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OLD SERIES—VOL. LXXVIII.
CjjMitle &
TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION.
daily.
On* month - ®
Three month* *"
One year —• 10 w
TBI-WEEKLY.
One year - •*““* £l®
Six month* * ;**
Three month..... w
WEEKLY.
Three month*.. •—$ | j®
Six month* * J
One year 3 00
WmifAl MOK'I.No, Jl'Ll
I.KASK OFIHK MAOON AND WKSfKBBi
RAILROAD BI'LLOCK’4 IHTItBFKB-
K9CS-
A few weeks since it wai announced
through the pres* of the State that the
Directory of the Macon aDd Western Rail
road had leased their roa4 to the Central
Railroad and Banking Company. The
public generally felt little or no interest in
this transaction. It was not doubted that
the management of the Macon and West
ern, under the control jf the Central Road,
would be as good as it ever was. No one
felt apprehensive that the lessees would
dismantle the road, or that, under their
control, it would be less valuable to the
general public. On the contrary, it was
universally admitted that the lessees would
make and keep the Macon and Western a
first clast road in every particular, and
that the change o 1 proprietorship would
work no harm to the public.
It is true that certain local influences
were brought in opposition to the lease.
So far as we know, this opposition was
confined mainly to Macon and Atlanta.
But the right of the Macon and Western
to lease, and the right of the Central to
become lessees, was not seriously ques
tioned. This is shown from the fact that
Maoon and Atlanta interests were, at the
time the lease was made to the Central,
actively engaged in efforts to secure a lease
of the road to tho Macon and Brunswick
Road. If the Maoon and Western Com
pany had tho right, under their charter’
to loase to tb' Maoon and Brunswick
Road, a fortiori they had the right to
loaso to the Central. If the Macon and
Brunswiok Road had, under its charter,
the right to become lessees of the Macon
and Western, then tho Central Road had
also the right to beoorne lessees, for there
is no essential difference in their charters
in regard to their powers in this particular.
Tho opposition, then, to tho Central lease
is not that tho contracting parties did not
have the legal right to contract, but, as we
understand, upon tbo ground that tho
President and Directors of the Maoon and
Western Road acted in had faith to the
shareholders in leasing their property to
tho Central at a less prioo than had been
offered by tbo Maoon and Brunswick Road.
If this bo true, wo prosume that the stock
holders will rofuso to ratify the aotion of
the Directory, and there the matter will
rest.
We learn that a hill has been filed at
the instance of some of the stockholders
of the Macon and Western Road, praying
that the consummation of the lease may be
enjoined on the ground just stated. It
seems that Judge Cole granted the injunc
tion, and that a few days since, daring his
absence from the State, argument was
heard before Judge Alexander, of the
Southern Circuit, on a motion to dissolve
the injunction. The only parties interest
ed in that proceeding W6re the two cor
porations—the Macon and Western and
the Central Railroads. The State had no
interest whatever.
The pendency of this litigation was a
God-aend to Bullock. He saw in it an
other chance to rob the treasury, and at
the same time strengthen hit own position.
He, virtuous and honest Executive as he is !
feared lest the State might suffer unless
he secured the services of able lawyers to
represent her interest in the litigation. He
was not willing to leave the case in the
hands of the lawyers of the complainants,
though the general opinion among mem
bers of the bar is that they are as able,
astute and intelligent as any in tbo pro
fession. Ho therefore calls to the aid of
the State—not the Attorney General, who
receives a large «lary for such services—
four lawyers for, we suppose, big fees, to
aid the complainants in their effort to en
join the lease.
Id makiog these selections it must ho
confessed that Bullock exhibited his usual
cunning. Onn of*tho ohosen is a Demo
cratic Stato Senator, and that body is so
no*r equally divided that tho effect of
one vote may save the Bullock’s head
Irom tho November slaughter. Another
of the select is a Democrat contesting the
soat of a negro who ha? the oertifioate of
eleotion to the next House of Representa
tives. Another is a mouther of the State
Democratic Executive Committee, and
still another is *a leading and influential
Democrat in the Cherokee country. All
good lawyers we admit, all honest and
cooseienoious gentlemen, who oould not be
pursuaded to do a mean or dishonest aot.
Yet all are mere men—liable robe insensi
bly influenced by their feelings or pre
judices. We know that each and every
one of them woald scorn the imputation of
an improper aot. I\ edo not believe that
they considered the motives whioh prompt
ed Bulk ck to select them as attorneys in
this case. Nevertheless, we believe, and
the public will believe, that they were
seleoted by Bullock, not for the good that
might accrue to the State from their
services, but because he w shed to put
them under obligations to Liu-—such ob
hgations aa he thought mijht influence
them in their future conduct as members
of the Democratic party, and as members
of the Legislature.
The preten e lor this array of State
counsel is that Bullock fears that the Cen
tral, and Macon & Western Railroads
are violating their charters. If this pre
tense was well founded, the reply is con
clusive. That is one of the questions
raised by the complainants bill, and the
alleged injury resulting from the
pretended violation of tlicix charters
by these reads, is not to the people of
the State in the aggregate, but to a few
individuals who claim a special interest in
the subject matter of the controversy.
The State, as we have said, is not interest
,<1 in the suit. Leases of like character
have been made before, apd at times when
good men and able lawyer* were in the
Executive chair. No dejections were
raised by the State to the lease of the Au
gruta and Waynesboro road some years
before the war—to the lease of the Wash
ington road—the lease of the Southwest
ern road, and others which have been
heretofore made. Why, and in what par
ticular, is this Maeoa and \V estern lease
more objectionable than those we have
mentioned ?
Every candid mind in the State will
conclude that this interference by Bullock
is improper, uncalled for, and highly pre-
judicial to the host interests of the State. !
That he has been influenced in Lis action
in this matter by a desire to strengthen
himself in the approaching Legislature,
when he expects action which will involve
his further continuanoe in office.
We desire to say that we neither ap
prove or condemn this lease. We believe,
that Augusta interests will be affected by
it, yet wo have no right to complain. We
do not question the right of the Central
to make the lease, and we applaud the ac
tion of Mr. Wadley in thus securing for
his shareholders the use of a valuable
property, the oontrol of which will largely
increase his semi-annual dividends. If ail
railroad presidents in the State were as
active, intelligent, and energetic in the
management of the property under their
control, as Mr. Wadley has time and again
shown himself to be, the Central would
not be the only road in the State whose
Block is twenty percent, above par. Some
roads that we heve in our mind’s eye
might, instead of grumbling at the Cen
tral, profit by imitating her example.
[COMMUNICATED. J
Editors Chronicle dc Sentinel:
Please publish the annexed circular and
oblige, A Stockholder.
Office of M. K. Jesup k Cos., 1
59 Liberty Street, N. Y., \
June 1, 1871. )
To the Directors of the Charlotte, Colum
bia and Augusta Railroad Company :
The undersigned, having seeo a state
ment of the proceedings of a meeting of
the stockholders of your company, as
published in the Columbia newspapers of
May 11th, in which allusion is made by
the President of the Company to some
business transactions with our firm, desire
to lay before you the following facts:
Shortly after the close of the war, Mr.
Johnston, your Pre-ideqt, came to New
York to purchase rails, and on his applica
tion we sold him rails on a credit,"for the
Columbia and Augusta Railroad Com
pany. Subsequently we negotiated a por
tion of the bonds ot the Company, and
agreed with him that for our services, we
should make the not unusual charge of 2 i
per cent, commission, with the under
standing that we should return H per
cent. Having sold $200,000 bonds, the
proceeds were placed to the credit of the
Columbia and Augusta Railroad Company,
and od the 7th of August, 1868, we paid
to Mr. Johnston our oheck (at his request
drawn to bearer), No. 14279 on the Union
N;itioDal Bank tor $2,500, being half the
amount of commission on sale of bonds.
We have never had any business transac
tions with Mr- Johnston, except in his
official capacity, either before or since the
consolidation of the Charlotte and South
Carolina Railroad Company with the
Columbia and Augusta Railroad Com
pany.
We beg reference to the following affi
davit of our Cashier, who gave the check,
mentioned above, to Mr. Johnston :
Statu of New Yoke, 1
> M.
City and County of New York.)
Abraham J. F. Vandeventer, being duly
sworn, deposes and says, I am, and for the
past eleven > ears have been, Cashier for
Mr. M. K. Jesup, and his firm of M. K.
Jesup & Company, of the city of New
York. In August, 1868, that firm sold
two hundred thousand dollars of the
first mortgage bonds of the Columbia and
Augusta Railroad Company, at seventy
five per cent., as follows:
August 6th, 1868 SIOO,OOO
“ 7th, 1868 SIOO,OOO
These bond* were sold under an arrange
ment made between Mr. Jesup and Mr.
