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About Weekly chronicle & sentinel. (Augusta, Ga.) 1866-1877 | View Entire Issue (Aug. 16, 1871)
OLD SERIES—TOL. LXXVJII. iJUjnnuclc & Sentinel. TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION. DAILY. One month t 1 00 Three months 2 50 One year 10 0(1 TIU-WEEKLY. One year $ C 00 Six months 3 50 Three mouth _ 2 00 WEEKLY. Three months «..$ 1 00 81 x months 1 SO One year 3 00 WKD.NE&UAY UORMSG, AlfclfeT 16. [From Forney's Press .] A VIEW OF THE SOITH. Tho groat cause of all the troubles with the South, alter all, is the want of educa tion. If the masses there were educated as they are in the Northern States affairs would have assumed a settled and satis factory condition long before this, instead of being, as they are, in nearly as unset tled and unsatisfactory condition as at the close of the war, with the rebel spirit in tensified rather than subdued, or submit ted to circumstances which, as a little in telligence would show, it is folly to resist. An ignorant community is the most diffi cult of all to govern, and is totally until for self-government, Previous to the war the government of the Southern States was in the hands ot a lew persons who ex ercised unlimited sway. The poor whites really counted for nothing, although con stituting, probably, a majority of the white population. Their ignorance and degradation ostracised them, and made them the supple tools of the few. Hut ignorance was not and is not confined to this class; it extends up through the mid dle class of sociely, and, if the truth could told, comes tolerably near very many of those who regarded themselves as the “gentlemen” and “chivalry” of South ern society in its palmy days, when every high-born Southerner could attest his high birth by “larruping his own nigger.” The reason of the ignorance is plain enough. No provision was ever made for general education. The wealthy class de pended upon private tutors or upon send ing their children North. It is evident that in this way only a small portion of the population would be reached, and that the education of those supporting this system would bo imperfect and limited. It was a most lamentable condition of affairs for the people of a republic, and one that would not hayo been tolerated a year in any free State. But it was such as the “ domestic institutions” of the South re quired, and so it continued while genera tion after generation grew up and passed away in an ignorance that was a serious reflection on the professed civilization of any nation in the ninetecnthcentuiy. And with the lack of education is necessarily the lack of general intelligence. News papers cannot he circulated, because they cannot be read, and they are the great educators of the public mind. They diffuse constant information, and givo those who will read an opportunity to bo thoroughly conversant with all the topics of the day. The ignorance among the mass of the Southerners on subjects that aro familiar to every school-boy at the North is pro found, just for tho lack of that intelligence which is carried by the press and obtained from association with oducatcd people. As a consequence, they ore under the control of tho most bitter prejudices, which dema gogues can cultivate at will, and appeals to reason a r e as useless as lectures to the wind. Such is tho state of affairs that is to be met. And the question that has puzzled statesmen for some years, and still puzzles them, is : “How shall it le met ? Is there any system but a system of force that will maintain law and order, and in sure the security of life and property, and sos fiord a chance for the development of thJ country ?” It is a lamentable fact that in so many instances whore the strong arm of military power has beep with drawn a very unsatisfactory stato of society has ariseD, and tho lives and property of those not in rebel sympathy aro put in jeopardy every hour. Under such circum stances no settled condition of society is possiblo, hut anarchy and confusion must eontinuo till some superior force shall re store peace and order. It is a desperate state of affairs, and the direct outgrowth of the want of education. No intelligent community would ever support a Ku-Klux nr auy kindred organization. The Ku- Klux of Now York is composed of an ignorant rabble from over tho water, but they havo lound the atmosphere of the oitv altogether uncongenial to their tastes and purposes. There aro men at the South of sufficient influence, no doubt, to control this dis turbing element, if they would. They may not have the same influence ns in former times, yet they might have done much to restore society to a peaceful condition in the months following the war, and might do much yet. But tho most of them have preferred to sulk, forgetting the deep in terest they and their families must havo in all these matters, and clinging to the “ Lost, Cause” with insane pertinacity. A broad and intelligent view of the subject would havo indicated a different course. Unfortunately, for reasons indicated, these men wero not prepared to take such a view. But their opportunity has not en tirely passed. If they would let slip their bigotry and prejudice, ami undertake the restoration of order in the outlawed sec tions, in accordance with the principles that, triumphed in the war, have been in corporated into the Constitution, and en dorsed by the Democratic party, they might soon secure such an influence over voters—colored voters especially—as to be able to maintain strong governments of law and order over every Southern State without the necessity of interference on the part of the General Government. But if, on the other hand, they preter to nurse their ignorant malice aud the “Lost Cause,” there seems to he no alternative bu t military rule till other generations shall arise educated out of the prejudices and follies of the present, and prepared for self government. The above is from the columns of the j Philadelphia /Vess—Forney’s paper—and is eminently characteristic of the editor of that journal. An avowed enemy of the J South—as unscrupulous as he is vindic- j live —ho never allows an opportunity for vilifying the people of this section j to escape. His malignity is so thinly i concealed, his malicious falsehoods so ; easily exposed, his character so well knowD, that it is hardly worth while noticing j the insolence of a venal pap-sucker who j retails calumny at so much per line, llis j slanders arc easily disposed of and furnish their own refutation. It is a fact well known in this country andEEuropae —a fact | which few travelers have failed to notice and record—that the highest type of American civilization is to be found in the oountry extending from Baltimore to New Orleans. The refinement and cultivation, the generous hospitality, the “ chivalry ” j of our Southern people were proverbial j everywhere in the deys before the war. No one knows this better, perhaps, than the editor of the Pita; for while in Washington City ho had an opportunity to see some of our best gentlemen, and though he could not imitate, he certainly must have admired. .History, itself, gives Forney the lie. From among the tribes of ignorant barbarians he would lain have people believe inhabit the Southern States, came the best men in the nation, from the time of Washington to the time of Lee the South presents a record o! which any nation in the world would be proud. Nor can it be said tbit many of these illustrious men sprang from that wealthy class which Forney says can alone afford the luxury of education. In nine instances out of ten the great men of the South have been the architects of their own fortune. Forney says that in the South “ news- papers cannot be circulated because they cannot be read, and they are the great educators of the pubic mind.” They are “the great educators of .the public mind, and the highest degree of civiliza tion will be found where there is the great est number of printing presses. Let us see, then, how the number of newspapers in some Southern State—Georgia, for in stance-will compare with the number in a Northern State, Pennsylvania. In this city, which claims a population of twenty thousand, there are two morning papers, or one to every ten thousand inhabitants. In Philadelphia, whioh claims a popula- tion of seven hundred thousand, there are fifteen dailies, or one to every forty-six ' thousand inhabitants. Georgia has, in i round numbers, one million inhabitants, and fourteen daily papers, or oDe to every seventy thousand. Pennsylvania claims four million, and has thirty-four dailies, | or one to every one hundred and seventeen thousand. Tested in this way, bow does i the education of the people of the two ■ States compare ? I So much for the sneers and slanders of the duress about education in the South- The latter portion of his article we com mend to thoso misguided persons who have been led to imagine, from the re ports of the utterances of Morton and others at the receDt Radical caucus, that the dominant party will adopt a more liberal policy to the South. It exposes very effectually the fallaciousness of the hopes that, with the Radical party, the spirit of vengeance has passed away. It shows the only way in which they will at tempt to perpetuate their power. With them the vexed problem of reconstruction has not yet been solved. In spite of all the measures enacted to crush Democracy at the South and secure the triumph of Radicalism they have failed, and three fourths of the Southern States would to give an overwhelming majority to the Democratic candidate for the Presi dency. Some other plan must be devised. Generous and conciliatory measures are to bo rijected. Force must be employed The leading organ of the party bold ly announces the future programme. Reason is to be discarded and the aid of the bayonot invoked. The little rem nant of civil liberty left us is to be stricken down and martial law proclaimed. “There seems to be no alternative but military rule till other generations arise”—unless. Unless what? Unless the Southern peo ple cease their constitutional mode of re sistance to the encroachments of Radical ism. Uoless they submit without a mur mur to be pillaged by the thieving carpet baggers and scalawags who have usurped tho oootrol of their affairs. Unless they forget tho patriotism and the patriots of the past. Unless, in short, they will con sent to endure every species of insult and injury which may be heaped upon them ; will not try to effect, legally, a change of rules ; will embrace tho doctrines and ex ponents of the party of hate, they are to bo considered rebellious and treated as rebels. The announcement is made plain ly and dcstinctly. We are ignorant, and we must bo educated by the bayonet. We are explicitly told what we may expect in the event that Grant is re-elected, We must see to it that he be not again elected. TUE ATGUSTA AND HARTWELL RAIL -110 41). Inferentially the impression is deducible from 1 the communication signed “D." that the CnaoNicLE & Sentinel is or has been opposed to tho building of the Augusta and Hartwell Railroad. This, even by implication, wo are unwilling to admit, because such an admission on our part would do us injustice and falsify tho reoord ot our paper in reference to an enterprise which has evoked our warmest sympathies, and received our heartiest support. Tho Chronicle & Sentinel has always earnestly and even persistently advocated the building of this road, and no one will rejoice more than the writer when tho good work is commenced and completed. We wish it to bo distinctly understood, however, that wc have no confidence in George D. Chapman, because we believe him to be an impecunious adventurer, with out money or character. When, there fore, this man, a bankrupt in capital and reputation, spoke about building such a railroad as the Augusta and Hartwell, the idea was supremely absurd, and his specu lative undertaking was looked upon as a stupendous farce—nay, worse, as a huge fraud. “Rings” and “corners” for specula tive and swindling purposes are so fre quent in these degenerate days that it is tho duty of the rross to warn the too con fiding public against entrusting their money to “developers” who como among them to enrich themselves at the expense of the people, without conferring any correspond ing benefits. Having disposed of ChapmaD, and given briefly the reason of our opposition to him, wc wish no reader of the Chronicle to do us the injustice of thinking that we are in different to the building of a road in which the city of Augusta is deeply interested. Wo want the Augusta and Hartwell Railroad built, and that speedily. If Mr. Underwood is the man for the under taking, lot him begin the good work at oneo, and he shall meet with no captious opposition from this paper, but with an honest and vigorous support. Ausiista and Hart well Railroad. Augusta, Ga., August 7, 1871. Editors Chronicle <& Sentinel ■ I enclose you an extract from a letter dated at New York, August 3d: “ It is my pleasure to inform you that “ the contract is signed. The parties “ are strong and experienced. If the peo “ pie along the line will 00-operato in sub “ scriptions, right of tcaw, dec., the work “ will be vigorously pushed to completion. “ H. A. Underwood, Pres’t.” Is it not timo now for us to stop throw ing impediments in the way. and all hands put our shoulders to the wheel and help to build the road. I hear that in a few days the Carolina Railroad will get possession of the Augusta & Macon Railroad, which will probably have the effect of enhancing the value of the stock. If such an effect is produced, would it not be the part of wisdom on the part of the City Council of Augusta to dispose of the stock, and also that which they own in the Charlotte, Columbia & Augusta Railroad, and to invest the pro ceeds in the stock of the Augusta & Hart well —a road which will do more for the advancement of the real interest of our citv than both of said roads have done? Let me express the hope that our friends along the line will come forward with their subscriptions. Under the resolution adopt ed by the Company, they will not bo re quired to pay their notes until the road shall have been finished throrgh the re spective counties in which they reside. Let nothing prevent the right of way i being freely given, for upon the generous j offering of this will depend very much the vigor wbich will animate the contractors and the Board of Directors. I trust we may depend upon your co operation. The press is all powerful for success or non-success. Your obedient servant, D. Good fob Geakt.— Gov. Geary stands to his ground as to the bayonet election law. “If Grant don't like my position," he remarked the other day to an inter viewer, “ I can’t help it. As the Gov- j ernor of this Commonwealth, I was bound in my message to allude to that, and to condemn the action of the general Govern ment in using the marines at Philadelphia daring the election of last year. I don’t believe in that policy, and I never can be made to believe in it. Had I the power, I would give the South universal amnesty. Then I would say, ‘You are pat upon your good behavior. Hold your elections in your owu way. Elect your own candi dates. Let the elections be conducted fairly. If you are not able to maintain order, let yonr Governors or legislators call upon me, and I will back them with the whole strength of the Government.’ I believe that would have done more to se cure peace than anything else. Yon can’t govern this people with the bayonet. Whenever it comes to that, tbe Republic is a failure, and we had better confess it. The Methodist church of Sandersville will have anew organ. [for the chronicle a srntinel.l Hon. B. H. Hill: Sir— At the risk of exposure to public criticism, I will elevate you to the simili tude of a character whose detestation the world s o r ator has clothed with immortali- ty, and in his language ask, “ How long, oh, Catiline, will you abuse our patience?” lour winding way since and even before the war has gratified your enemies aDd moitified your friends, but your last impo sition upon Southern forbearance, in your late speech at Athens, robs silence of its virtue, and makes comment a necessity. Treachery, in all its forms, its combinations and its motives, from the creation of Adam to the momert in whi.-h I make the decla ration, never not only had an advocate, but never found a defender. Even the beneficiaries under the treason always de- i spised the traitor. On the other hand, Truth —and I mean by it that comprehen sive significance which includes integrity of character in all the social and political relations of life, whether in business, in pleasure, in the private citizen or the pub lic official, in those holding power and those desiring its possession, at home or abroad, in society or out of society—never had an enemy. Jlany characters arc without it as a foundation, but i>m>n L mage at its shrine. It is not always the road to success in temporal matters, but even falsehood would barter all its earn ings to have a place in her holy temple. These general observations are made pre liminary to the comments I propose upon the infamous doctrine of your late speech, and the vile slanders you have heaped upon a people noted in the past for the nobility of their practical effic’ency in the social and political relations of life. The Southern people, certainly, never had a superior, if they ever had a rival, in all that constitutes greatness. The elevated feelißgs of the statesman, the high-minded principles of the patriot, and an ardent de votion to the cause of liberty and the rights of man, have ever been the marked and distinguishing difference between them and the nation of speculators who have lately proved, with the help of for eign aid, their superiors in the field. You have been pleased, in a public ad dress, to announce to the too anxious lis teners that "the South has been driven back from the marching column of social and national progress,” and you have discovered the cause in the institution of slavery. I agree neither with your facts or your phil osophy—and I appeal to tho history of the Government to show how little credit can be given to one who thinks ho has, discov ered the future greatness of Georgia in an utter ignoring of the past, and educating the youth to emulate the nation whose greatness in engines and furnaces may be traced in broken obligations and the plun der of the publio treasury. Another item in your bill of indictment against tho land of your nativity is that “we ignored the claims of tho mechanical classes.” Here again you are at fault, and I cannot ac count tor it upon any other ground than that to vindidate your defamation it was necessary to pervert your facts. First, then, in the social relations of life, do you really think the South inferior to the North? In manners—how stands it? Tako the female character of the two sec tions. If I could blind your vision to the fascination of place which you have never occupied, but which by no means has cooled the ardor of your desire, I would even make you a witness upon the respec tive merits of the social progress of the manners of the two sections. My habit of thought, as well as the walk of my life, causes me to curb any vindictive feelmg I may entertain towards a peoplo who have done injustice to their own kind and kin dred, and who continue to heap upon us wrongs innumerable, but even the “charity that suffercth loug aud is kind" makes mo demand upon me to elevate them above their deserts or sink my own people below their merit. I can readily understand the l’ormation of opinion, if I could as easily discover the motive —even the distortion of facts can be made to harmonize with the propelling power of self-love and self-in terest, and while truth itself is unyielding and unbending, individual opinions may accord with theories, based as they sup pose upon facts, which they see through other mediums than those who investigate for the truth’s sake. We are, even in this corrupt age, still under the injunction 'fudge not," though we are not without the privilege of examining tho fruits to discover the nature.of the tree. In your oase the publio have no fruits in the char acter of your past life to discover or determine the integrity of your intention or the purity of your motive. One day ele vated to the standard of true etateman ship—the next herding with those whose highest idea is self-aggrandisement at the public expense ; one hour eloquently dis coursing upon our rights—advising non intercourse with the reptiles who fatten upon our misfortunes; tho next ban queting with these miserable vampires, who hold hellish orgies around the bat tlements of tho Constitution —with a corrupt judiciary as their associ ates to sanction aDy plunder they may commit upon the publio treasury, or any infringement they may make to shock public propriety—you have no right to seek shelter under, or ask protection of, that charity whose ample folds might have hidden your transgressions, if it claimed not to hold no joy in iniquity but to re joice in the truth. The South, inferior to the North in the social relations of life— such a sediment, at such a time, and from such an oracle—its enunciation is ridiculous, its publication criminal. The free-love and the woman’s right section to be given the priority over the Southern character (1 speak not of individuals), whose corner stone is purity and whose strengthening brace is a modest propriety of what is recognized as woman’s true position. The opportunities made public and from which alone the public can judge from, not even a data to suggest a comparison between the two sections and individual inter course furnish us little, much less to justify a Southern man to hold up his section as inferior, and “driven back from the march ing column of social progress.” But man ners alone do not constitute the only ele ment in social progress. Morals lam aware is or ought to be the foundation upon which to build society. The com parison even here, with all due difference to your publicly expressed opinion, can never make the true friends of the South to blush or be ashamed. Individual cases ot crime will oecui in all communities, but they are uot the true indices of tbe public morality. But the general standard in which virtue is held points unerringly to the character ot a people, and proc'airas their purity or the want of it. No intelli gent man, who has any respect- for his reputation, will hesitate to give to the South a higher rank in the scale of purity, whether in their teachings or their practice, than belongs to the North. Take i the pulpit—in what age was it ever more i degraded or prostituted than it is at pres ent at the North ? With some honorable j exceptions, every denomination of Christ ! ians is as leprous with the sin of malice, ! envy, hatred and uncharitibleness as wag ! the Israelite, with tne loathsome disease, who thought his case incurable until the teachings from the Mount discovered to him a power wherein he might be made clean; and I fear the