court House-
In every section and in every county
the people must establish a correct pubi c
sentiment. This public sentimeat mast
be strong enough to enforce the laws, and
when the laws are deemed inadequate this
: public sentiment must be made sufficiently
: strong and influential to suspend public
themselves action until the laws can be
amended. Every good citizen—every man
who loves his country —every patriot who
I trusts in the principlesof self-government,
I must exert himself to promote the majesty
of the law and the submission of the
people to its edicts. A mere luke warm
assent to these leading propositions will
not be sufficient - Soeicty.must he assisted to
recover from the injury which past irregu
larities have fastened upon it. To do
this wi 1 require tbe active support and
aid of e ery true mac in the State .
Those organizations, not known to the
laws and these agencies which the past
; disturbed condition of the country have
called into existence must, now that the
necessity out of which they sprung has
ceased, be abandoned and relinquished.
V, e must learn again to look to the law and
tbe law alone for protection. Every
1 inhabitant of the State must be brought
: to fee! that the protecting aegis of the
| law is sufficient for every emergency and
every want. The sooner we get back to
this, our normal political condition, the
I better it will be for all classes of oar
; people.
Lease of the btate Koad,
| REPLY OP Mi?. STEPHENS TO GOT. BROWN.
Liberty Hale. -Crawfordyille/Ga., 1
January 21, 1871- j
Dear Sir —Your letter to nj© e£~ the
! 10th insf. has been received, both in man
uscript and newspaper frrm. Nmapotogy
r was Deeded, either for its or its
having been given to the public before it
was received by ine. I have read it with
interest from beginning to end, as I doubt
not tbe people of the State generally have.
At first, it was my intention to let it go
to the country as you seDt it, without any
reply or comment whatever oa my part.
It was evidently addressed mainly to the
public—related mainly to public interest;
and contained nothing requiring notice
from me. But upon rtileeticD, in view of
our long, uninterrupted friendly, personal
relations, entirely disconnected fiom pub
lic questions and policies; aod in view cf
your allusion to these relations especially
in reference to my connection, with the
Company to which the lease of the Road
was awarded, and your service to me in
the matter, for which I felt duly obliged;
I have come to the conclusion that per
haps you may be expecting tu hear from
me, at least upon these poiute; and would
feel even more aggrieved, if I were to
remain silent on them.
I, therefore, think it proper (without
discussing the merits or demerits of the
lease, or becoming in any way a party to
any discussion of this sort, further than is
absolutely necessary for my present pur
pose), to say te you, as I now do, that it
was not without due sensibility I read
those parts ot your letter, in which you
complain of me for not having conferred
with you, or consulted with you, and in
quired into the facts attending the let
ting of the lease, before taking the course
I did. You express the opinion that I,
by withdrawing immediately upon seeing
Mr. Scago's <x parte statement of facts,
did an act of injustice to you and other
members of the Company, &c.
To this I have simply to say, that I re
gret you took such a view ot it, and
think your feelings of complaint arose from
an entire misapprehension of the objects,
reasons arid motives of my withdrawal,
and without giving due consideration and
weight to the words 1 used in my letter on
the subject at the time. Be assured noth
ing was farther from my intention than an
act of injustice to you, or any member of
the Company. By what I did it was not
my intention to Ast the slightest reflec
tion upon the motives, character, integrity
or honor of any person whatever ; much
less upon you, or any member of the
Company. My opinion of the members of
the Company, as far as I had seen their
names announced, had been clearly giveu
in the pu iication setting forth my oon
nectiou wits tbe lease. That opinion was
not changed bv the statement of Mr.
Seago ; nor did I mean to be understood
as changing it in the least, ,y the act of
my withdrawal,
In my let'or to you, inclosing the relin
quishment of my interest in the lease, I
expressly stated, that it was “immaterial
with mo whether all the facts as detailed
by Mr. Seago be correct or notand in
this letter to you, as well as the one ad
dressed to the (dqor of the Constitution
alist for publication, I also expressly stated
tiiat ia what I did under Mr. Seago’s
statement of facts, 1 acted only for myself
without wishing to be understood as pass
ing any judgement upon the conduct of
others.
This was broad and unqualified ; and
was intended to exclude all reflection or
imputation upon others. I acted alone
for myself . I expect'd you and others to
do the same —to speak and act —each for
himself, if you and they saw occasion to do
it. This you have done.
It was not, allow me to =ay to you, in
my judgment, a case for conference or
consultation with anybody. It was one in
which my own act could not, and would
not, have been governed, or influenced by
the opinions or .judgements of others, few
or many. I ielt and acted just as I should
have done, if at public aueiioD, property
had been knocked off to me, as the highest
bidder under tbe terms of sale, by which
it was thought I had made an advantage
ous bargain ; and someone had stepped
up and said that he had made a higher
bid, which had not been entertained by the
crier.
Io such case I should have made no
inquiry into the facts of the matter. I
should not have insisted fora moment up
on any legal rights I might have had ;
nor should I have thought of conferring, or
consulting with anyone upon the course to
be takec. I should have acted promptly
for myself, and told the auctioneer to put
up the property again. Tn so acting lor
myself. I should not have intended to re
flect by my action in the least upon the
conduct ot any other person who, under
exactly .similar circumstances, might have
insisted upou his legal rights.
Tnese are the principles upon which nay
oanduet in relinquishing my interest in the
lease was governed. It was, you will allow
me in this connection to say, from no over
sensitiveness, as some seem to suppose, to
acrimonious iJensures on account ot the
smallness of the sum tor which the road
was lot. I did defend the lease, as you
say, when it was assailed, barely on that
ground; and shou’d have continued to de
fend i\ and my connection with it; perhaps,
in perfect disregard of all censures, if the
assault had been confined to that ground :
justrs I should have defended my pur
chase of property, in market overt, if it
had been.assailed solely upon the grounds j
of the smallness of the sum bid Cor it,
where competition was open and fair. The
question in this case was totally changed
wit! l , me when the fairness of dealing, wi'h
bids properiy made, was before me.
It is proper for me further to state, that
you are in error in supposing, that if all
the facts ol the case as you gave them, and
as they have since been published, had
been before me, I would have acted differ
entlv. On this point I say to you most
explicitly that, if all these facts siccegiven
to the public had bi.en before me at the
time, I should have acted just as I did;
aod equally without intending bv my ac
tion to east any reflection upon the conduct
of others. I will say further, if I had
been in Atlanta, and had known the state j
of' the bids on the 27th of December—just I
as tho facts now appear before the public
—I should have gone to the Executive and
advised him to accept the bid for $36,500
per month, instead of the one for $25,000
; in which I was interested.