William Johnston. President of the Com
pany, that M. K. Jesup & Cos. should
charge a commission of two and a half per
cent, on the par of the bonds, and that
one half of the commission should be re
turned to Mr. Johnston. We did charge
a commission of two and a half percent, of
which, on August 7th, 1868, we paid Mr.
Johnston the- one-half ($2,500), retaining
ourselves the other half. The $2,500 paid
Mr. Johnston was, at his request, in a
oheck, payable to bearer instead of a check
to his order, as I proposed to draw it.
Any statement that M. K. Jesup & Cos.
received directly, or indirectly, more than
$2,500, or that Mr. Johnston did not re
ocive $2,500, is absolutely and unquali
fiedly untrue.
(Signed) A. J. F. Vandeventer.
Sworn before me, this 28th day of
April, 1871. Edward S. Clinch,
Notary Public.
Under datoof Nov. 14th, 1868, we sold
Mr. JohnstoD, for the Columbia aDd Au
gusta Railroad Company, a parcel of Eng
lish rails, of the usual quality, at a prico
in gold, on a credit of six months from
date of delivery at Charleston, the dtafts
of the Columbia and Augusta Railroad
Company, accepted by the Charlotte and
South Carolina Railroad Company, being
taken in payment, for an amount in cur
rency equivalent to gold at 140 percent.,
at which rate the drafts were to be re-con
verted into gold at maturity and so paid.
When the drafts matured (in Septem
ber, 1869), the premium on gold had a
strong downward tendency. Mr. John
ston was at that time in New York, tut
he paid no attention to the fact that the
acceptances were due, and allowed both
companies to be discredited by their pro
test. It became necessary, therefore, to
take legal steps, whioh wo did, by attach
ing the money in tho ticket office of the
oompany’s agents, and thus compelled the
payment of our debt, in February, 1870.
We had previously sold Mr. Johnston
rails (always on credit) for the Columbia
and Augusta Railroad Company, under
dates of March 30th, 1867, and August
Gth, 1868. aDd up to February, 1870, no
complaint had beco made of the quality
of iron furnished under any of our con
tracts —on the oontrary, in a report to his
company he called special attention to the
superior quality of the rails furnished
under contract of November 14th, 1868,
but immediately upon the compulsory
payment of the amount due us under this
contract he commenced a suit tor damages
for the delivery under our ootrtract of
March 30th, 1867, of alleged inferior rails
which, whon brouyht to trial, was dis
missed by the Judge on tho plaintiff’s own
case.
Subsequently Mr. Johnston bought a
paroel of rails of the same general charac
ter from other parties, one ot whom was a
partner in our firm at the time of the sale
last lef erred to above, and was a defend
ant in the suit.
We present those facts, all or which are
susceptible of proof.
Very respectfully,
M. K- Jesup & Comp’y.
Burning of the doolie Ship Don Juan.
THE DETAILS OF THE OCCORENCE.
Statements of Survivors —Horrible Scenes
pn Board the Vessel.
An account has already been given of
the burning of the ship Don Jnan at sea,
with 650 coolies on board, most of whom
perished in the slimes. The following
statement of one of the survivors is found
in tbe Overland China Mail , of May 12,
and gives not only a graphic account of tbe
terrible accident, but also throws light on
tbe manner in which these poor wretches
are kidnapped and taken away from their
oountry:
THE WAV IN WHICH THEY ARE HIRED.
Leung Ashew said t. I am a native of
Sunning. lam twenty years old. I have
no employment. Af ;w days ago a cousin
of mine took me to Macao to get me em
ployment. His name was LeuDg Achcung.
I have no parents. I aocepted job work
at Sunning. I have some relations at
Sunning. My cousin told me that he
would take me to a place to get work.
He mentioned no parrioular place. Be
took me to Macoa and lodged ©s in a
foreigner’s bouse. I stayed three days in
this house. I was then taken to a barra
ooon, whets I stopped two days, l was
then taken before an offioer. An inter
preter told me that I was to go to Peru
! to work for $4 a month. Be told rue that
i it I was not willing to go, I was to be
sent to tbe chain gang for six years, and
thereafter to be put into a dungeon tor
i two years. I had no option but to put
my name to a printed form, which had
Chinese and European writing on it. A ;
seal was theD placed on it. I was paid
in silver ; I was also given two suits of
clothes, a wadded jacket, and a pair of
shoes. No bedding of whatever kind was
given me, not ejen a mat. I was then
marched into a boat with several hundred
others. There were several boats. Some
foreigners guarded us. They gamed mus
kets and drawn swords—about ona to
every ten men.
HOW THEY ARB STOWED.
We ware all put into a large hold. The
grating of the hatch was always down.
There were two hatchways, and each had
an iron grating. I cannot tell the date the
ship sailed, but I believe it was either the
11th or 15th. Before the ship sailed we
were allowed on dehk two by two each
i time. But after the ship sailed we were
! not allowed on deck at any time, not even
i tor necessary purposes. We had buckets
lin the hold for this purpose. Twel*>men
were tolled off to aot as cooks. They
were allowed on deck. The hatch gra
tings were only opened to lower down our
meals. Nobody was allowed to smoke.
We bad five lights in the hold all night
long. There were about tec foreigners
acting as sentries in the hold. They had
swords and rattans. I have not seen them
use the rattans. They were on duty night
and day. They were relieved at intervals.
the FIRE.
On the third day after we sailed, shortly
after onr breakfast, there was a fire on
board. The fire occurred in the aft part,
in a room adjoining our hold. The smoke
came In onr hold in a great volnme; it
had a strong smell of gunpowder; I heard
no explosion whatever before the alarm of
fire; there was no foreigner in the hold
at the time; no foreigner came ontinto
our hold during the fire ; the hatch gra
ting was never opened all the while; the
smoke came in very thick, and a great
many were suffocated; more than one
hour after the smoke first came into our
hold, the hatch grating was torn off by
somebody—by one of the cooks, I believe.
A STRUGGLE FOR LIFE.
Wc ail made a rush for the hatchway.
I was partially suffocated wb.n I got to
the hatchway, and I could not climb up
the hatchway. Some Chinaman pulled
me up. The fire had then reached the
hatchway. My face was severely burnt
in my attempt to get up Che hatch (the
whole of the left side of this man’s lace
presents a mass of roasted flesh, besides
several burns about the arms and hands!.
When I came up the whole ship from the
mainmast to the stern was a mass oi
flames. The foremast had Dot caught fire
then. About twenty men cluDg to the
rigging, and there were more than ten
others holding to the bowsprit. I was
holding on to the anchor chain. The
anchor was dangling at the side of the
ship in the bow. I seated myself on the
anchor and my hands were holding to the
ehain. In this position I watched the
progress of the fire. When the fire
reached the wood-work whioh held the
anchor chain, I was tumbled into the sea
with the anchor. I could swim a little,
and I swam to a burnt spar which was
floating on the water. There were three
or four others besides me holding to this
spar. It was a small spar. When I fell
into the water it was about one hour after
I came out of the hold. When I came
on deck I could not see any foreigners,
nor did 1 see any boats; I was very much
confused, and was partly insensible from
the effects of my burns. There was a
larger spar floating on the water, and more
than ten men were holding on to it.’ I
could not say what had beoorne of the men
that clung to this larger spar. I and the
others that held to the smaller spar were
carried away by the cuirent, and it was
because of this that I did not see what
had become of the larger spar and its men.
We were carried away much faster by the
current, as we had fewer meo, and .our
spar was much smaller. 1 was carried so
far away from the burning ship that I
could hardly see her.
THE RESCUE.
I was picked up by a fishing junk that
passed in the evening of the same day the
fire occurred. The junkmen wanted us to
give them money before they would pick
us up. I had some money with me, five
dollars, the balance of my advance of eight
dollars at the barraoooo. I paid them
five dollars, and the junkmen picked me
up. The junkmen refused to take in uiy
companions, four in number, because they
had no money to pay them. These four
men wanted to got into this junk, but the
junkmen pushed them back, and they ha
to remain on tho spar. Ido not know the
number of the junk. When I was picked
up, I could see that there were over ten
others floating on a spar a long way off.
The junk took me to Hong Kong. My
treatment on board the fishing junk was
very good, but I could not eat, as my
pain is very great. I oould not tell how
the fire originated. On our way here in
that fishing junk we saw many persons on
the water, but the junk people would not
receive them, a3 they had no money. Be
- I left the burning wreck 1 saw blood
ooze out from the sides of the vessel, from
the hold where the coolies were lodged.