same power will be requisite to cleanse a people whom you have elevated above your native land in social progress. The philanthropist and the Christian finds cause to weep over tbe decadence of Christian leaching, propriety and practice that pervades Northern society, and the friends of true progress lament over the shadow of protertanism which their own bad conduct has caused and which will take half a century of genuine Godly piety to illume. In statesmanship the comparison causes no blight upon Southern pride. The Washingtons, Henrys, Pinckneys, Jeffer ; sons, Madisons, Calhouns, Clays and Crawfords will compare with even the Webster?, Bincrofts, Storeys, j Chandlers. Yates, Morriseys and Mor* j tons. Ia warriors, the first revolution 1 produced none superior to Washing ton and Green. Our last revolution tion had no character superior to Lee, among our enemies, and our own army tolerated none so infamous as Logan, I might allude to the measures of our | statesmen in shaping the policy of our government and its purity as long as they controlled; bat I fear I have already tresDassed upon the patience of the public in holding up your opinions to their scorn and con tempt. I must not forget to point yon to the exports of the country to vindicate the South from vonr willful, wanton attack upon their energy and their industry. Whatever of wealth the North possesses'is traceable to the exclusive benefits they have derived in moulding the policy and managing the finances of the Government. AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESHY MORNING, AUGUST 16, 1871. If you are really ignorant of the statistical facts connected with the subject (and to suppose that youare is more compliment ary to your character than to award you knowledge), I would advise you to give seme attention to the workings of the sys tem. Yon will be astonished to find that I three-fourths, if not sewen-eighths, of all the appropriations made by Congress have been expended in the North, aid the class legislation has inured to the capital and industry of the Northern section, and that often at the expense of Southern produc tions. Your other proposition that we ig nored the mechanical classes has neither the solidity or even the semblance of truth. Every observing man could but notice the apparent fact that in the South there was ) less of that distinction ia society than j there was at the North, or in any country where the capitalists aud the laborers were of the same race. That there should be | distinctions in the one more than where slavery exists is founded upon principles apparent to any who reflects, and to all who think. When was it ever known that a Northern capitalist ever gave to a laborer the hospitalities of his house? When in the South was it ever conceived to refuse it to the mechanic or to the day laborer? Individual instances may have occurred where labor was look ed upon as degrading, but the many at the South have always held it in honorable appreciation. I regret that the subject is so prolific as to prevent full jus tice in so limited a be enabled to judge of the incorrectness of the defamation you have heaped upon your own, your native land, and if you are not led to detract, I envy not the reflec tions which disappointed ambition may yet have to indulge. I have been so out raged at the injustice you have inflicted upon a people with more marked and dis tinguishing virtues in their character than any the sun ever shown upon, that I have found my pen verging to invective, with every desire to be moderate and every de termination to be just. You must not expect to escape criticism ; your changes have been so sudden ; your opinions have so fluctuated as to bewilder some; to as tonish others, and to wound all without any other interpretation than their sud denness, and totality have, at least, the appearance of a charm if not the merit of a miracle. When I read your speech I turned to the first speech tfiat was delivered before the societies forty-three years ago, the Bth day of this month (August), and I was struck with the almosu prophecy of this sentence ; “ What country was ever more respect ed for its wisdom? When was the science of Government better understood ? When were institutions more flourisliing or laid in a deeper sense of equal rights? When were a people more united and affection ately devoted to the common interest? When were intelligence, wealth and re finement more rapidly increasing, until the visionary project of making a nation of weavers maddened the statesmen of America, and vvliat lias boon the conse quence of this wayward infatuation ? Ail that was proud in sentiment, lofty in character, and dignified in council have been given up to drapers and woolstaplers, and we are now drifting to some unknown catastrophe, pregnant with every thing but safety.” In contrasting the sentiments of this first orator with yours, I must not forget to remind you that the South, with all its want of energy, fought successfully against the North, with the advantages ot Ger many and other portions of continental Europe, not only by men and munitions furnished, but the advantages of every new improvement in all the appliances of successful warfare, while we were block aded and dependent upon our own energies, and our own inventive genius, and when overpowered with numbers and compelled to surrender, we returned to the avoca tions with our capital as it were taken away; in many places onr houses burnt; our farms laid waste; our cattle and hogs destroyed, and our people disheartened, and yet in less than four years our cotton crop sustains the credit of the Government that has robbed us. This is not all; one of Southern birth holds her up to the scorn and contempt of her worst enemy on an occasion too sacred for the utterance of the slander if it had been true. Could sliame demand a deeper blush or infamy a deeper brand ? I must not let the occasion pass to warn my fellow-citizens against your teachings. In reviewing their past history they need no commentation to point them to an institution, sanctioned in every age, by every religion, almost co equal with creation, and authorized by the Diety Himself, as the cause of their misfortunes. The only duty of the South is to be true to themselves; forego the luxuries of wealth for a season ; maintain your own high integrity of character; re member the hallowed associations of the past; be vigilant; be moderate; be vir tuous, and truthful, not carried away by every wind or doctrine or deceived by every unprincipled seducer of your confi dence or betrayer of your trust, and yon will yet have the proud satisfaction of in scribing upon your successful banner “per angusta ad augusta," “ through troubles to grandeur.” “ Georgia.” Crops in Morgan. Editors Chronicle & Sentinel: You and your readers are, I presume, enough like the great philosoper (?) and agriculturist of New York to take some in terest in the crops throughout the country and to know something of their condition. I write this to inform you how they are and what will be their probable yield in this portion of the State. My estimate will be based partly on per sonal observation and partly on opinions and reports made to me by prominent planters. The wheat crop in this section was, as you doubtless have already heard, almost a total failure. The eottOD crop, as a general thing, is not good. It will compare with that of last year in the ratio of two to three —that is, about two-thirds as much will be made,provided the seasons hereafter are favorable. The corn, where it has been well cultivated, promises an average orop. In most places, however, it was not worked as it should have beeD. The attention that it ought to have re ceived was given to cotton. The result is that the corn crop will, be diminished at least one-fourth, if not more. Many are oomplaining of a propensity to idleness on tbe part of the negro laborers. They pre fer to fish, hunt and frolic rather than at tend to their business. And it is a fact that their labor, instead of becoming more reliable and satisfactory, is annually grow ing more and more precarious and pro voking. A lively interest in politics is manifested by all. The people, who at first were somewhat deluded by the “ New Depart ure ” theory, are fast becoming acquainted with the real designs of its originators, and now nearly every one denounces in un measured terms this ignominious deser tion of the grand old principles of our Government, as expounded by the Jeffer sonian school. They are indebted in no small degree (and they frankly admit it) for their light on this subject to the bold and decided opposition ot your paper, and the deep, statesmanlike and convincing articles from the pen of the illustrious po litical head of the Atlanta Sun, Yours, etc., F. Healthful Drinks.