It is not a case in which I should have
insisted on legal rights, even if I had sup
i posed I had them. In speasing thus
j frankly and candidly to you of myself I
wish you, and all others to distinctly un
i derstand, that I do not mean to cast the
slightest reflection, either morally or oth
erwise upon you, or others who stand in
j this case or any other upon supposed legal
j rights, where i would not. I only speak
j for myself, and so in this instance solely
for the purpose of explaining to you as
clearly as I csd the principles upon which
I was governed in the course I took at the
time, and under the circumstances it was ,
taken. A rule of my life—one for the j
guide of my whole conduct—has been nev- j
er to stand upon bare technical legal rights,
even.against individuals ; much less against
public interests - _ This rule I do not set up
for others ; but it is cue I have ever acted
upon myself, and here state it for the sole
purpose of making you fully understand,
that ms course in the matter iu question
was not rashly or hastily taken, under a
misapprehension of important facts at
tending the case.
You will pardon me tor saying further,
j that such is now my estimate ot your char
acter, that if you had been, in the Execu
tive Chair, instead of a bidder, I think
you would not have awarded this lease as
: the acting Governor did. I think you
1 would have accepted the bid offering to
| payjthe State over eight and a half mil-
AUGUSTA, GA„ WEDNESDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 1, 1871.
i lions of dollars, for the twenty years’ lease.
I nsteati of the one offering only sic mil
i 10 vs.
It the parties offering to nay the eight
j millions ard over bad failed to comply
with the terms of their bid, in giving the
i security tendered, you would, I think,
; then have re-let. the road at- t ieir risk, as
is u.-uai incases of public sales or leases of
! trust property.
The company which made the highest
bid, as now appears, was abundantly alle
, to have responded to the Btate for a!!
damaces at least, whioh would have at
tended the delay and expense of a re-!etting
of the road.
; In this I only state what I think you
i would have done if yon had been Governor
at the time, and watchful as yon ever were
of the public interests during the loDg pe
riod you held that high and responsible
position.
It is certainly the course I should have
taken But again I say, that Ido not set
j up my conduct, or the conrse I should
i have taken, as the one which I think yon,
! as Governor, would have taken, as a rule
I for others. In all this, lam bnt explain
j ing to you the reasons of my own conduct
i in the matter referred to, and the princi
i pies upon which tire rule regulating it is
| established, and to let yon clearly under-
I stand that in nothing I have done or said,
i did I, or do I, mean to cart any injurious
reflection upen you or others.
In conclusion, I will add that, as many
! persons seem, from letters received, to be
anxious to know what reply I have made
i to your letter, and as the public generally
I is certainly entitled to the information de
sired, I shall send a copy of what is here
in written, to the press, by the same mail
which carries the original to yourself.
With the same feeling of friendship
and personal regard, with which I have
ever addressed yon, I still remain,
Yours truly,
Alexander 11. Stephens.
Beard’s Protest.
Washington, D. 0., Jam 17, 1871.
Sir: You are hereby notified that it is
my intention to contest your right to a seat
as a member of the House of Representa
tives of the Fortv-fiirst Congress of the
United States, from the Fifth Congression
al District of the State of Georgia, upon
the following grounds, particularly speci
fied, to wit:
Ist. That at the general election held in
the counties of Washington, Jefferson,
Burke, Columbia, Warren, Glascock, Han
cock, Taliaferro, Oglethorpe, Elbert, Lin
coln, Wilkes and McDuffie, on the 20th,
21st, and 22d days of December, 1870, in
timidation, violence, and a reign of terror
existed to such an extent that Republican
voters, in such numbers as to determine
the result of the election, were compelled
to vote against their will for you and
Dudley M. Dußose, Esq., the Democratic
candidate for tho Forty-second Congress,
or were prevented from voting for any
one, when it was their desire and inten
tion to vote for me for the Forty-first Con
gress and for Isharn H. Fannin for the For
ty-second Congress.
2d. That previous to the election, in
several of the counties aforesaid, Repub
lican voters who intended to vote for me
were shot, beat, and otherwisi maltreated,
with a view of intimidating them wo that
they would not vote lor me at the election
aforesaid, and they were thus prevented
from voting for mo as they intended to do ;
that organized bands of desperadoes were
known to exist in several of said counties
acting in the interest of the Democratic
party, and against the Republican party ;
that colored men and Union men, on ac
count of the threa's and acts of violence of
these desperate men, were vote
for me, and did not vote at the election
aforesaid as they desired and intended io
do, and that in each and all tbe counties
aforesaid fraud was practiced, and intimi
dation used by Democrats towards Re
publicans so as to dettroy the freedom of
the ballot-box,. and prevent many thou
sand Republicans who desired and intend
ed to vote for me from doing so, and
that the number of voters so prevented
from voting were euoug'h to determine the
rcHult u>f the election.
3d. That Republican voters who desired
and intended to vote for me for the Forty
first Congress and for Isharn H. Fannin
for the Forty-second Congress, were, con
trary to law, prevented from doing so be
cause they had not paid the full fax asses
sed against them, which tax had been
remitted by the Legislature of the State.
4th. That in tbe county of Hancock
aforesaid, the managers of election were
wrongfully and iliegaily arrested, and oon
fined in jail with a view cf preventing Re
publican voters, who desired and intended
to vote for me from doing so, and that
the election in said county-was lit Id by
persons who had no legal right to act as
managers of election. ‘
sth. That a few days prior to the elec
tion aforesaid, when the cars arrived at
Washington, Wilkes county, upon which
Republican speakers were expected to ar
rive, who were to address a Republican
meeting in my interest and the interest of
the Republican party, a band of armed men
entered the cars with the avowed purpose
of murdering said speakers, and that not
finding them, this band did shoot at three
of the leading Republicans of the county,
friends of mine, killing one, mortally
wounding another, and severely wound
ing the third; that on account of this
shooting, which occurred but a few days
prior to the election, many voters were
intimidated, and thus prevented from
voting for me as they intended to do,
6th. That in Burke and other of said
counties, the ballot box was opened and
votes cast for me abstracted, and ballots
with your name upon them- put in the
place of them.
7th. That the illegality of your election
. is farther shown by the fact that in the
election held in the spring of 1868, for
Governor and other State officers and
members of Congress, the Republican
candidate received (17,447) seventeen
thousand four hundred and forty-seven
votes, while the Democratic candidate re
ceived (9,600) but nine thousand six
hundred votes, although at the late election
above mentioned you and other Democrat
candidates receved (15,759) fifteen thou
sand seven hundred and fifty-nine votes,
while I ard other Republican candidates
received (9,482) Dine thousand tour hun
dred and eighty-two votes, and that this
change was affected by the illegal and
revolutionary means above mentioned.
Sth. That the election in said counties
was null aud void, and the votes cast
should be thrown out. That in a fair
election I should have load a large ma
jority of the votes cast in said counties,
and, therefore, you are not by law or
right entitled to a seat in the 41st Con
gress ; in fact, that I did receive a ma
jority of' the legal votes freely cast iu
said and strict, in coumies where the election
was not controlled by unlawful influences,
j Thos. P. Beard.
To Stephen A■ Corker.