SHOOTING THE DROWNING COOLIES.
Another survivor, Hu Aful, in the
course of his statement says: When I came
on deck the boat was about a cheung
(about thirteen feet) from the ship. A
great many Chinese .wanted to swim to
the boat. A mast was floating on the
water, and a great many were clinging to
it. The boat was close to the mast, and
I was standing at the side of the burning
ship,intending to jump into the water to get
hold of the spar. The Europeans in the
boats warned us not to go near with
swords, and one of them, a short man, had
a pistol in his hand. He fired at me, and
shot me on the leg. The bullet is not ex
tracted yet; it is a small bullet. I fell
down and became insensible. My friend,
Ashea, let me down to the mast by a
rope fastened around my body. The men
clung to the mast, and we all called out
for help. A fishing junk was attracted to
us. The junkmen picked us all up. The
fire at this time had reached to the copper
sheathing close to the water’s edge. The
junkmen treated us very well. They gave
us clothes to change, and covered ns up
with mats. A large fire was lit to dry
ourselves and our clothes. They boiled
congee for us at once. The treatment we
received from their hands was very good.
Very few had clothing with us, as we
took our clothes off before swimming, and
the clothes of others were burnt off their
backs. The treatment on board ship was
very fair, but rather severe, because we
were whipped very often by the sentries.
I believe the fire occurred through the
explosion of gunpowder. We had no
light of any kind in the hold. We were
not allowed to -smoke in the hold, but
could do so on deck.
TUB SHOOTING CORROBORATED.
Another of the passengers, Chu Akwai,
said : When I came on deck the whole
ship was on fire. There was a great smoke.
It was very thick. I could not see through
it. I clung to the rigging of the foremast.
When the mast was burned it fell into the
water. I fell with into the water, but, as
I could swim, I managed to swim to the
spar. My leg was bruised by the tall.
When I came on deck I could not see any
foreigners, or any boats, as the smoke was
very thick. I remained on the spar till
daybreak. A fishing junk caine and took
us up. The ship was still burning at the
time ; all the woodwork of the ship had
burnt, leaving only the iron sheathing of
the hull. I heard a discharge of firearms
previous to the fire. When the fire occur
red no European was in the hold. I could
not say why the firearms were discharged.
I heard no explosion whatever. No Eu
ropean came iuto the hold with a hose.
We had no quarrel or fight in the hold.
STATEMENT OP TOE SEAMEN.
About 9 a. m. on Saturday—so runs
the seamen’s story—the Chinese mu
tinied, revolted, showed signs of taking
possession. They tore up their berths
and the woodwork about their bunks, and
usiDg the planks as a battering-ram they
broke down the bulkhead and got iuto the
lazarette, which was direct aft. This was
when about a hundred miles from land,
steerjog east. Having got through the
bulkhead and into the lazarette the coolies
piled up tne lumber thus tojp up, and set
fire to the ship by its means When those
on deck saw what the “passengers” had
done, a hose was got down into the hold ;
qut the coolies de iberately threw it over
board through pne of the side-lights. Tbe
fire was apparently lighted aft, with the
purpose of forcing all those jivingf over
head to go forward and thns simplify tbe
capture ot the vessel. It is even said that,
on being asked through the grating what
they wanted, the coolies declared their in
tention of taking the ship. However im
probable this may appear, it is alleged the
coolies openly stated their purpose- It is
presumed that they expected the fire
would be easily extinguished, an. 4 that
they never anticipated the horrible death
in store for them.
A Mad Judge.— A Judge out in Wes
tern Pennsylvania went into the river to
bathe the other morning, and, while he
was swimming about, seme abandoned
scoundrel stole all his clothes, except his
high hat and umbrella. We won’t under
take to explain how mad the Judge was,
because, although the English language
is copious, its most efficient and vigorous
adjectives are entirely uneqna! to the ex
pression of certain degrees of emotion.
But he stsypd in the water about four
hours experimenting w;:h the different
kinds of imprecations, and endeavoring to
select two or three of the sturdiest objur
gations for application to the thief. At
last he came out, and, after mounting the
high hat, he opened the umbrella and
tried to cover his retreat up the street to
ward his house. It appeared to the Judge
that all the female pupils of the boarding
schools, and the members of the Dorcas
societies, and one Woman’s Rights Con
vention, were out promenading that day •
and the Judee had an awful time going
through the Zouave drill with that um
brella. When he reached home he heard
the thief had been captured. The Judge
is now engaged in writing out his charge
to the jury in advance of the trial. Those
who have seen the rough draft say it is
the most picturesque law paper ever drawn
up in that country.
A writer oh school discipline says:
“Without a liberal use of the rod, it is im
possible to make boys smart,”
AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, JULY 5, 1871.
General L.ee's Views-
What the Leader of the Confederate Ar
mies Thought About “ Accepting the
Situation. ”
[From the Richmond IKspatch.)
General Lee viewed the situation in a
military sense. He considered his coun
trymen of the South and himself as cap
tives and prisoners. His high sense of
honor and personal dignity would not per
mit him to rail at those who held him in
custody. He truly considered that un
manly and peevish. To indulge the lan
guage of exasperation, or the wail of la
mentation, was equally abhorrent to his
ideas of true manhood. He, therefore,
bore himself like a man with a conscience
void of offense, knowing that he was at
the mercy of his captors, and submitting
himself to their power.
Nothing gave General Lee so much con
cern as the haste with whioh the press
and public men at the South rushed into
the political canvass, deluded by the ignis
fatuus set up by President Johnson alter
his infamous $20,000 amnesty proclama
tion. He did not think it wise or becom
ing. Adhering to his idea of what should
be the conduct of captives, he feared, and
justly feared, that while this was unbe
coming in the South, it would exasperate
those whoheltP us at their mercy, and
increase the severity of the sufferings of
his own people. He was not anxious for
himself.
As late as a month prior to his death he
held to his opinions on this point. The
writer of this then met him, and beginning
with the assurance that he was no inter
viewer, as the General knew, and would
make no improper uso of any remark he
might make, asked him how he felt about
the political condition of the country. He
replied that he thought there was some
improvement, but still there was a great
deal to deplore in regard to the temper of
the discussion North and South —that
they opposed a great obstacle to the res
toration of peace. He alluded particu
larly to the tone of the Southern press,
and said that though greatly improved,
there was still room for improvement. We
put in a plea tor the press in respect to its
promptness in vindicating the South from
false accusations, and as an illustration
referred to the article in this paper com
menting upon the surprise expressed
by a Northern journal that General Lee
could possibly have fought with the South,
as he was opposed to slavery. In that
comment wc assumed that the opposition
to slavery was not rare in the South —
that Virginia had been very near abolish
ing slavery in ’3O, and that many promi
nent Southern men, adopting Mr. Jeffer
son’s views, favored abolition at the best
for the wellfare of the Southern people ;
and that these men had a higher motive
than-the defense of slavery-in their taking
up the cause of the South.
The Genctal replied that controversy
did no good—that the Northern journal
should have known* bis opinions loDg ago*—
that he expressed them before the Recon
struction Committee, in answer to their
questions—that his father before him was
ooposed to slavery as a public evil in
Virgicia. All this ought to be known,
and his motives in standing by his native
State ought to be known everywhere- But
controversy is unavailing, said he; it does
no good, and only protracts the day of
peace and national harmony. In this
spirit he conversed awhile, and then
changed the topic of conversation.
General Lee was more anxious for his
countrymen, especially for Virginia, than
he was for himself. He yearned for quiet
an! order for the country, and for the
subside Doe of bitter sectional animosity.
If anything hastened his death it was the
disturbed state of his country and the
mad passions which delayed the restora
tion of good feelipg aod general peaoe.
[From the Cincinnati Gazette.']
McMahon.
THE GREAT MAN WHO DIED TWO DAYS BE
FORE THE DEATH OF VALLANDIGHAM.
The Hon. John Van Lear McMahon,
who died at Cumberland, Md., on tho
15th inst,—two days before his brother-in
law, Mr. Vallandigham—was formerly at
the head of the Maryland bar. In old
Whig times he was one of the most elo
quent of political orators, and President
Harrison is said to have offered him the
choice of any office in bis gift, save one.