—For the benefit of our readers who are compelled to labor out doors in the scorching rays of the sud, we append below a few of tbe drinks said to be least harmful. The practice of in discriminate di inking is most injurious, and should be avoided. The safest of all drinks is cold water, a little at a time, taken at short intervals. lee water is dangerous when taken by those who are not accustomed to it. B jttermilk is a safe and wholesome drink. A pint of molasses to a gallon of cold water makes a good drink, as also does a lemon to a half gallon of water, with a capful of sugar added. A thin gruel made of corn or oats also slakes the thirst and strengthens the body. A pint of garden grapes, berries or currants, to a gallon of cold water, makes a healthful and agreeable drink. The best of all drinks for the healthy or the invalid is pure cold water. Gold water tfpplied to the head abates thirst and refreshes. A piece of silk placed between the head and top of the hat is a protection against the sun. Mr. Gregory, M. P., for the Irish county of Galway, who may be remem bered as tbe advocate of the interests of the Confederate States in IS6I-65, has been appointed Governor of the Island of Ceylon- This is one of the most valuable colonial appointments within the gift of the British Government. The net salary - is $35,000 a year, with fees that swell the {income to something princely. Mountain Bceuy ot Nortbeast Ueqia. Letter’o. 3. [FOR the CHRONIC & SENTINEL 1 CLARKSVILLE, G, July 27, 1871. Editors Chronicle & tilind : Among the variou influences which tend to heighten the trinsic attractions of visual objects not je least potent is the principle of contn —or farther elabo rating the term in reion to the present case—dissimilitude itie appearance, na ture, effects cf two olets combined with proximity in tho fieltpither of the men tal or of the phyal eye—overlaying their original with a browed and mutual charm, allowing no buties to escape the observer’s sight, but towing back, stereo typing upon his minrtheir every linea- ment, from which— from the sun-lit border ot some cumulai.cloud —scintillate the roseate rays of33tbetic splendor. And where can the pciple have greater sway than in the conist between moun tain and valley ; heit and extension : hoary cliff towering oft, and peaceful plain nestling benea its rugged foot! Let him who woulenjoy a fino view, that is, a view, pass Nar— — v and toil up to the topc' Yonan ; which I had the pleasure of 'obg again last Monday. Passing out of Clarksve on the west ern side across the Soqt on our way ferfling also the Chattahcbee River and Duke’s Creek —on the latr of which gold mining is being carried oi-after a ride of three hours, at a moderatpace, wo arrive at Yonah Mountain; situed formerly in Habersham, but now in tl comparatively new county of White, at he distance of fourteen miles by road fan the town ; though in a direct line it fluid be perhaps two miles less, as we haveo skirt around from the eastern to the irthern side of the mountain, in order toeach the usual ascending path, riding thrtgh the valiey on nur way. Nacoochee Valley is sai to have de rived its name from an Jdian Princess who here, in her mountD home, met with a sad and untimely en. The legend has been written about andianded around so much already that I wi only give the merest thread ot an outlincgathered from the writings and the lips ohtbers. There are two conflicting stories, he one claimed to be authentic runs in tSs wise : The young affections of Naciotaee were won by a youthful Romeo of snoher tribe, but the stem papa frowned ipm the match ; whereupon the faithful mailen and her adventurous lover betotk tiemselves to flight, yet with even lea sujeess than at tended the Chief of Ulca’s file and fair Lord Ullin’s daughter ; for being pursued by the implaoable parsnt, and soon over taken, the young alien, with his hands tied behind his back, was crudly hurled from the precipice «f Yonah, and his would-be-wife—tiuo oven in th» hour ol death—threw herselfover the clifito share the same fate with him. According to the other version, dhrrng a plaguo which was raging in all its fury and making havoc among the inhabitants of the vale, the soothsayers and magicians announced that nothing would stay its ravages but the sacrifice of a mailen of the tribe, when forthwith Nacoochee, with all the devo tion of a Curtins offered herself and was immolated on tho altar of patriotism. There are three hemispheroidal mounds of earth to be seen in the valley, and it is supposed, aiod with good evidence, that the aborigines mado one or two of these hillocks, and one is supposed to be the bona fide burial-place of Nacoochee. In them Indian relics have boen found, such as pottery, bones and pieces of gold. As we reach the entrance of the valley, it is seen as an extended plain, varying (in rough numbers) from a half to three quarters of a mile in breadth, and perhaps three or four miles long. Imagine the level surface covered with a carpet of green in ono direction; while in another vou may picture the newly out grass standing iu Leaps ; hay and fodder stacked in the fields; the laborers at work, some mow ing the grain or threshing that already cut, others plowing the still growing crop of coin. Advancing farther into the valley wo seem now to be surrounded by the high hills and mountains on every side. The valley has a number of inhabitants, and one or two ornamental residences are in pioeess of construction. Riding through this lovely vale, which I will not now at tempt farther to describe, we at last arrive at the foot of the mountain—Yonah, which being interpreted signifies “ the Bear.” It is practicable to ride up tie foot for a short distance ; accordingly we drive on up the road until we reach its intersection with the path which will emy us up to the top of the mountain. We stick to the path, for you may be lost on a mountain as well as anywhere else, wbet it is as this one, thickly wooded. One zould follow his nose with the determination to keep ascending, and arrive at the top eventu ally ; but we want to take the easiest route, and on the downward narcb arrive at the point we came from. On Yonah the path is one continual asemt, though it forms at certain places tie arc of a spiral around tho huge cone. So “here we go up, up, up I" but not at one rush ; it is a two hours walk, the path is steep, the rocks be thick around; ard higher up are some small pebbles about the dimen sions of young houses. Nowand then we stop to rest, throwing ourielves down upon the natural seats of grarite. or upon the softer lap