REPLY OF JUDGE CORKER TO BEARD.
Washington, D. C., Jan. 19, 1871.
Thus. P. Beard:
I submit tho following answer to the
several charges contained in the eight
grounds set forth by you, who contests my
right to a seat as member of the House of
Representatives of the Forty-first Congress
of the United States from the Fifth Con
gressional District of Georgia :
F rst.: I deny the truth of the whole
of the allegations, matters and charges
made, specified and brought forward by
you, in the eight several grounds, except
in the fourth ground. And I cal for
strict proof thereof. I answer specifically
to the first ground, that if any terrorism or
intimidation existed, as charged, it con
sisted of that made by colored Republicans
against colored Democrats. There was not,
during the election in Georgia on the 20th,
21st and 22d December, 1870, a single in
stance of disturbance where a drop of
blcoi was shed, or even piersonal violence
offered to any elector or other person-
This being the case, the natural inquiry
will arise, how and in what manner were
Republican voters compelled to vote,
against their will, for me in such numbers
as to have determined the resuit of the
\ election?
To the second ground, I answer, that I
deny all knowiege of shooting, beating
and maLreauog Republican voters pre-
I vious to the said election, or at the time
j she same was held in the couties of Talia
j ferro, Elbert, Lincoln, Oglethorpe, Wilkes,
j Columbia, Warren, Hancock/ McDuffie,
Glasscock, Jefferson, Washington ana
Burke, and further that there is no truth
■ in any of the charges io said ground. The
vote in 18,0 was but 1,806 P'ore than the
vote in 1868 for Governor. I would like
i therefore to inquire where the many thou
; sand Reputlioaa voters canoe from who
; declared and intended to vote for yon, and
who were prevented by violence and in
j timidation? My majority was 6,227. Sup
! pose the 1.806 voters, who it seems did
not vote, were kept away by violence, and
that you had receiv ed them all, it would
j not change the result. My majority would
I still be 4,471.
To the.third ground I answer, the
1 State Constitution of Georgia provides,
I among other quakfications of elections,
that they shall Laye-pAd ai taxes for the
, year preceding the elections. In Septem
ber. 1870, the Legislature passed an act
1 declaring that votes '%boa!3 not he chal
lenged for the non-«ay mint of taxes of
1869 and other years. This set was cer
. tainly null and void. It tould not repeal
|or destroy the Constitution. Nor did tbe
Legislature remit the tax. If it had, it
I won hi then perhaps have been enforced,
j To the fourth ground l answer, that I
: knew nothin?, personally, of the facts re
j ferred to. Bat if 'every elector in tbe
I county of Haneock-a-ihe county referred
to —had voted the Republican ticket, the
I resul would have been the same—ray ms
j iority would not have been overcome. Bnt
i I dosire to add, that the conduct of the
rpaoagersjn refusing votes of persons wno
had not paid their tax i»r 1869, was in the
letter and spirit of the Coustiiuiion cf the
State, adopted by. the Republican conven
tion in 1868. The arre-t of the managers
referred to, was for tbeir violation of a
penal statute of the Stale, which prohibits
illegal votioc. ,
To the fifth ground lanswer,tbe circum
stances referred tS did dot, as I have been
informed, grow out of politics as stated,
but was an individual, personal matter,
and occurred some days feeffire tho election.
One J. E. Bryant, of Maine, by his con
duct, caused this affair. Mr. Beard was
not thought of
To tbe sixth ground I answer, I mast
have clear and positive proof before I will
believe that the managers of the elec
tions—the appointees of Gov. Bullock,
confirmed by a Republican Georgia Sen
ate—took out votes for you and I. H,
Fanrin, ard put in their places votes 'tor
D. M. Dußose and nyself. It would
surely have created an obligation on my
part, but I gravely question whether said
managers eouid have betn brought to be
lieve that I would appieciate or even ex
pect their good offices. T. am certain they
would have done no such thing.
To the seventh ground I answer, you
admit the election ia the county of Rich
mond was fair. Yet the majority for the
Republicans in 1868 was 1,200- In 1870
the Democratic majority was 497. How
is this chaoge to he accotnted for, it the
ohanges in the other counties were the
result of fraud, intimidatbn and) terror
ism. Have not the people changed sides.
To the eighth ground i knswer, that I
was tairly and legally elected. The fair
ness of the election in Richmond county is
admitted, yet in the eighth ground you
say you received a majority of the lega l
votes in counties where tie election was
not controlled by unlawful means. How
does it happen then that'Richmond has
given a majority of 497 against the Repub
lican party and yourself? I answer furth
er, that, you were not thei choice of the
Republican party. The Convention at
Augusta, Gal, that ucminited you, was
controlled by one J. E. Brytnt, of Maine,
who is now in Georgia. That Mr. Bryant
and Gov. Bullock are disagreed, and there
is a bitterness between the two wings of
the Republican party in Georgia, more
intense than that existing between Re
publicans and Democrats.
You belong to the Bryant faction
of the Repul liean party in Georgia.
It is believed by a large majority of
the colored Republicans in the sib district
to bo directly against their interest and
the interest of their party. Great num
bers of them refused to support Fannin
and Beard, the nominees of the parly a*-
Augusta, on this account. Another con
vention wa3 called at Greensboro, and
while the leaders (fearing defeat) prevent
ed the nomination of another ticket, the
parly could not and did not harmonize.
Some said opeuly that they preterred to
seethe Democrats successful, rather than
see the ticket put on them elected. This
is what beat tbe Republican parly > n the
sth di-trict, and not terrorism. This is
why tho Republican majority was over
come. Add to this, tbe fact that the his
tory or tho States of the United States
does not show a single instates of such
reckless extravagance and gross plunder
ing of a people, as that of Georgia, by
Governor Bullock and his last L“guliture,
aud you have the reason of the overwhelm
ing defeat, met with not only iu the sih
district, but throughout the State.
Silthen A. Corker.
Letter from Col. Christy.
Bditoi s Chronicle d? Sentinel:
Gentlemen —Your Washington corres
pondent having unwittingly, as I presume,
given currency id his letter, published in
your issue of the 22d inst., to a false
charge, manufactured and circulated by
my enemies, I trust you will do me the
justice to .publish the following explanation.
It is true, the public may not be interest
ed in it, but having suffered froai its per
tinacious iteration and reiteration , you will
pardon me for exhibiting a desire to see it
contradicted, and have myself set right.
Your correspondent (speaking of Capt.
Corker) says : "Dciay has been danger,
ous, though it is to be hoped that delay
will not now cost him his seat, S3 it did
Christy in 1869.”
Your correspondent but repeats what he
has, no doubt, frequently heard from some
of the little ‘‘whipper-snappers” who
have so industriously sought to injure me
by insinuating that I had been dere’iet; in
duty. They know better—ho probably
does not. I shall dispose of this matter
by a very brief statement of sac's.