The Baltimore American says of him :
There was a depth and power in his
voice that” but few speakers have evor
possessed. Addressing an audienoe of ten
thousand people in the open air, every
sentenoe that fell from his lips could be
distinctly heard. Possessing enthusiasm
and humor, and wonderful versatility of
manner and felicity of expression, his
campaign speeches were the ablest and
most effective ever delivered. He con
tributed more than any other man to build
up the Jackson party in Maryland. aDd
when he left the party upog the United
States Bank question, he dealt it many
telling blows. In the campaign of 1840
he took a most conspicuous part. He
presided at the great ratification meeting
held on the Canton race-course, when Clay
and Webster and Preston made speeches.
It was upon this occasion that Mr. Mc-
Mahon began his speech with the famous
sentence : “ Every valley has its rill, every
mountain its stream, and lo ! the ava
lanche of tho people is here 1”
He was the author of a history of Mary
land, of whioh only one volume was pub
lished. From 1827 to 1863 he practiced
law in Baltimore, but, being afflicted with
partial loss of sight, returned to Cumber
land, his native plaoe, in which and Day
ton he spent the remainder of his days.
Had ho lived ho would have completed
his seventy-first year the 18th of August
next. He was never married. The
Baltimore Sun relates the following inci
dent illustrating his popularity ;
“He was, about twent-five years ago,
called upon by a lady of Charles county,
in this State, to draw her will, which he
did, at her request leaving a blank for the
name of the devisee. He was greatly
astonished at the death of the lady, not
loDg after, to learn that his name had
been inserted iu the blank places in the
will, and that, iu admiration of his talents,
she had bequeathed him her property,
valued at over $25,000.”
This man was an intimate friend and
great admirer of John C. Calhoun. His
relatious with Reverdy Johnson were con
fidential and friendly. Over the conven
tion which nominated General W. H.
Harrison for President he presided. It
was in Baltimore, Maryland. The crowd
in attendance was immense. In calling
the convention to order he used the
memorable words, “ The nation will come
to order.”
The Immigration Scheme.
A LETTER FROM GENERAL M. C. BUTLER,
TO THE EDITOR OF THE NEWS.
Having received a number of letters
from friends in different parts of the ooun
try making inquiries into the details and
objects of our scheme in aid of immigra
tion into South Carolina, 1 propose, with
your permission, as briefly as possible, to
answer them through the medium of your
columns.
In the first place, experience has shown
that, individuals bays not succeeded in
bringing in immigrants to any extent In
the second place, efforts have teen hither
to directed to procuring mere laborers,
and cot to introducing actual settlers to
become owners of the soil. _ Our purpose
is, by mean? of an association thoroughly
organized and well managed, to obtain
large tracts of land and establish at least
four colonies’© the eastern, western, mid
die and northern portions of the State,
respectively. Our effort will be—by locating
these colonies in healthy districts, by sell
ing small farms to actual settlers at low
prices, and on long credits, and by using
our personal influence to have the colo
nists assisted and kindly treatel by their
neighbors—to make these settlements the
nucleus of a prosperous and ever increa:-
ire immigrant population, who ip their
turn wdl add to the wealth and secure the
nrosperity of tbe State. If we can suc
ceed iu tnir, It: * >r °Llem of increasing; the
population of South Carolina, ID- "meed
of the whole South to any extent, is
solved. We have vast areas of land
capable of very high and remunerative
cultivation that are now lying waste, and
I are but so much dead capital. Tney need
i to be divided, and diversified industry
' should be substituted for the destructive
! system of the last few years. We need a
I more intelligent, self-reliant, thrifty l&bor
| ing population, who will produce more of
the necessaries of life, and less of tbe
staple crops. Cotton is the best market
crop that we can ever have, but should
only be made after au ample supply ot
provisions for home consumption.
But, to return from this digression. To
accomplish our ends, as above set forth,
we must have capital. To make anything
like a beginning from which practical re
sults oan b€ hoped for will require $200,-
003. This amount we hope to realize
from this scheme. It may be asked,
«• How ?” I will indicate. We propose
to sell 15,000 tickets at $5 each, making
$750,000. Os this amount we will give in
prizes $500,000. in manner set Forth in
the list, the prizes being 2,405 in number,
to be drawn for in the usual way. Os tbe
remaining $250,000, after the expenses
are deducted, we are pledged to give $lO,-
000 to the State Agricultural and Me
chanical Society, under whose auspices we
are proceeding, and every cent of the
Balance to tho introduction of immigrants-
This is the whole story. It is proper for
me to add that Mr. Chadwick has, with
great liberality, placed the “Academy of
Music” at the disposal of the Association
at what the building has cost him.
I am perfectly free to admit tbst tbe
means adopted to raise the necessary funds
are extraordinary, but so is the occasion.
This is not a lottery, as some appear to
think,' partaking though it does somewhat
of its features ; but a project gotten up
and conducted for a specific purpose—a
purpose which we regard as of the very
last consequence to the best interest of
the State, ana there to end.
If, our enterprise is successful, as there
is no loDger any reason to doubt that it
will be, backed as it is by men of the high
est social ana business standing, North as
well as South, and cordially supported by
the people wherever an office has been
opened, we can introduce into South Caro
lina in the course of twelve or eighteen
months, several large colonies of actual set
tlers, place the State on the read to pros
perity aod material development, and
ultimately, with her prosperity, reap for
ourselves a handsome reward, pecuniary
and otherwise, for our time and labo'r.
We are now having prepared, at great
trouble and expense, a patophlet with illus
trations and maps, setting forth the ad
vantages of South Carolina, her agricul
tural and mineral resources, her incompa
rable water power, her geiial climate,
valuable products, &c., &o.; n short, all
such information as will le required
by the immigrant. This bock will be
distributed throughout tkose por
tions of the North and Europofrom which
we are likely to obtain immijrants, and
will of itself bo worth to the Sttte of South
Carolina more than the amount of money
which our people are likely t<j invest in
our scheme.
This much, Mr. Editor, I have thought
due to ourselves and to those who have
made inquires as to our intentions, as
these matters could not well be set foith
in an advertisement. If persons should
desire anything farther, we stall bo most
happy to give them any information in
our power.
Regretting that I have beca compelled
to trespass so much upon yotr space, but
hoping that the matter of thiscommunica
tion will not be without intirest to your
readers,
I remain yours, very respectfully,
M. 0. Butler.
New York, June 17th, 1871.
General Forrest on Hu-Klux.
*
His Emphatic Belief that No Such Or
ganization Exists in the South.
[Special Telegraphic Correspondence of the
Courier-Journal]
GEN. FORREST BEFORE TEE KU-KLUX
COMMITTEE.
Washington, June 22.—GeD. N. B.
Forrest is here to testify before the Ka-
Klux Committee, but, a3 the committee
does not want him until Monday, he left
for New York to-night. Gan. Forrest is
a man about the avorago height, of light
though wiry frame; his eye, a small gray,
bordering on blue, denotes activity and
nervousness; in his manner he is cordial
and courteous ; he talks distinctly, but
slowly, and seemingly studies in his mind
the propriety of giving replies to inter
rogatories without proper reflection. He
is neat in his attire, and is just such a
man as one would never think could be
Gen. N. B. Forrest, of Confederate fame.
gen. forrest’s opinion of the ku-
KLUX KLAN.
In conversation to-day, the General was
asked about the Ku-Klux Klin, and he
said he was charged as being the organizer
and leader of that organization, but as yet
he had failed to ascertain that any such
klan exists, except in the imagination of
those who, for political purposes, probably
would like to see such a body in the
Souih: His opportunities, ho said, were
very great, and if such a band as tho
Ku-Klux existed he would know it. He
did not believe in its existence. General
Forrest was then asked the question,
“What, then, in your opinion, is the
oause of so many acts of violenoe being re
ported and telegraphed North as Ku-
Klux outrages ?” To this, he replied, as
follows; “it may arise from various
causes ; my theory, however, is that
a class of men who have not the welfare
of the South at heart came from the
North, and, knowing that the political
rights of many of the Southern people
are. denied them, they operato with
the negroes to secure their votes
to elevate them to positious of trust
and responsibility. Secret leagues are
formed, incendiary speeches, calculated
to do irreparable injury, are made,
tl e employer is denied the services
of his paid laborers as they flock to these
leagues and are taught insubordination.