of mother earth Part the way up, perhaps a third, s a spring, which does not, however, give as plentiful a supply of water as one wouli like. Here we cut staves, with these in oir hands we feel like real mountaineers, tnd push on up the height; finally, “wi ll many a weary step and many a groai,” we near the top, and hear our friends welcoming U3 above—for several parties vere od the mountain that day, and had preceded us in tho ascent. Now we are with them, not at the summit proper, but it the point where the best view is obtained of the surrounding country. Some <f us after wards ascended to the very tap, for there is no motto like “Excelsior,” yet there is little to hi seen on the apex of the conical heap. To apply the term apex, it is rather blunt —enough so to buid a house upon it. The trees are small lere, while below on the slopes I saw tome of the largest specimens—one poplar, I remem ber, was four feet in diameter. I presume that the trees in this exposed position on top are stunted by the raging ot the ele ments, which must here have full play. We return to the observatory, where we are on the northern side of the mountain ; this side presents a perpendicular descent; the mountain here consists of solid granite of a good quality ; and 1 thought how valuable this seemingly inexhaustible quarry would be if it were near Augusta to beautify its streets and buildings. It has been stated that Ycnah is two thousand eight hundred and ninety-four (2,894) feet above ocean level. The view from it is certainly grand. The greatly increased horizon gives a widely extended ! view ; valley joins valley, and mountains above mountains rise ; as if an ocean, lashed into fury by the goading cf the wmds, had risen in its might ; and when at the acme ol its power had been stricken j in an instant—petrified, rendered solid and motionless, leaving the green waves still standing as they stood. North and somewhat east is that part of the lowlacds through which we passed —Nacoochee, We see the houses scatter ed here and there, as large as so many pigeon boxes ; the fields of different kinds of crops, which, being of dinereot shades and arrangements, look like garden beds; roads wind about like narrow paths ; a man below would appear no more than an inch or two high. Opposite is a cunning little valley almost encircled by a moun tain which bends its arm around it. Other peaks and knobs continue to arise one be hind the other, as we gaze farther and farther out. What a terrific scene it must have been, when the earth, as if some gigantic monster in the agonies of death — with groans and wailings—had her hard ened crust heaved and crumpled, like so much paper in an infant s hand—moved by tbe irresistible forces, which were warring within. Over sixty miles southwest is the rounded form of Stone Mountain, looking through the mists like a spectre ia the distance. Tnirty miles nearly west is Currahee ; while Tray, the kiog and giant of the range, stands nobly and plainly be fore us. The village of Cleaveland, seven miles away, is seen to the left. Smoke rises far away behind the hills. We were highly favored by the weather until two o’clock, or thereabout, when we saw the rain passing down in torrents among the monntains far away; the white sheet continued to approach until Yonah itself became enveloped in its folds. We hurried down to the spring, and making a virtue of a necessity, took our lunch-basket from a limb where it bad been left hang ing among the bushes to protect it from the attacks of pigs ; and then proceeded to do—what I had never attempted before to eat our dinner in a heavy rain, being partially protected by a fine eld tree, of whose shelter we made the best we could. The rain finally ceases, aDd in quick time—often in double quick—“ now we go down, down, downy!” The foot is reached, whence homeward we wend our way. Rusticus. GEORGIA TOLITICS. INAUGURATION OF A Till HD PARTY MOVEMENT IN THE SOUTH. HOW BEN HILL WAS CONVERTED. The Southern Republicans to be Handed Over to a New Party— Threatened Be trayal of Grant —The Election for President to be Thrown Into Congress. {Correspondence of the New York Herald.] Atlanta, Ga,, August 1, 1871.—Con siderable interest must before many months attach to this State by reason of a political movement now in process of inauguration which threatens the existence of both political parties, and the success of which depends upon the adroitness of the chief wire pullers. Bat before entering into the details of this movement it is best to tell the story of its inception. You may remember that not many weeks ago Simon Cameron and some other Radical politicians were here and that a banquet was tendered them by their political brethren. At this ban quet appeared Ben Hill—the redoubtable Ben —to the ''ery great surprise of every body. Ben also mado a speech, in which he declared that he had never been a Democrat, and added that it he had ever said anything to indicate sympathy with the “ unterrified ” it was purely a slip of the tongue. But Ben could not deny that he had abused ex-Governor Joe Brown, excoriated Bullock and flayed the Radi cals generally during that memorable cam paign, beginning with the passage of the reconstruction laws and ending with the election of Grant. At the aforementioned dinner Ben had hobnobbed with Joe Brown, iraternized with Bullock and drank wine with Cameron- Yc shades of departed reconstruction, why was this thus? Herein hangs a tale. akerman’s “opinion.” Now, what I shall write is merely what is said here, and pretty generally said, in political circles- Asa consequence, if the statements be incorrect, you must blame the on dit, not me. But to the story. It was alter the passage of tho election law of last year that the State election was held in Georgia. Attorney General Aker man gave an opinion concerning the mean ing and intent ot the law for the special benefit of his friends in this (his) State. It was a clear case of heads Radicals win and tails Democrats lose. No matter how you read the opinion it operated against the Democracy. Bayonets wero to bo om nipotent, no person was to be allowed within ever so many feet, or yards, or miles (I forgpt which), of the polls after voting, and no person was to be chal lenged under any circumstances whatever. Thus, when the Radicals imported num erous negroes from Tennessee, bringing them free of charge over the State Rail road from Chattanooga, they were allowed to vote unmolested, and the beauties of the election law wero exhibited to their delight. FOSTER BLODGETT SPREADS HIS NET. Well, the campaign opened. Mr. Fos ter Blodgett, who claims to be a United States Senator from Georgia, made a sig nificant speech in Augusta. He referred to the fact that he had been an old line Whig, an opposer of secession and a stanch Unionist, and he called upon the former Whigs to join him in a “new de parture,” intimating strongly that the time had arrived tor a reorganization of parties. To make tho matter short, Blodgett’s speech was the inauguration of a luovoment which was to the old line Whigs into a net of Radical manu facture and hand them over to Cameron & Cos. BEN. HILL GETS CAUGHT. After delivering his speech Blodgett came to Atlanta, and a few days later Ben Hill followed him. Up to this time Hill had been Blodgett’s especial aversion, and Blodgett had been like unto a polecat or a skunk in the nostrils of Hill. It would make your blood run cold if I were to re peat all the amiable things which these gentlemen had publicly said of each other. Had the days of chivalry not departed when Lee surrendered under the ever me morable and historical apple tree there would have been pistols without coffee, and villianous