In August, 1868, (the Legislature then
being in session) 1 was hastily called to
Atlanta on business, and, without ten
minutes’ preparation, left homo oa the
night train, which happened to be running
at that time. After my arrival in Atlan
ta, I learned that the Legislature had
passed the Fourteenth Amendment.
Knowing that Congress would adjourn in
a few days. I determined to go to Wash
ington at once. Todoso, it became neces
sary tn return to Athens, as ray certificate
of election was at home, aod it wis ueed
less to present myself before Congress
without my credentials Colonel Tift was
in Atlanta the same day and about the
time he departed on the ritate Road train,
I took passage on the Georgia Railroad
night train, so as to return as soon as pos
sible. After proceeding some distance, I
opened a c >py of an afternoon edition of
an Atlanta paper, and read a telegram
from W ishington, stating that both
Houses of Congress had passed resolutions
to adjourn at noon on Monday. This was
Friday night, and I saw that it was impos
sible for me to go on home, get my cre
dentials. start Saturday morning, and
reach Washington before adjournment —
as everybody familiar with the route
know3 that 7 o’cloex Monday evening was
the earliest moment at which I could have
arrived —seven hours after the time fixed
for adjournment.
But, if it bad been possible for me to
have reached Washington in time, the re
sult would have been virtually the same as
it was in December afterwards. Wimpey
was there ready to contest, my seat. No
body contested the seats of Col. Tift and
Ger. Young, and hence they were admit
ted without question. But no Democrat
whose seat was contested by a Radical was
admitted during the Fortieth Congress.
Hoping that this plain statement of
facts will forever lay at rest the false
sation so often repeated, I have the honor
to bo, gentlemen,
Your obedient servant,
J. H- C IIII ISTY.
[COMMUNICATED. 1
Wasteful aud Extravagant
Printiug.
Mu. Editor: The startling malfeasance
of some of our State officials is attracting
general attention and exciting indignant
comment. The Chboniole & Sentinel is
doing a good work in its thorough ventil
ation of these glaring frauds upon the peo
ple. The last development of the State
Executive, which has come to our notice,
is the attempt to bolster up his wretched
cause by suborning the religious press of
the State The Banner of the Church,
published at the capital, and endorsed by
the “ Bishop of Georgia,” is made one of
his organs, and so full of his advertise
ments as to require an extra for the last
batch of notices of appointments of judi
cial officers, which for the benefit of com
plaisant editors, has been swelled into the
dimension of columns, when it could have
been compressed into a few lines.
I have no idea that Bishop Beckwith,
who is a trne man, connives at tbis per
version of his organ to such unworthy
purposes, and that Episcopalians generally
will condemn it, have no doubt.
Churchman.
A wrestling match, between a bntcher
aad a bear, is to boa Sunday feature in
San Francisco.
The Connecticut State prison gives the
oonvicts hot coffee, so as to get more work
out of them.
Loudon congratulates herself because
she had last month no more than 140,000
paupers-
nrosTHTCT
LEE.
I General Pendleton's Lecture on Lee—ln
teresting Narrative of the Last Years of
the Great Captain—Conversations and
Incidents Never Before Published—Lee
and Thad. Stevens Bis Unshaken
Loyalty to the Son'll—Bis Last ll'ness—
Touching Death-Bid Scene.
Owing to the lateness of the hour at
which General William N. Pendleton
closed his lecture on Lee last Friday ]
night, we were unable to give it only a
very brief general notice. As the lecture
was a remarkabl? one and contained
many facts concerning General Lee and
accounts of important conversations with
him which have never been published, we
devote a great deal of our space this morn- j
ing to full report ot'tlie remarks of General I
Pendleton, convinced that we could not
give more interesting matter to the read
ers of the Chronicle & Sentinel.
It will be remembered that General W.
N. Pendleton was introduced by General
Lafayette McLaws:
General McLaws remarked that this dis
tinguished gentleman is also a clergyman
and Doctor of Divinity. Although by
profession aud years exempt from military
service, he deemed it his duty to comply
with the wishes of friends who desired
him to command them in our great strug
gle, and went out as Captain of Artillery.
He is the gentleman of whom the charac
teristic anecdote is related, that in his
first tight he directed, “fire low- boys,”
and theu added a petition for the enemy,
“may the Lord have mercy upon their
souls.” Educated a soldier, and faithful
to his obligations, the Rev. Captain was
soon advauced and became Chief of Artil
lery of the Army of Northern Virginia,
under General Lee. He was thus thrown
into intimate relations with that great
commander, which continued to the close
of tlie war. lie was concerned in the
closing scenes of the great struggle, and
can tell us some things known to no other
man living. General Pendleton has been
moreover associated with Lee in sacred
relations since the war, as his Christian
Pastor, neighbor, and friend. So that he
can relate to us the particulars of his life
in retirement, aud the affecting circum
stances of his illuess and death.
Gen. Pendleton represents one of the
chief Memorial Associations, formed to
perpetuate the influence of Gen. Lee’s ex
alted character—and his present lecture is
in aid of the fund to render Gen. Lee’s
church in Lexington, Va., adequate to its
end, and at the same time sacredly com
memorative of him.
Gen. Pendleton began : The personal al
lusions'of my friend and companion in
arms, require of me a few explanatory
words, for which, at the same time, I ask
pardon. Although a deeply concerned ob
server of public events before the war, I
had no expectation of personally engaging
in the contest. For nearly a quarter of a
century I had been au earnest laborer as a
minister of tbe Prince of Peace, never
meddling in politics, nor taking interest in
any mere partizan agitation of the times.
But the question now presented was one
of sacred duty. Some young friends called
upon me one morning early in May, 1861,
with a request from a company of ardent
volunteers for active service, in defence of
Virginia and the South, then so fiercely
threatened, that I w r ould become their
captain. After devout thought, I deemed
it au imperative demand to comply to the
, best of my ability. Nor has my convic
*tion of the propriety of that decision ever
faltered for an instant. Larger obligations
gradually fell upon me, so that for three
years my home thus suddenly left was not
visited, and when it was, at the end of
that time, the sad task devolved upon me
of burying my dear aud only son.
No trifle with me, kind iriends, you
may judge, was that four years’ strugel".
It involved principles on cur side, I was,
and am thoroughly persuaded, inseparable
from the obligations o’ eternal right, pei
sonal honor, revealed truth and rational
piety. My part in the struggle was dis
charged, I assure you, under these con
victions, as before, the scarehcr cf hearts,
devoutly, and in the honest spirit of
duty.
These personal allusions would be im
pertinent, but that they seem r,ece»sa-y,
in consequence of the kind remarks intro
ducing oia to your notice.
Asking you to forgive them, even thus
called out, I preened to the mere grateful
task of describing to you the latter years
of our honored aud beloved commander.
That illustrious man was dear to you.
When tidings came of his unexpected
death your hearts felt a pang as for one
most beloved. Bo it was through all the
South, aud wherever civilization has a
home. Even pubhc enemies rendered him
the homage of their affectionate admira
tion. Never man more beloved. It was the
rare lot of General Lee to pass through a
grand career ucassailed by envy or ill-will.