The result is that among the substantial
citizens of the section of country wherein
these men operate they are regarded with
distrust and socially ostracised. They
secure lucrative offices, defraud the people,
and in all their acts seemingly endeavor
to exoite public opinion against them. As
a natural consequence, at intervals, the
indignation probably of an individual may
be aroused and an individual assault
,made, which is soon magnified into a Ku-
Klux outrage. Now, Ido not pretend to
deny that in some instances men have
been killed ; net, however, indiscrimi
nately slaughtered. The same motive that
impels a man to kill his brother in New
York, Massachusetts, or Maine, applies
as well in Alabama, North Carolina or
Tennessee, the difference being that in the
latter States the victim by his oouduct
tends to aggravate the murderer to such
bloody Ifcork. The cases are few, but of
course are credited as being the work of
the Ku-Klux, and hence, public opinion
North is directed against the whole South
as a blood-thirsty people. Again, bad
men come South with no fixed purpose in
view. They seem to float along, and like
Mr. Macawber ‘wait for something to turn
up.’ In their idleness they operate among
the negroes, excite their superstitutious
feelings against their employers and cause
a general stagnation in agricultural pur
suits. When remonstrated with for such
oonduct, instead of allowing the planter
to peacefully pursue the even tenor of his
way, they attempt to revive old sores and
make assertions calculated to excite auger
and bad feeling. The result may be that
such men are ordered to leave or
pursue some avocation, just the same
as a vagrant may be locked up in
Washington or a suspicious character
ordered out of it. This, I presume,
is at once called a Ku-Klux outrage.”
General Forrest added: “No Northern
man settling in the South with a fixed pur
pose of developing its resources would be
molested, even though he entertained
strong Radical opinions. On the contra
ly, he would be welcomed. Let the peo
ple know that he comes to be one of them,
to live among them, and by his labor or
means tend to build up the waste places, I
care not what his political faith may be,
he would be gladly recetved and even as
sisted by the Southern people. ” He said he
believed he was charged with organizing
bands of Kr-Klux among the men em
ployed in tire construction of a railroad
from Selma, Alabama, to Memphis, Ten
nessee, and for which he had been sum
moned to answer before the Outrage
Committee. “But,” said the General,
“the charge is so absurd that I often
wonder who could have furnished such
information, oh whose brain could have
conceived it.. I am constructing road
from Selma to Memphis, and employ a
large number of laborers, Upon assum
ing the work I gave special instruc
tions to those under me in authority, who
ever were charged with obtaining me
chanics, workmen, under no consider
ation to allow politics to be a barrier to
the employment of any man; on the con
trary, to secure good workmen, be they
white or black. As to the forming of
bands of Ku-Elnx among them, it is too
ridiculous to entertain £ moment. Why,
I really believe that, were a vote taken to
day among those working under me in the
construction of that enterprise, there would
be found three Republican votes to one
Democratic.
accepting tub situation.
The people of tire South, he said, had
accepted the situation, and were as orderly
and law-abiding a people as can be fonnd
in any section of the country. Under the
reconstruction acts outrages were com
mitted not by Kn-Klux but sinee 1868.
Other than individual troubles, arising
between man and man, are liable to arise
in any place. They have demeaned them
selves with becoming propriety, and yield
a hearty obedience to the laws. In an
swer to a second question, whether he
doubted the existence of the Ku-Klux,
Gen. Forrest sa>d very emphatically j “ I
do ; lhy facilities for observation particu
larly lead me so speak knowingly of Ala-
bama and Tennessee. I have visited eve
ry town along the line of the projected
road from Memphis to Selma, making
speeches in the interest of the road. I
have endeavored among the people to ar
rive at the truth as to its organization, and
have as yet failed to find any individual
who knew of any such organization, and
j I have no hesitancy in asserting that, did
! it exist, the inhabitants with whom I came
! in contact would have appysed me of the
fact. I have also travelled extensively
through all portions of the South, and as
far as my judgment aad observation lead
me to believe, I can safely assert no such
band has an existence in any of the South
ern States. I have myself been personally
abused as being the leader of the Klan. I
have willingly borne this vituperation
heaped upon me because I did not desire
to appear prominently befere the public
in print, and knowing my denial would
entangle me into a controversy which 1
did not court. Hence, I remained silent.
I propose to continue on with my work in
the South, building railroads and machine
shops, and if thereby I can give employ
ment <o the many who need it, I shall
consider I have done a good work in re
lieving the distress of the widows and
orphans whom the vicissitudes of war
have made and bronght to misery. I
no ambition for political honors, and
choose rather to pursue my calling as a
civil engineer, and do what I ean to re
lieve the Southern people in an unosten
tatious way.’’
[From the Buffalo Advertiser.\
Stranded on Rock Island.
Wall street experienced one of its pe
riodical sensations yesterday. The ex
citement was just as contagious apparently,
and the consternation just as uncontrolla
ble, as if the cause was a wholly un
paralled if not a hitherto unheard of event.
And yet nothing is more certain to happen,
and therelore '>ne would think nothing
would be less likely to cause hmazement
an 1 despair, than such a visitation as that
which threw Wall street off its balance
yesterday. We are astonished as we read
the details ; not so much that experienced
men could be foolish enough to get caught
in suoh a well-worn trap, as that they
should hot endure the usual and expected
punishment with undisturbed philosophy.
Enough of moralizing, however ; let us
come to the facts. Our stock quotations
yesterday showed that “ Rock Island”
sold lor 130 at 10 a. m., for 129$ at 11 a.
m., for 114} at 12 m., and for 110$ at
12:30 p. in. ; by 2 o’clock p. m. the stook
had rallied to 112$, and fell eff a trifle—
to 112|—by 4:20 p. m., ourfclast report.
There were many grave faces in these
streets, on the reception of this news, for
“Rock Island” is a favorite stock with
Buffalo operators. Our dispatches from
New York this morning say that the ex
citement on the Stock Exchange yes
terday fully equalled that of the fa
mous Black Friday. It appears that on
or about the first of April (a good day to
set a fool-trap) a combination was formed
to force up the price of Rock Island stock
and get the “ bears” in a “cprnor.” The
principal men in the clique were Wm. S.
Woodward and J. F. Tracy. The latter is
President of Chicago, Rock Island & Pa
cific Railroad, the stock of which is called
“Rock Island” on the street. Starting
with the price at 112, they gradually
bought up the stock till yesterday morn
ing it sold at 130. Now the capital stook
of the company amounts to $17,000,000,
in 170,000 shares of SIOO each. Og Tues
day afternoon Woodward had all his ar
rangements completed for making an enor
mous sum of money. He and his clique
had actually bought 273,000 shares, or
103,000 more than had ever been issued I
The situation is seen at a glance. The
“ bears” had not only sold what they had
not, but what they could not get. Had
all gone right the dealers who sold short
would hake been at the me'roy of the buy
ers, and would have been compelled to
submit to any terms they choose to offer.
But there is many a slip ’twixt cup and
lip, as Woodward fjund to his cost. All
day Tuesday he had taken every share
that was offered. Toward afternoon he be
came a little suspicious of the sellers. He
was under engagement to put up a large
amount of margin yesterday morning.
The clique were to furnish him with a
million dollars to pay this margin. On
Tuesday evening, in company with liis
brokers, Messrs. Scott & Strong, he visited
some of the leaders of the clique, when'he
found to his horror that the expected mil
lion would not be duly forthcoming in the
morning. So little was this result antici
pated that at the opening of the Exchange
yesterday morning, Rook Island stock was
quoted at 130$. As soon as the trouble
was known, indescribable confusion en
sued. Inevitable ruin stared dozens of
men in the face. Many others had to con
template heavy losses and to get out of the
mess as best they could. The shouting,
yelling and rushing about Was more char
acteristic of lunatics than of staid business
men. Soon after the board was called
several members officially informed the
presiding officer that they mast fail, and
desired that their stock might be sold out
nnder the rule. Aboat.three millions of
stock was sold out in this way, lowering
the market price from 130$ to 110 in less
than two hours. Nine of the dealers, ex
clusive of Woodward, were publicly an
nounced as failed. Woodward will un
doubtedly fail. In fact, he has virtually
failed, for one of the firms already declared
failed informed the vice-president of the
board that they were unable to fulfill their
engagements in consequence of his default.
It appears that Messrs. Scott & Strong,
however, Woodward’s brokers, are not af
fected by the catastrophe.
Such is the story of the latest Wall street
sensation. The operation has hurt, if not
crippled, some of our local speculators.
The scheme of the “bulls” was a nice one,
but it lacked the essential element of pru
dence. It was carried too far. The buy
ers of Rock Island did notknow just where
to stop. They overlooked the contingen
cy of failure on the part of those who were
selling what they did not own. The tables
were turned on them. Some of the “bears”
who sold at prices ranging from 120 to 130
must have made a nice thing out of the
“bulls,” who had bought at those prices
vastly more shares than existed, in the
expectation that the rash sellers would be
obliged to pay any price they choose to
exact, and finally had to sell out at 110 to
112. The prices this morning ranged from
111 to 112$, jast what the stock sold at
before the operation began, and probably
just about what it is really worth.