saltpetre would most as suredly have been burned between these gentlemen. The one, however, wouldn’t fight, and the other didn’t want to, so each contented himself with wordy abuse of the other. Considering what bitter per sonal enemies they were, it was more than passing strange that when Hill ar rived in Atlanta he should send a verbal message to Blodgett requesting an inter view. Foster, the story runs, replied, de clining to see Ben, unless that individual addressed him a note, written in his own chirograpliy, asking for an interview. This precaution, Blodgett averred, was ne cessary, because unless he had the request in black and white Hill would not hesi tate, at some future time, to swear upon the biggest stack of Bibles that could be got together that he had never, even in dreams, held communication or sought an interview with the Augnsta sage. This was rather rough on Ben, but lie seems to have swallowed the affront, because, as is stated, on the following Sundav, while Blodgett was engaged in prayer at the Baptist church, a letter was handed him in his pew, which letter came from Ben. With the coveted “ black and white ” in his possession Blodgett had his old adver sary in his power, beyond the chance of his wriggling out. What transpired at the interview will appear hereafter, but a few days later Ben came out in a letter, declaring that the political situation had changed, and advising the whites not to be restricted to party candidates, but to vote for negroes or whites as they deemed the most honest—rather hinting in favor of the colored man. This was a bomb shell in the Democratic ranks. Had Bob Toombs declared himself in favor of Fred Douglass for the next President, it could scarcely Lave excited more surprise. UNSAVORY ANTECEDENTS. That there was a little game at the bot tom of this sudden conversion was evi dent, and it was not long before the whole thing became known. Although Ben Hill had taken a prominent part in the reconstruction excitement he had never been trusted by the mass of the Democ racy. After the secession of Georgia he was elected a Confederate States Senator to gratify the old Whig element, and his career in the Senate was not altogether satisfactory. For instance, in secret ses sion he denounced the Conscript law as unconstitutional, and immediately after, hearitg that Joe Brown,_ the then Gov ernor, held the same opinion, he hurried to Milledgeville, the capital, and made a speech to the Legislature, pitching into Joe right and left for asserting that the law was not constitutional. Then again he tried to revive the old sedition bill ot John Q tincy Adams, which, by the way, was the origin of his row with W. L. Yancey, of Alabama, On the whole, the Democracy didn’t believe in Ben ; hence, no matter how much talking he might do for them, they would not confer office up on him. As an old line Whig he had con sequently seized the opportunity for a new departure. PROGRAMME OF THE BUSY B’s. The programme was simply this : Ben, Bullock, Blodgett, Brown & Cos. entered into a political copartnership. Under the wording of Akerman’s opinion they felt every confidence in their ability to carry 'Georgia, but they perceived that their triumph would be transient unless they could seduce the old Whig element into their ranks. Bullock did not, and never | did, possess any influence whatever. Brown’s double game during the recon struction period had loEt him all the in fluence he ever possessed. Ben Hill, I however, had made many friends by op | posing negro suffrage and was believed to be very strong among the whites- The ! plan, therefore, was thatpfter the election ! there should be anew deal. A sort of i Conservative Republican party was to be formed and Ben was to be its candidate for Governor, the understanding being that he was to take care of Brown, Bul lock, Blodgett and the rest. A SUDDEN COLLAPSE. The idea that Hill’s sadden conversion would draw many white voters over to the Republicans was entirely dissipated by the election. In spite of the election law and Akerman’s opinion, the Democrats swept the State by an enormous majority, elect ing four-fifths of the Lower House of the Legislature and more than two-thirds of the Senate. Things now began to look serious for the ring. The old Legislature, manufacture! by Congress, had authorized the Governor to lease the State Road, an important railway from Atlanta to Chatta nooga. A ring was formed to get posses sion of the property. Doe Brown resigned the position of Chief Justice ot tho State to enter it, and he, Bullock, Hill, Cam eron, Delano ryrd others, were granted a lease for twenty years. RAILROADS AS POLITICAL WEAPONS. About the same time as the Western and Atlantic (the State Road) was turned over to the ring the Pennsylvania Central Railroad stepped in and obtained eontroi of. the “Air Line” and other important railways in the State. There seems to be no doubt that this sudden interest of Pennsylvania capitalists in the railway interest of Georgia arises from politics. Senator Cameron is said to be at the bot tom ol the “little game,” but whether he is working for Grant or for Cameron, or for somebody else, has not yet been ascer tained. It is certain, however, that the political machinery is at work. The State Road is in the hands of a clique, so is the Air Line, and so on to tho end of tho chapter. A NEW MOVEMENT. At the present writing the ring has be gun anew movement, and one which, if skilfully manipulated, may strengthen it. iLhM Jiecpnia dwd°dbt.r n rawiu\lige.-M‘'i “ new departure.” Ben Hill has been laid aside for the time berng and Joe Brown brought to the front. A complete reor ganization of parties is proposed by the ring. Bullock is hard at work patronizing the “new departure” Democrats, not only with a view to preventing his impeach ment, but also in accordance with the pre arranged plan. The design is to carry the entire Republican party over to the con servative Democrats, first forcing Alexan der H. Stephens and Bob Toombs to assume the leadership of those Democrats who insist upon opposition to the amend ments to the Constitution. For this project to meet with success it will be necessary to get the recognized Democratic leaders here to reject thoir party platform—something exceedingly difficult of accomplishment, in view of the fact that, although the mass of the whitep agree with the sentiments ex pressed by Mr. Stephens, they doubt the good policy of adhering to them in opposi tion to the Northern Democracy, and are not in favor of “ bolting.” A THIRD PARTY —MEDITATED TREACHERY. What is more important than anything else in the ring movement here is the fact that it was inspired from the North, and is nothing loss than a meditated treachery to the Republican party. So far as I can understand, it is a blow aimed at Grant, as well as at the Democracy. The fact is that it is a “ third party” movement, de signed to throw the election for President into the hands of the politicians in Con gress, Thus far the Radical platform, as adopted by State conventions, is illiberal toward the South. Universal amnesty has been refused, and the chances are ten to one that Grant will be nominated on a platform which refuses it; On the other hand, a majority of the Southern Demo crats do not relish the "new departure.” You Will thus peroeive how plausible will be the claim of the ring that it repre sents the conservative element of the South. It is an easy matter to carry the Southern Republicans, horse, foot and dragoons, over to a third party. Tho ne groes will follow their leaders without hesitation, and their leaders will go when ever there is a chance for official plunder. To prevent an election by the peoplo