No officer or soldier in all the Southern
armies e7er felt towards him other
wise than with confiding venerttion. De
traction that assailed all others approached
not him. And the few poor creatures on
the aggressive side, who, with impotent
malice-, tried to render odious this nobis
resistance to tyranny, by calling it “re
bellion,” and this stainless hero Dy calling
him “Traitor,” have only, while rendering
themselves infamous, attached glory to
epithets thus associated- Yes, beyond
any other man, perhaps, that ever lived,
was General Lee dearly loved. You may
judge, therefore, what he wa3 to those
permitted to bare with him the privileged
companionship of daily life and friendly
intimacy ; and how, in speaking of him,
I im literally speaking “out of the
abundance of the heart.”
Os General Lee’s great military career
it is Dot my purpose here to speak. With
its main features you are already more or
less familiar, and it will constitute the
brightest page in the history of modern
time?. Chiefly of his admirable example
in the retired sphere of usefulness which
he chose after the war, do I design giving
a simple narrative. Bat before entering
upon this, there are one or two facts con
nected with the close of his grand career
as the Southern commaEdsr-in-chief, of
which it is proper that a few words be
said.
WHY HE DID NOT EARLIER WITHDRAW
PROM PETERSBURG
has teen asked? To my knowledge he
was perfectly aware, long before Aprl,
1865, -of the necessity for such withdrawal,
and had fully resolved upon it. Several
months before he privately expressed this to
myself, as I believe he did to others in re
sponsible position-. At any rate, I receiv
ed fro .u him secret instructions to send to a
designated point far in the rear ail sur
plus ammunition, and to make arrange
ments with the artillery, as the arm most
difficult of sudden movement, for march
ing at one hour’s notice. His plan being
rapidiy to move back and form, if possi
ble, a junction with the Southern Con
federate army, that by quick and decisive
combination, one or the other of the Fed
eral armies might be struck with effectual
force. With this plan, however, there
was interference, which General Lee
deemed it a less evil to yield to than to
disregard. Its nature may beiDferred from
a significant remark made by him to pas
sed alone, the night of the Ist of April,
1865. Contemplating the then thinness
ot his own line, its vast extent and the
feebleness of his entire force, he said,
“General, if our cause fails, its epitaph
; may be written, Died of Congress and the
Newspapers.” The next morning that
: thin line was broken by the numerous
i masses that at length adventured attack,
and we had to withdraw.
THE MASTERLY RETREAT
then began. It has been asked why even
then so great a captain eould not succeed
in eluding his much less skillful adversary?
The reply is found in the utterly reduced
state of his army, and of' all Southern
military supplies, with the superadded
difficulties cf inclement weather and deep
roads.
Amelia Court House, on the Richmond
and Danville Railroad, was duly reached;
but supplies that had been called for, and
were expected there, were not lorthcomiog,
while a large number of persons from
Richmond, only a few of whom, however,
were reliable soldiers, were added to the
crowd we had to provide for and protect.
For want of animals and forage a large
amount of wagons, ammunition, had
to be destroyed, and the best dispositions
possible were made for continuing with
the remainder our retreat. Detachments
of the enemy were by this time getting
close. They had to be kept off with a
portion of our force, while the wain body
and trains moved on. Thus by day, fight
ing had to be maintained all along, and
marching, chiefly by night.
It will be readily understood under what
immense disadvantages this was, at every
| step, accomplished, when the vast resour
i ces of the Federal commander are consid-
I ered, the multitude of his troops, and the
| prodigious host of cavalry, comparatively
I fresh, at his disposal. That Gen. Lee sue-
ceeded as lie did in so far foiling him, and
in a considerable degree rendering such dis
aster as that to his rear divisions at Sail
or’s Greek, between Amelia Springs and
Fanuville, is one of the most signal evi
dences of his matchless power as a com
mander.
WHETHER GEN. I.EK's HEART WAS IN TIIR
SOUTHERN CAUSE
Has been called in question by some inter
ested in maligning that cause. Let me
mention ;tn incident which makes the
truth clear as day.
_ Having reached Farinville, in Prince
Edward county, on the morning of Fri
day, April 7th, our little army crossed the
Anpomatex agarn, gaining the noDhc-m
bank, and destroying the bridges-. Battle
order was then formed and the enemy
approaching greeted with cannon in posi
tion One bridge below, however, had
net been destroyed, and a corps of the
Federal army pressed upon us from that
direction. Giving my personal attention
to the defence there, I met vour own gal
lant telhw-citizSD, General John B. Uor
doß, conducting the fight, as was his
want, with dash and vigor. A few words
were exchanged- He infotmed me of a
conference held some hours before be
tween himself, General Richard Anderson
and others, in which it was determined
that myself, as cue intimately associated
with the commander-in-chief, should be
requested to see him, if in accordance wirh
my views, and express to him our sense of
the desperateness of the situation — and
of the moral impropriety of continuing
a struggle now dearly hopeless- every man
killed under such circumstances being, as
we thought, rather murdered than mar
tyred- My impression being in the main
of the same general oast, I agreed to see
General LoDgstreet first, as next in com
mand to General Lee. This, accordingly
was done. General Longstreet met the
suggestion at first with his aoeustomed
imperturbable resolution, objecting, in te
to, to any thought of discontinuing the
contest, and adding that he believed his
corps, or what remained of it, could “still
whip,” as he expressed it, "three times
their cumber of l 7 ankees.” Admiring
his spirit, I readily acquiesced, but sug
gested the inquiry whether they could
withstand thirty times their number, as
they would have to do? He, in the sequel,
fully agreed that Genersl Lee ought to be
communicated with, and I begged him to
go in person and express his own sense
of the situation, if for no other reason, to
relieve the noble heart of the great com
mander cf the sense of solitariness in his
mighty responsibility. The veteran Lier
tenant General, however, excused himself
on the tcora of his being slow of speech,
and requested me to represent him, with
the rest, in submitting the statement of
all tthis to General Lae. I gladiy make
this statement to the honor of General
Longstreet—though differing with that
officer, as to hia recent course, wide as the
poles.
Genersl Lee was lying on the ground.
No other heard the conversation between
him and myself. He received my com
munioation, with the reply, “Gracious
heavens, 1 trust it has not come to that!”
And added, ‘ General, we have yet too
many bold men to think of laying down
our arms. The enemy do not fight with
spirit like our boys still do. Besides, if I
were to say a word to the Federal com
mander, he would regard it as such a con
fession of weakness, as to make it the
occasion ol demanding unconditional sur
render, a proposal to which I will never
listen. I have resolved to die first, and that
if it comes that we shall force through, or
all fall in our places.” I tell you, friends,
General Lee was the boldest man in all
that heroic hand. The General went on —
“General, this is no new question with me.