Hyacinthe and the Pope.—Asking
a Private Audience op the Holy Fa
ther—Refused by Mgr. Merode.—
Father Hyacinthe addressed the following
letter to Mgr. de Merode, the Papal Min
ister of War, a few days after his arrival
in Rome, asking to be admitted into the
presence of the Holy Father:
To Mgr. de Merode , at the Vatican:
Monseigneur— The recollection of the
benevolence you once manifested towards
me, when placed under different circum
stanoes, enoourages me to hope that you
will render me the important service I am
about to ask. I desire to have a private
audience with the Holy Father in order to
open my utmost soul to him. This soul
of mine, which has suffered so much, be
longs to the fold that has been confided
to the charge of the Pope as supreme
pastor. This tact alone entitles me to an
interview with his Holiness. Beyond
doubt, the line of conduct I have thought
best to pursue amid the present crisis of
the Church must have grieved the Holy
Father, but it could not have taken away
from him all solicitude for a man whom
lie formerly honored with many proofs of
his benevolence, and whom, I hope, he
stilt regards as a son.
Excuse the liberty I take, Monseigneur,
&0. Hyacinthe.
fjpon receiving the refasal of Monseig
neur de Merode, Father Hyacinthe penned
the following lines in reply:
Formerly the good shepherd ran after
the strayed sheep and brought it back,
tenderly placed upon his shoulders. To
day the strayed sheep (since you reject me
as such) seeks the shepherd, and he rejects
it. What a difference between the Gospel
and the Vatican.' Hyacinthe.
TOOMB3 and Smalley.— The Wash
ington Gazette, printed in General
Toombs’town, has this in regard to his
recent joust with a Tribune correspon
dent :
What he says of Gen. Toombs is, per
haps, in the main, true, but he by mo
means tells the whole truth. We only
wish he had-we would be delighted to
see the whole conversation published just
as it occurred, word for word. He would
have given to the world an instance of
submission to such a terrible but brilliant
rasping, at this generation has nevei
known. He would, besides, have given
General Toombs’ sound and logioal reasons
for the opinions he‘holds, and would have
published to the Radical readers and the
public, an article in favor of the South,
which he does not wish them to hear.
South Carolina.
The Journal of Commerce Commissioner
at the South.
letter no. 10.
[Correspondence of the Journal of Com
merce.]
Columbia, June 17, 1871.
A GLANCE AT THE LAW MAKERS AND
POLITICIANS OF SOUTH CAROLINA.
Before the war it was considered a high
honor to be a member of the South Caro
lina Legislature. Soma of tho ablest men
in the state were sent to Columbia to rep
resent their sections. The Legislature
was then a dignified body of intelligent
men. The salary of members was $3 per
day each. Members had no pages, ex
cept their own servants, to follow them
around and wait upon them. The body
usually sat three weeks in each year.
How changed the scene ! Now men
of standing in the community would not
suffer thfcir names to be used in connection
with the nomination to the Legislature.
It is ocm posed mostly of ignorant ne
groes who cannot read and write, and un
scrupulous white men, though it is just
possible that there may be a very few
honest persons among them. They meet
at Columbia and remain in session several
months in the year at a salary of $6 per
day each, and mileage to and from their
respective homes. They adjourn over all
holidays and re-assemble in order to
secure the mileage fees. There are*l24
members of tbe lower house. These have
mote than 125 men to wait upon them,
nearly all oolored, for whom tbe State has
no sort of use or employment. They
lounge around committee rooms, clear the
glasses and pitchers and keep the whisky
and brandy bottles in good supply. Every
committee room is elaborately furnished
for the reception of negro guests. The
little matters—such as brandy, whisky,
wine, segars, etc., are called “contingent
expenses,” and paid for by tho State.
Though the Capitol is a very large build
ing and ought to accommodate several suoh
'bodies at the present Legislature, yet
when they are in session they rent houses'
and rooms throughout Columbia for oom
mittee rooms. These places are furnished
and supplied at the expense of the State,
aod arc said to be the headquarters of
corruption and debauchery during the
session. Instead of refleotiDg upon the
impoverished condition of the State and
exercising eoonomy, they furnished, to be
gin with, the House of Representatives,
at a cost of $93,000. Now when it is con
sidered that the room of the Speaker of
the House at Washington, whioh is about
half as large as the House of Representa
tives here, cost, with its magnifioent trim
mings, less than $4,000 to furnish, the ex
travagance hero may bo imagined. Each
window is drapod with the finest and
heaviest brocade silk, and charged at the
rate of $2,000 and $3,000 per window.
Even the spittoons are gorgeous affairs,
made of fino porcelain, ornamented, and
cost fabulous prioes. They arc so liberally
supplied that the clumsy negro legislators
tall over and break them to the average
number of one or more each day. The
men who presented the bills for furniture
say that when they were filed in the Com
mittee of Ways and Means for examina
tion they amounted to about $41,000, but
when the committee roported them to the
House tho same bills amounted to $93,-
000. They say they thought the first
amount would oover all reasonable steal
ings, but the members of tbe oommittee
and the House made them feel ashamed
of themselves for attempting to steal so
little. The furniture supplied is valued,
upon the fairest and most liberal estimate,
at about $35,000. Even that is much
more than has been spent for furnishing
the Senate Chamber, House of Represen
tatives, President, Vice-President and
Speaker’s room and all the committee and
reception rooms in the Capitol at Wash
ington, in any one year sinoe the founda
tion of the government.
In 1869 the Legislature of South Caro
lina created a Land Commission, for the
purpose of seouring, as they said, at a
moderate price, lands in the State for
sale to actural settlers in small quantities
for cultivation. That sounds like a first
class object. But the Commission, pre
sided over by a member of the Senate,
met and bought lands for whioh they paid
$700,000 of the people’s money. It is
charged that in almost every instance
where purchases are made the seller was
paid double his price on condition that he
would sigareoeipts in full for four times
the t price demanded by him. That no
man who was not in “tho ring” oould dis
pose of lands to the Commission. That
theso now lie uncultivated, unsalable and
not worth SIOO,OOO. The chairman, when
an investigation was talked of, deliberate
ly rose in his plaoe and defied the Senate,
telling them that if an investigation was
made he would drag half the Senate to the
Penitentiary with him. No investigation
was attempted, and the tax-payers’ con
vention endorsed this swindle solely be
cause they did not desire to destroy confi
dence in their intention to pay their pub
lic debt.
DIVIDING THE SPOILS.
It frequently occurs now that shortly
after the tax collections “the ring” claims
are paid, and if aDy respectable citizen
here, without regard to his polities, pre
sents a claim, he is told “wc have no
money to pay your certificate, but I know
where you can got it shaved for a reason
able discount,” whioh means say 20 to 50,
or even 75, per cent, of the amount,
There are about 300
CONVICTS IN THE PENITENTIARY.
They are sent out to work in the Gov
ernor’s garden or on his farm, to do his
chores and marketing, in their checkered
suits. The keeper of the penitentiary is
said to be interested in a brier wd. The
conviots are sent there to work, at srr.all
wages, looked after by penitentiary guards.
It sometimes happens that some of t hese
fellows escape, and if they are the 1 ight
kind of voters they are never found. But
let a citizen apply for convict labor in
scarce times, and though thers is plenty to
spare be cannot Lire it at any price.
A NEW WAY TO MAKE VOTERS.
Negroes and other Radicals have been
convicted of crimes by their own jaries.
The law of the State provides that no
man who has served a term of sentence in
the penitentiary shall be eligible as a
voter. The Radical convicts are saved to
their party by being released before the
expiration of their terms, or at once, if
their services are needed to secure votes.
But a Democrat always serves his full
term.
OFFICES FOR THE MILLION.
Before the war all county officers were
houorary appointees, or elected to these
offices without pay, as a matter of com
pliment. It was considered an honor to
hold one of them. Now the “trial jus
tice ” system, and the creation of thou
sands of local offices, all paid from the
State or county treasury, have prostituted
the J udiciary and offices of trust to the
base purposes of vile and ignorant men,
few of whom can read or write, and have
degraded the old positions of honor to a
standard of irresponsibility and corrup
tion that is disgnsting, and no honest or
respectable man can be found to fill them.