I have never believed we could, against
the gigantic combination for our subjuga
tion, make good, in the long run, our
independence, unless foreign powers
should, directly or indirectly, assist us.
This 1 was sure it. was their interest
and duty to do, and I hoped they would
so regard it. But such considerations
really made with mo no difference. We
hsd 1 was satisfied, sacred principles
to maintain end rights to defend, for
whioh we were in duty bound to do our
best, even it we polished in the en
deavor 1” These were, as nearly as I can
reeall them, the exact words of General
, T ee, od that most critical occasion. You
see in them the soul ol the man; what
his conscience dictated, and his judgment
decided, where his heart was.
THE SURRENDER.
Another illustrative incident, showing
the man, occurred a few hours
before the surrender. Engaged un
der his instructions the evening be
fore, a mile or two beyond Appomat
tax 0. H., in extricating an artillery com
mand, of which one of my associates had
charge, and there exposed to capture, 1
was recalled by message from himself. It
was 1, A. M., Sunday, 9th April, before,
through the darkness and danger, I suc
ceeded in finding the General. His
greeting, “good morning, General,” and
his fresh neatness of dress, its t for some
imposing ceremony, surprised me. Gen
eral Longtreei was with him. After a few
wordi as to the condition ot things in
front, where I had been, I expressed my
surprise both as to the advance of the night
and at his full dress, and ventured to ask
what it meant ? His reply was, “I am to
be General Grant’s prisoner, and intend to
make my bpst appearance.”
Still it was net definitely settled. There
was uncertainly whether his terms in re
sponc to General Grant’s initial overture
would be accorded, and if not, there was
yet solemn work to be done.
The General, therefore, kindly urged
me to get some rest, and at the dawn “be
governed by circumstances.”
Those circumstances at daylight were,
active fighting along all our line. At no
time during the war 3id the boy3 in
“gray” more gallantly acquit themselves
and vsith more of dashing alacrity than on
that memorable morning—driving the
enemy before them at all points and
actually capturiug their artillery at the
very last mome.nr. Just before General
Custar, of the Fed: ral army, passed my
self, near one of our batteries, under con
duct of a staff officer of General Lee, with
flag of truce, guns captured from the
enemy were borne by me to the rear in
triumph. Immediately, however, the or
der came to “cease firing.” Honorable
terms were conceded, and General Lee re
scued to close the contest on the pric
ci" es announced in his inimitable farewell
ad'lra-e.
M anday. April 10th, was devoted to set
il iineat of details, and on Tuesday, 11th,
the handful remaining of that gallant,
v ctorious army, about 7,000 infantry
and scarcely 10,000 of all arms, wasted by
want under the enemy’s devastating sys
tem, and by the dropping off of men, hope
less, in night marches, sullenly yielded to,
perhaps, twenty times their number,
equipped with all the applianoes of cnudarD
warfare —a spectacle of heroic constancy
to principle that conveys a lesson Christen
dom will not soon forget.
Sadly friend bade with friend farewell;
great tears coursing dowa cheeks furrowed
and bronzed- And when there my hard
grasped in adieu that of my il ustrious
frietd, grief choked utterance on my part,
his own calm, deep eyes were full to over
flowing, and his wonted melodious tones
refused expresJon. Thus we parted, each
to sue home as he had, and the great
Southern Captain, if not “the foremost
man of all this world,” assuredly among
the foremost of the species, wept well nigh
unattended to the residence of his family in
Richmond.
The above interesting account of affairs
from the breaking of the Confederate
lines arouDd Petersburg, until the fatal
morning at Appomattox, when the South
ern Cross sunk forever, we have given in
full, because it is matter appertaining to
history, and treats of important incidents
and events which have never before been
furnished to the world. Os the second
part of the lecture we give a tolerably full
synopsis
FROM THE SURRENDER TILL HIS ARRIVAL IN
LEXINGTON.
The lecturer described the return of the
great commander to hi3 home in Rich
morn! Os the terrible changes which he
found there upon his arrival. Os the
smoking ruins on every street; of the
presence of the enemy’s soldiery and of
the bitter humiliation of the once proud
capital of a prouder State, Gen. Lee
soon lound that Richmond then was no
home for him, and accepted the hospital
ity of a noble Virginia matron, who in
vited him and his family to live with her
in her residence, situated on the waters of
the upper Jamer river. The lecturer then
gave a brief and interesting description of
the little town of Lexington, situated in
the celebrated country known as the Val
ley of Virginia. He spoke of its beautiful
situation in the centre of plains, as level as
a carpet, as green as an emerald, and as
fertile as the valley of the Egyptian Nile,
walled in on one side by the picturesque
peaks of the Alleghanies, on the other
the azure crests of the Blue Ridge. He
told of its first inhabitants—the sturdy,
industrious, faithful, liberty-loving Scotch-
NEW SERIES, VOL. XNIV. NO. 5.
Irish—and tlie stout blows tor indepen
dence which they struok in the war of
the revolu ion. Os the seats of learning
there—Washington College and the Vir
ginia Military Institute—and the patriot
ism of the students and professors in each,
who rushed to arms at the first tap of
the drum, and moistened the sacred soil of
Virginia with the blood ot gray-haired
men and striplings of sixteen and seventeen.
He said that soon after the war ended
Wai hingtou College was reorganized, and
a message sent to General Lee on the
upper James asking him to accept the
Presidency cf the institution . With accus
tomed prudence, Lee asked for time to
consider the proposition before returning
answer. One evening, seveial days
afterwards, a solitary traveller, mounted
on an iroi -groy steed, rode across the
mountains, and drew tbe bridle rein just
belore night at the door of au inn in a I
little village just beyond ihe mountains. |
A tew minutes afterwards an ex-Confed- |
crate soldier recognized “Marse Robert,” I
aud the news spread that Lee had ar
rived. The population ol the village
turned out en masse, surrounded the inn,
and begged the privilege ol touching the |
oil hero’s palm- The next morning he I
mounted his horse, rode quietly into Lex- j
ington, and up to the doir of the college, !
and dis i.ounting aunounoed that he had I
come to accept'the position which ho had I
been tendered. As soon as it was known
that Leo was at the head ot the college
numbers of students came to it
Troiw States Sce'th of the Potomac, :'nd in
a short time there were in attendance
more than three hundred and fifty young
men, the flower of the Southern country,
who had come there to be moulded ami
trained in the school of Loe. The lecturer
then gave an account of the
DAILY LIFE OF LEE,
Which we report in full, giving, as it
does, a clearor insight to the character oi
this great man than would volumes ol his
toiy. General Lee, like most great men,
was an early riser, always, winter or sum
mer, leaving his bed before sun-rise. His
toilet was soon completed, for although a
man remarkable for the neatness of his
attire, he wa3 also equally remarkable for
its simplicity. After the completion of
his toilet, a Christian duly—and one which
he never neglected—was performed, that
of praying to Heaven for guidance and
assistance during the day. Descending to the
silting room the hell was rung which sum
moned the members of his household
to family prayers, which the General
always conducted himself. Breakfast then
followed—a light and frugal meal, for the
General was never a lsrge eater. Break
fast over, he repaired to tha college chap
el—which be insisted upon having built
as soon as he was elected President— where
all the students assembled for prayers,
which were conducted by tho college
chaplain. He then went to his office, and
devoted the remainder of the morning to
college business—conducting the corres
pondence of, and exercising a general su
pervision over the affairs of the college.
When the loom- for dinner arrived, he re
turned to his home. This meal was sel
dom eaten alone by Lee and his family,
for he was the most hospitable of gentle
men and the most genial of hosts, and any
acquaintance who came to Lexington, or
stranger who arrived with letters of intro
duction, was always invited t® a seat at
his board. After dinner, his old and high
ly prized battle charger, and a gentler
steed, bearing a lady’s saddle, were brought
to the door, and the General, accompanied
by one or the other of his daughters,
would start out for their evening ride
The General was fond of horse-back ri
ding, and those acquainted with his habits
while in the anny, will readily imagine
that but short time elapsed alter his arrival
in Lexington before lie became perfectly
familiar with every road and bridle path
in the vicinity of tbe town. Nor was he
more familiar with the roads and bye
paths than he was with the people who
lived upon them. The farmers, the labor
ers in the field, and the little children on
their way to school, soon knew and loved
the good General and were his acquain
tances and his friends. After tea, the
scene in Gen. Lee’s sitting room was well
worth witnessing. Around tlie table were
gathered the General and his family. The
General, always fond of reading, was
engaged with his books and papers.
Mrs. Lee, whom General Pendleton de
scribes as the noblest of women and a fit
wife for such a husband, was reading or
painting. (Mrs. Lee has been a cripple
from rheumatism for eight years and had
to be wheeled about in a chair). Seated
near were his daughters—the Misses Lee—
generahy engaged in needle work. When
reading and work grew tiresome, they
were put asido and conversation ensued
until bed-time. When that hour arrived
eveDicg prayers were hell and the General
then retired to rest.
COLLEGE MANAGEMENT.
General Lae took the greatest interest
in the college over which he presided, and
endeavored to make it ali that could be
desired by parents or students. With the
students he was very popular and greatly
beloved. He was very much in favor m a
liberal course of studies, and oue of his
first acts as President was to have the
Procrusteancuriculum —which made every
student fit the same groove—abolished.
Once every week the faculty met aud the
roil of students was carefully called and
the name of each one noted who had faults
which required correction. After the
meeting adjourned these students were
asked to pall upon the General separate y.
When the student came he was met in
the kindest and most cordial manner and
then reasoned with about his faults and
dismissed —this course generally effecting
a reformation. Although he refused to
teach any of the classes—afraid, he said,
that bis learning had grown ru-iy—Gen.
Lee was a ripe scholar. He was present
at the examinations and would quickly
detect any error made in reediring or con
struing xE chylus, Homer and Plato
among the Greek, or in Juvenal, Horace
or Livy among the Latin authors.
LEE AND THAD STEPHENS.
Though a man who was very loath to
give his views to the public, General Lee
was a man who entertained strong and
decided convictions upon political affairs.
In private he would often speak of the
Radicals in Congress, and their short
sighted policy toward the South, and say
“poor men; they little know what mis
chief they are doing.” Nut long after hi 9
arrival in Lexington, he was summoned,
greatly against his wishes, to appear be
fore the Reconstruction Committee in
Washington. On the morning after his
arrival in the capital lie went to the room
of the committee, and took his seat before
any of the members arrived Shortly af
terward several members of the commit
tee, whom General Lee recognized as gen
tlemen, entered the room successively and
extended their hands to him, who courte
ously returned their salutation, and enter
ed into conversation with them At last
the door opened and looking up General
Lee saw a disagreeable, morose and ill
natured countenance in the door way—the
physiognomy of Hon. Thaddeus Stevens.
Walking up to where Lee was standing,
Stevens extended his hand, but the Gene
ral could not get his consent to recognize
such a man, and proudly folding his arms
he turned his back upon the discomfited
leader of the “ God and morality party. ”
lee’s LAST ILLNESS AND DEATH.
On one fatal evening, in the latter part
of last September, General Pendleton, the
pastor, called a meeting of the vestrymen
of his church, of whom General Lee was
one. The mee'ing lasted for several hours,
and when it adjourned it was after dark.
It was a very inclement, night and when
the vestrymen were dispersing one of them
remarked to Lee, “we are sorry, General,
to have kept you here so late on so bad an
evening.” To which the General replied,
“Oh ! never mind me. 1 Lave but a few
steps to go and am enjoying very good
health.” Rapidly traversing the short j
distance which separated his residence j
from the chapel, he went to his house.
His family, who were sitting around the
tea-table awaiting his arrival, heard him
go into the library, where be left* his coat
and hat. Entering the dining room,
without speaking, he advanced to the foot |
of the table and raised his hands, as it
asking a blessing, when the atcacx came
on. A eot was at once brought from the
next room, upon which he was placed and
medical assistance summoned. After that
night he seemed to get hotter every day.
and, though he eould not speak, the
physicians thought that he would soon
reoover- He recognized any relative or
friend who entered the room, and when
his wife was wheeled in her chair to his
cot-3ide, would extend his arm and olasp
her hand in his. And when his daughters
passed near he would stretch forth his
arm and draw them lovi: gly to his side.
For several days this state of affairs con
doned, when one night—the night on
which he died—a sudden change for the
worse occurred, and the physicians de
clared that General Lee had bat a short
time to live. And then one of the most
affecting and heart-rending scenes oceurred
which has ever been witnessed. The
dying soldier and Christian lay awaiting
j the approach of that grim and ghastly
j shade, “King of “Terrors,” yet whose
! swift foot-steps and remorseless scythe
| had no terrors for him who trusted in the
i love and mercy of One, the master of
I Death. In her chair by his eot, and, still
ciaspißg the hand that was so loyal and so
jt 1 ue, was seated his grief-stricken wife.
1 In an agony of sorrow his daughters
| knelt at his bed side with their yotmg faces
resting upon the bosom of their dying
j father. At the foot of the cot sto«d his
son, Gen. Custis Lee, with his head, bowed
in woe and the hot tear-drops coursing
down his cheeks. A little apart stood his
faithful friend and pastor, General Pendle
ton, his hands raised.in prayer and his own
voice choked with emotion, and his own
eyes dim with moisture. And thus, while
wife, and daughters, and son, and pastor,
and. triend, prayed from their agonized
hearts to God, the eyes of the hero closed
in eternal sleep, his greo.t heart ceased to
heat, and his soul winged its swift tiight
from earth to heaven.