Even with a change of politics it is doubt
ful whether, unless the system be changed,
any white man but the “low down”
Claes and the “ aand-hillers ” would be
willing to accept any of them. To this
condition have the proud Sooth Caroli
nians come at last. With paid negro offi
cers enough to influence any election
. against them, and corruption and immor
alities} practiced openly before their eyes,
and boasted of, they find themselves with
out redress. There is a point beyond
which human nature cannot be trifled
with. When a man is ground to the
earth by the heels of oppression, he is apt
to hate and resist the oppressor. In the
depths of misfortune the people discovered
that they were being robbed by their op
pressors of what little they had left from
the wreok of war, and they were ready to
adopt any remedy. Can we wonder, then,
that a few of the more zealous young men
should become turbulent, and that the dis
orderly spirits should join the oiitjaws in
opposition to the powers that be ? I do
not attempt to defend the Ku-Klnx, be
cause 1 think they are among the meanest
and most cowardly set of men on the face
of the earth. There is nothing noble in
any of their doings. They profess to
TAKE THE LAW IN THEIR OWN HANDS
and see to its enforcement, while there is
no excuse for the acts they have commit
ted ; yet, when we contemplate the oor
rnptions detailed in part above, and the
cold-blooded murders perpetrated by ne
groes, who, grown suddenly rich by steal
ing the people’s money, flannt their ill
gotten gains in the faces of the oppressed;
when a murder like that of Mr, Stevens,
at Union Court House, follows a long list
of crimes and corruptions, it is not won
derful—in fact, it is natural—to expect the
formation of vigilance committees and
regulators of the public peace and morals.
These effects would follow in equally
rapid succession to the causes named in
any Northern State. I have not mention
ed half the causes. Their details are sick
ening to the enlightened mind, I think
NEW SERIES—YOL. XXIY. NO. 27.
that while we recognize the existence of a
mob-rule on one aide that steals, and robs,
and barns, and murders, and a mob-rule
on the other that murders, and whips, and
applies the torch, we should not denounce
one wholly at the expense of the other,
bnt both should he condemed and both
corrected, and hereafter be prevented.
HOW PREVENTED?
Tho ballot box will purify one element.
But, with a majority of 30,000 negro
votos in the State, they say it is impossi
ble. I differ with them on that point. It
is possible, aDd at tbe next eleetion, if the
intelligent men cf South Carolina will
seize the opportunity. There are plenty
of honest men among the carpet-baggers.
There are plenty of honest and intelligent
negroes. These meu all hate the present
State Government because of its corrup
tion, practiced all the way from the Gov
ernor to the trial jastioe. Numbers of
them have frankly told mo that the Re
publican party in South Carolina is no
place for them. Native and Northern
Republicans, men of oharaotcr, say they
vote against their best interests and those
of the State every timo they deposit a
Republican ballot in South Carolina.
“Why, then, do you not vote the Demo
cratic tioket ?’’
“Simply because Ku-Klux organiza
tions and the general treatmeut of thieves
and honest Republicans alike are barriers
between them and me that I cannot sur
mount.”
WHAT A “RELIABLE CONTRABAND” SAYS.
I asked a oolored mao of intelligence,
evidently a leader here, who was with sev
eral others of his color, “ Why do you not
out. loose from these thieves and vote
whero your interest lie ? Your old mas
ters do not really dislike you, but you will
make them bate you if you eontinue keep
ing tho Stato iu tho hands ot robbers.
Your interests and those of the men
who emply you are exactly tho same.
Why do you not help them, as the oolored
men in Georgia did, to got good, honest
local governments ? Then everybody
would prosper, and you would have plenty
of work and bo kindly treated.”
“Well,” said he, ‘‘l toll them that.
They know it, too. Wo have seen how it
works in Georgia. But my friend prom
ises me to vote for a good government,
and the next thing some scoundrel white
man comes along and promises him an
office for his vote, and be gets it. Prob
ably the same offioe (and offioes are thick
as blackberries) is promised to five men,
one of whom gets it. Probably ten othors
are half promised, and they all vote for
the carpet-baggers in hopes of getting that
one offioe. At tbe last Presidential elec
tion each colored man was promised a
forty-acre plantation and mule. Os oourse
you know there was no authority for such
promise. The land and mules were never
distributed. Tbe nekt election was car
ried through prejudice, because the white
men who have done all the stealing sinoe
told us if we did not vote the Radi
cal ticket our dd masters would get
control and put us back into slavery.
I did not believe them, bat a nine-tenths
majority of the oolored people did. You
have seen the result. Now they want to
use us again. I believe now, however,
that the oolored people are beginning to
appreciate their real condition, and if the
corruptionists get 5,000 majority next fall
they will do well. But tho great draw
back js the Ku-Klux. The oolored poople
are superstitious and too easily led by be
ing ‘Tightened into a thing. The Radicals
say the Ku-Klux aro established for the
extermination of the negro race. That is
certainly not true, for tho whites must
havo our labor. One old oolored woman
up in Union swears she saw the Ku-Klux
oome out of a well near where she lives—
mules first and men afterwards. She
would not visit that well now on pain of
threatened death, but oarries water from
a spring about a quarter of a mile distant.
So you see what an influence the Ku-Klux
organizations hayo against efforts of such
men as myself. They cause many oolored
men to despise me.”
That is the substance of the statement of
the colored man'; and his companions,
forming altogether the most intelligent
party of colored men I have met, all
agreed in support of his statement.
The theory of the correction of political
evils in South Carolina is verv clear in ray
mind. No law can disband the Kn-Klnx,
and no Ku-Klux can disbti’.d the robbers
of the public Treasury. They rather
strengthen the corruptionists, and tend to
increase disorder and oause bloodshed.
Let the intelligent people of South Caro
lina advise, entreat and enforce the disso
lution of these organizations, and use per
suasion instead of powder, bullets and the
whipping post. They and they alone can
do it, and when they do it they will found
a party of white and black men that will
sweep the State of South Carolina like a
whirlwind, and hurl from power the in
grates and leeches that threaten to suck
the life-blood from the body corporate of
the State,
The intelligent people say they are op
posed to Ku-Klux organizations. Let them
hold meetings, pass resolutions condemna
tory of the proceedings of these midnight
assassins, and as soon as the latter see the
solid men of South Carolina demand the
breaking up of their hands, there is not
the least doubt that every Ku-Klux in
South Carolina will disappear,
W. P. O.
Orders of the Commune.
SEC FIRE TO ALL SUSPECTED HOUSES.
The following order was found upon the
body of Delesculze, shot behind a barri
cade :
Paris, 3 Prairial, An 79 (May 23, 1871.)
Citizen Milliare, at the head of 150
fuscans, will set fire to all suspected and
publio buildings on (he left bank of the
Seine.
Citizen with one hundred men
of the same qorpj, is charged with the First
and Seeped arrondissoments. Citizen Pil
lioray, with a like number, will take the
Ninth, Tenth and Twentieth arrondisse
ments. Citizen Vesimer, with fifty men,
is specially trusted with the same work on
the Boulevards from Madeleino to the
Bastille. Those citizens will oomc to an
understanding with the chiefs of barri
cades to assure the execution of these or
ders,
Delesoluzr, Vesinier,
Kegere, Brunel,
Ranyier, Dombboswski.
Jouannard,
relative to hostages.
Paris, 2 Prairial.
Citizen Raoul Rigault is charged con
jointly with citizen Regere with the execu
tion of the decree of the Communo of
Paris relative to hostages,
Delescluze.
Pillioray.
DELESCLUZE TO DOMBROWSKI BURN AND
STEAL.
The following curions little documents
were found on the body of Dombrowski:
To Citizen General Dombrowtki :
I hear that the orders given for the de
struction of the barricades are contradic
tory. See that each mistakes should not
happen again. Blow up and set fire to
all the houses which interfere with your
system of defease. The barricades shall
not be attacked from the houses. The de
fenders of the Commune shall lack noth
ing. Give to the needy all the valuables
that may be found in the houses which
are to be demolished. Make, moreover,
all the necessary requisitions. "
Delesgluze,
A. Pillioray.
Paris, 2 Prairial, year 79.
on the corpse of an insurgent.
Set fire to the quarters of the Bourse.
Fear nothing.
Parent, Lieut. Colonel.
This order bore also the seal of the mil
itary commander of the Hotel de Ville.
Found on the person of citizen Van der
Hoover, chief of the barricades of the
Faubourg Temple :
The citizen commander of the barracks
of Chateau d’Eau is entrusted to hand to
bearer all the petroleum bombs whieh the
citizen commander of the barricades of the
Faubourg du Temple may need.
Brunel, Chief of Legion.
another order.
Commune of Paris.
Citizen Jacquct is authorized to enlist
all the citizens and demand the delivery of
all the objects that be may require for the
construction of the barricades. Wines
and liquors only are exempt from seizure.
The citizen and oitizenesses who refuse
their aid shall immediately be shot. Citi
zen Jacquinet shall send detaohments to
iospeot all auspicious looking
The oelllars, in particular, shall be search
ed. All lighta shall be extinguished in
the quarters whioh may be attacked.
Suspected houses shall be bnrned.^^
Accommodating a Creditor. “ How
often must l climb three pair of stairs
before I get the amount of this little ac
count?” Debtor—“Do you think I am
going to rent a place on the first floor to
accommodate my creditors?”
Narrow Gauge Railroads-Some Inter
esting ana Valuable Information.
The following article, from the Chicago
Tribune, satisfactorily answers a number
of questions which have also been pro
pounded to us, and which, from the want
of the proper engineering knowledge, we
were unable to answer ourselves. The
narrow gauge railroad is exciting much
interest throughout the country, and the
explanation of the Tribune serves to throw
muoh light on a subject now imperfectly
understood:
We are asked the question, how can a
three-foot gauge railway, be'constructed
for $4,000 per mile, when it costs $15,000
per mile to build a four-foot ten inch
gauge track on the best located routes.
The cost of building and equipping a nar
row gange in the proportion of its cube
root to that of a wide gauge. The cube of
three feet is twenty-seven. The cube of
four feet eight and a halt inohes, which is
the narrowest of existing gauges, equals
one hundred and four, and In this propor
tion does the cost of building and equip
ping roads of these respective tracts dif
fer ; $2,700 wii! build as much three-foot
road as $10,400 will construct of four
feet eight and a half-inches track.
To' illustrate this principle: A man
twice the height of a boy will weigh eight
times as much. If the boy is three teet.
high, and weighs, say forty and a half
pounds, a man five feet eight and a half
inches, built in the same proportion, will
weigh one hundred and fifty-six poi uds,
although he is only two leet eight and a
half inches taller than the boy. A com
mon freight car weighs eight to ton tons,
and carries a burden of ten tons. A
freight locomotive ■ weighs about thirty
tons. On a three-foot track it has been
found that iron-made freight cars need
weigh but 1,000 pounds, and are amply
strong enough to carry threo tons of
freight. In this oase the car oan carry
four times its own weight, whereas oil the
wide track it can bear a load only, or
slightly exceeding its weight. Twelve
narrow gauge iron cars only weigh as
much as an ordinary wood and iron
freight truck, but they will co.ivey thirty
six tons of freight, whereas the big track
can safely move under only one-fourth as
muoh freight. An empty freight train ot
one looometive, tender, and twenty trucks
will weigh over two hundred tons, and,
when fully loaded, as much more, or four
hundred tons. One-half of the power of
the locomotive is, therefore consumed in
moving dead weight, and the othqr half in
moving burden.
A locolhotive, as we said, weighs thirty
tons; its tender, with ooal and water,
weighs seventeen tons, and the two to
gether forty-seven tons; so that the dead
weight of the engino and tender is twenty
four per oent. on the empty train. The
weight on each driving-wheel of a loco
motive is between five and six tons. The
injury sustained by the track, under this
enormous pressure on a single point of
rail, must be obvious at a glance. One lo
comotive, exerting a pressure’of six tons
on each of its driving-wheels, will do the
rails more harm thac a hundred loornno
tives running at the same speed whose
wheels press the rail with but one ton and
a half of pressure. In the one case the
iron is pressed beyond its resisting power ;
its fibre is strained and crushed, and the
rails soon wear out under such excessive
weight. But to obtain the necessary ad
hesive power to move the train and ‘ its
load up grades, locomotives must be built
enormously heavy, which speedily dete
riorates and destroys the rails; and tllere
is no help for it on a wide track except by
steel rails, and they are liable to snap like
pipe-stems under the influence of frost and
the weight of the locomotive.
On the narrow gauge track the looomo
tivo may be a tank engine, and carry its
own ooal and water and dispeoso with a
tender. It need not way but six or eight
tons with its supply of luel and water.
The pressure of its wheels will, therefore,
be but one and a half to two tons oaob.
A pony looomotivo, weighing six to&p,
with a ton and a half pressure on tho rails
from oaoh wheel, will draw at the H amo
speed more than ono quarter as muoh
load as a thirty-ton looomotivo, bccauso a
part of the weight of the latter has to be
thrown on tho guiding wheels, which sub
tracts rather than adds to tho power of
tho maohiuo. Four suoh poDy engines
will do the work of a big odc with case.
Togothor they will weigh, with their fuel
and water, about thirty tons ; whereas the
big looomotivr and its tondor weighs forty
seven tons. The former will movo throo
tons of freight for oaoh ton of “dead
weightthe latter willaoarocly movo but
one ton of freight to ono of dead-woight.
In passenger looQmotivos and cars, the
relative superiority ot tho narrow ovor the
wide track, in an economical point of
View, is ovon greater than in freight
trains, as oan easily bo demonstrated by
analysis of tho respective cost of operating
oaoh style of road.
Something About the State
Bonds.
Augusta, (4a., June 24,1871.
N. L. Angier, Treasurer :
Du ai! Sib— l have State bonds duo Ist
July, proximo. Will they be paid at the
Treasury or in New York 1
Excuse this trouble.
Yours, etc.,
Jno. P. Kino.
Stats Trkasukeu’s Office, )
Atlanta, Ga., Jane 25, 1871. j
-Hbtt. John P. King :
Dear Sir —ln answer to your note of
yesterday, I can only state that this office
lias no fnnds for the purposo mentioned in
your letter, and I have no assuranoe that
there will be any on the first of July next.
Executive warrants for claims against the
Western and Atlantio Railroad absorb eve
rything. I have paid over $400,000 on
account of said claims,’ since January last,
and still they como. lam of the opinion
that your bonds, that mature on the first
of next month, will be paid at Henry
Clews & 00., 22 Wall street, New York.
Every attempt lias been made to keep this
office in tho dark as regards State financial
transactions, and I regret my inability to
answer positively your inquiries.
Very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
N. L. Angier, Treasurer.
Crops in Hart.
Bowersvili.e, Hart County, Ga., ) •
June 24, 1871. j
Editors Chronicle & Sentinel :
Farmers in Hart are very backward
with their work. The grass lias got the
start so far that some farmers are turning
out portions of their bottom lands. We
had fifteen days’ rain here, and then the
wheat harvest came on, which put the
work on farms so far back that it will he
impossible for some even to catch nj» with
their work, unless the weather should be
very favorable. The oat crop has the
rust. I hardly think that even late sowing
will hold out. On some lands cotton is
very late and small, with a fair portion of
grass mixed with it—still we are having
very heavy rains, and the ground is very
wet and heavy. Yours, &0., B. D. J.
The Triple Tragedy—The Final
and Saddest Scene.— The story of' tho
“ Connolly tragedy ” is familiar to every
body, and its terrible oiroumstauoes filled
every breast with distress and horror.
But the most heart-rendering phase of lino
calamitous event was probably that wit
nessed to-day in the French church in
West Twenty-third street. It was tho
funeral of tho three. Seldom, perhaps,
has any incident transpirsd in the neigh
borhood of West 11th acreot whioh brought
together so many people. Curiosity is
a powerful motive power. Those who
were badly able to bo out at all found
means and strength enough to carry thorn
to the house whence the oortegc started at
11 o’olook this morning, and to acoompany
it on its routo to the oburoh. There were
three hearses employed, ard as they ap
proached tho religious edifice tho crowd
became so dense that it took tho utmost
efforts of a large pohoe foroe to keep tho
way clear and make a passago to the ecu
tre aisle. Ad entrance once effected, the
funeral prooossion took the following
order to the chanool: First came a rose
wood, silver-mounted coffin, containing
tho remains of tho fathor, and after it,
two smaller white oaskets, gold-mounted,
with the bodies of the little ones. The
widow, supported by several of her friends,
followed the sad relies of her earthly hap
piness, and when quiet reigned in the
densely packed builaiDg, Father Lo Font
began the services. At the conclusion of
the requiem high mass, Mrs. Connolly
and hex brother received the Holy Com
munion, and, leaving the rails, had to
pass b 7 the biers. It were useless to at
tempt to describe the expression of the
grief-stricken oouoteoanoe of the lady as
she glanoed at the oaskets, so with her we,
too, must, drop the veil upon it- Thoro
were few dry eyes in that building during
that part of the oeremonies. When they
were over, the lady fainted and was taken
to her home in a carriage, and her loved
ones to their “long homes” in Cavalry.
The pall-bearers were Drs. Finnell, Boden
and Sheraux, and Judge Quinn. — Neui
York Express.