The day after his dL&th, a Confederate
officer who had served ' under him, a gal
lant but a wicked man a beggtd to be al
lowed to see his nid‘w/,iuaudor. He was
taken into- tire-room "tT.'eybodv lay
and where ode of Daughters' was
watchirtg by the sid> J iPliei dead._ .The
lady withdrew, and the Jugged foidiar^foed
npon the cold featnrk of the dead'chief
tain until, at last, ovewoms with eiaotiftp,'
ho pressed his lips uGon the marble boow
of his General aiole'ii-lHhfloJ .“VEr-ild r*
iWntSrt cotftn i *rA
to God that I could dieV’ike >1
Cotton and buano.
Editor Morning Neuxs :
One hears now, very frequently, too,
very positive assertions, tc-wit :
“The use of guano has ruined the prioe
of cotton.” “Buying guano has ruined
the planters.” Both can hardly be true.
Let us see if either is. Probably 80.000
tons of fertilizers were used un 800,000
acres (200 lbs. to the acre) of cotton last
season, and nine-tenths of it in this State,
South Carolina and a lew omnties in Ala
bama tributary to Savannah, costing an
average of SOS per ton, or $5,200,000-
A low estimate of the increase produced
by this guano would be 100 lbs. cotton per
acre ; this would aive, with cotton at 14
cents, $11,200,000, showing a profit to the
p’anters of this region of $6,000,000.
But it will be said, “Cotton is much
lower in Ounsequeuee of this inorease.”
Lot us see how this is. The inetease,
80,000,000 pounds, is only 160,000 bales.
Is that enough to very seriously affect the
price ? Certainly not ; and yet a very
large reduction of price would be neces
sary, in order to neutralize the increased
production- Nor is this all the benefit
realized by the use ol this guano. These
160,000 bales of cotton, resulting from the
use ol this guano, pay a toll to railroads,
factors, draymen, wharf-owners, and
others, equal to $lO per bale, or $1,600,-
000—all for the benefit of citizens of these
two States, and mainly of Savannah.
The account then stand thus:
Received for increase of cot
ton $11,200,000
Received for freight, commis
sion, storage, <£o., Ac 1,600,000
sl2 800,000
Paid for the guano..... 5,200,000
Profit to the State $7,600,000
Aml this is not all. The guano pays agents
here and in the interior full commissions.
Probably full 20 per cent, of the $5,200,-
000 is paid to agents, and for wharfage,
freight, advertising, &c., to the citizens of
Georgia. This would farther increase the
profits of the State $1,400,000, making
$9,000,000 in all. To this we should add.
the permanent benefit to the land, which,
though not so eadily estimated, should not
be lost sight of. If these figures are cor
rect (and who will dispute them?) can
there be any question as to whether the
use of guano has beuefitted our State ?
The planters of the rich lands of Mis
sissippi and Texas might properly enter a
protest against this new mode of farming,
tor it enables the. owners ot the poor , worn
out lands of old Georgia to compete with
them successfully, and the factors of New
Orleans may object to an agency which
lids fair to malce Savannah the first cot
ton port in the country , as it has largely
aided in making it the second ; but Geor
gia planters and Savannah merchants
ought to be wiser.
Let the planters, then, use guano, only
let them be. mote cautious as to uhat kind
they use. Good guano will pay them well.
The “Heathen Chinee.”—On Thurs
day evening the streets of this city were
the scene of one of those disgraceful
“emeutes” that too frequently result from
the peculiar civilization of the “heathen
Chinese.” An officer of the law from the
county o i Santa Barbara, with a warrant
for the arrest of a Chinese woman for
grand larceny, and assisted by the officers
of this city, proceed to “Negro alley,”
where they found and arrested the woman,
who was by them placed in a carriage,
and started for Santa Barbara county.
The Chinese mob, however, determined
to liberate the prisonpr, and for that pur
pose pursued the officers, who resolutely
beat them back until they reached Main
street, near the Bella Ilitel, where the
mob fired four shots into the carriage con
taining the officers and prisoner, who for
tunately escaped without injury, and the
“emeute” was quickly suppressed by
officer Dunlap and others. Bad as the
affair was, the riot is not the most dis
graceful and immoral part connected with
it. The woman is a prostitute, imported
from her native country by the Chinese
companies who deal in human depravity
and prostitution, and who avail them
selves of the laws intended for the suppres
sion of crime to obtain possession and
control of their sometimes unwilling
subject. When a rival company in their
accursed profession wish to secure the con
trol of a woman owoed by or in the em
ploy’of auother, they do not hesitate to
make a charge of grand larceDy under
oath, secure the arrest of their victim,
provide a bend for her, and secure her re
lease and possession, which is the object
of the proceeding. Having accomplished
this, they refuse to appear in court as wit
nesses in support of the charge upon
which their victim was arrested, and by
means of which they secured the control
of her person for purposes of prostitution.
The woman arrested in this city on Thurs
day evening has been several times ar
rested in a similar manner, and her pos
session as often changed from one company
to that of another through the instrumen
tality of the law. Under ali circumstances,
the presence of the Chinese is a curse to
our country, and a foul blot upon our
civilization; but to permit them to use the
machinery of the law for the furtherance
ot their mramous trame is a mocKery or
justioe, as degrading to law and decency
as *t is vile and immoral in its practice and
influence. — Los Angelos Daily News.
The Negro at Washington.—A cor
respondent of the Richmond Dispatch ,
writing from Washington, January lGth,
says:
The colored element in this population,
including the representative negroes, who
have been time and agaia interviewers of
the President since the commencement of
the present administration, feel duty
elated at the “swearing in” of the Geor
gia negro in the House of Representatives
tc-lay, and the appointment of a son of
Frederick Douglass to accompany the San
Domingo expedition. The leading ne
groes of the Republican party rnauage to
congregate here, and from thiostand-poiQt,
ovet look and decide upon the interests of
their race. Here they have their organ,
and it is from here that they will demand
before long a representative in the Cabinet.
Such an event is by no means outside of
the limit of probability.
Republicanism in NEVAPA.--Reput
licanism seems to be about played out in
Nevada. The Carson Aj>peal is no more.
Harry M-ghr-ls has gone fro nur gaze.
The Daily Hate Telegraph, a Democratic
paper has taken the plaou of the Appeal.
The Republicans of the Sage Brush citato
must be an inefficient set, destitute of
pluck and enterprise, to allow one of their
principal organs to be sold out to the ene
my. The Appeal was not all it should
have been, but the Republicans of Carson
might have taken measures to prevent it
from being squelched, and their neglect to
do so looks very like an indication that
they are prepared for an absclute, uncon
ditional surrender to the Democracy.
The average cost of each shot fired intr
Paris is estimated at two hundred dollars.
Some cost four hundred.
John Richie, the last of tke founders of
the Edinburgh Scotsman, and its com
mercial head lor forty years, died lately in
his ninety-third year.
The British Government is negotiating
tor the right to manufacture Gatling guns
at Elswick. The small Gatling at Shoe
buryness made 522 hits in two minutes.