the vote of the South is necessary. A third party movement in the North would give the Democrats Pennsylvania, Ohio and Indiana beyond a doubt; but a similar movement in the South would be support ed by tho Republicans en masse, and might cause a split in the Demooratio ranks, thus giving every Southern State to the new party, and consequently preventing any candidate obtaining a majority of the electoral vote. A FEW INDICATIONS. Such, lam assured, is the meaning of tho present man«»uvros of Bullock, Brown and Hill. That it is plausible none will deny. It was begun in the South, becauso here it would command but little attention in the North until after the Republicans nominated the : r ticket next year. Ob serve how conservative the Republicans are in every Southern State—how directly in opposition they are to the principal planks of tho platforms adopted by their party friends in other States. Note, also, how they aro wooing the old line Whigs of the South, and you will perceive at onee thegamc they are playing. Wbat chance of election to the Presidency would Grant have from Congress? None whatever. Who, then, is Cameron in favor it? It is hard to say. There is a big political con spiracy at work which aims to smash both the old parties, and that its focus should be in Georgia is not more surpris ing than that it should be headed by men who are regarded as the warmest sup porters of Grant, and also by men who were but yesterday red-hot Democrats. A scrub race for the Presidency is in prospect unless this conspiracy breaks down by reason of its rascally component parts quarreling among themselves before the hour for action oomes. NO REPUBLICAN PARTY IN GEORGIA. So far as Georgia is concerned there is no Republican party in this State. Bul lock has “ gone back on it,” Brown don’t recognize it, and all the other leaders, big fish and sardines alike, repudiate it. All are in favor of the “ new departure,” and the late Republican party in Georgia is now known as the “new departurist”— whatever that may mean. True enough, the so-called Republican organ here—a very ably edited paper, by the way—still keeps the name of Grant at the head of its editorial page; but its politics are de cidedly conservative, and are anything else than in accord with the platform of the Ohio Radicals, and the sentiments of Sen ators Sherman and Morton. In fact, the Republican party here is as dead as a door nail; and I may say that, excepting South Carolina and Missississippi, it seems to be equally as defunct i.i every other South ern State. A few more months will tell the story, and I shall be surprised if the narration is at all satisfactory either to President Grant or to the Radical party of the North. [From the New York World ] Death of Fhiebe Cary. The iriends of the Cary sisters will be pained, though not surprised, to learn that Phoebe Cary died in Newport, Rhode Island, on Monday night. From a touch ing sketch of her elder sister, written by her but a few weeks ago for a paper called the Ladies' Repository , we gather some particulars of her early life. The sisters were the daughters of Robert and Eliza beth Cary. The father was a farmer. His place, which had been reclaimed from the original wilderness, was about eight miles north of Cincinnati, and lying in the Miami Valley. Here Alice was born ia 1820, and Phoebe five years later. They grew up simple country girlp. They owed most of their early education to their mother, who appears to have been a wo man of unusual intelligence. They saw few books or newspapers, but, wandering as they did daily amid the piofuresque scenes ot the Miami Valley, acquired that familiarity with, and fondness for nature which showed themselves so pleasantly in their writings in after years. Before they had ripened into woman hood they were contributing poems and sketches to one of the Cincinnati weekly papers. Their literary efforts attracted the notioe of Dr. Bailey, of the National Era , published at Washington, and they were invited to write for his columns. The first money Alice earned with her pen ($10) came from that journal. In 1850 tfae sisters ventured upon their first volume, a collection of their poetical writ ings gathered from various sources, which they christened “Poems of Alice and Ph»be Cary.” It was published by a Philadelphia house. Os the contents one third were furnished by tho younger si6- ter. In the summer following they resolved upon the bold step of coming to New York, “after the manner of children in the story-book, to ‘seek their fortune.’ ” Os this epoch in their lives Phoebe wrote : “Many sad and trying changes had come to the family, and home was not what it had been. They had comparative youth, though they were much older in years than in experience and knowledge of the world; they had pleasant visions of a home and name that might be earned in literary labor; and so the next spring the bold venture was made. Living in a very humble and economical way, writing for whatever papers would accept their con tributions, and taking any remuneration that was offered, however small, they did, even from the first, somehow manage to live without debt and with little obliga tion.” The sisters never separated. They lived together for many years in a house of their own in Twentieth street, near Fourth ave nue, a place rendered pleasant to troops of visitors by the receptions which they NEW SERIES—VOL. XXIV. NO. 33. were in the habit of giving every Sunday evening. It was one of the few spots in this city where the literary and artistic classes met on common ground, and in de lightful social intercourse. It was full of books and pictures, and not only the Carys’ own friends, but cultivated strangers were always sure of a warm welcome. Alice published seven or eight books; Phoebe but two, both poems. The elder sister’s muse was tender and emotional. But Phuffle, though not without a vein of sentiment, had a stronger dash of humor in her composition, and was very success ful in burlesque. She was a full, round and vivacious body, an admirable talker, and even under her recent affliction a cheerful companion. But the death of Alice last winter broke up the even tenor of her life. There was something very touching and beautiful in the way Phoebe Cary tried to realize her own and sister Alice’s convic tions concerning death as the mero depar ture to another and higher state of exis tence, which should be a cause of joy rather than sorrow. On her return with her friends from her sister's funeral she threw open the windows of tho recessed room which bad been tho scene of hor sufferings, of her years of endurance, of her patient, faithful work, aud filled it with flowers “which Alice so loved.” Tho evening was then spent in reading her sister’s poems, and when the time fnr noryirntirm ship and preferred to sleep as she had al ways done —alone, with tho door open between hers and her sister’s room. She wore do mourning, that being op posed to their principles, but every morn iog she walked first to Alice’s beside, that having been her oustom for thirty years. Who can tell how the broken hoart pour ed itself out in the solitude of that lonely room ; for that she died of a broken heart there can be no doubt. Her craving for tho presence of her friends was the most remarkable feature of her illness. “ Come and see me often," she said to one of them ; “I do so want to see my friends. All the love that I felt for Alico seems to be poured out upon them.” Another timo she said : “ Some times I think I shall never get up again. I havo no disease, there is nothing the matter with me, but I havo not the energy to live. I cannot eat —nothing tastes good to me. I had the strangest fanoy tc-day ; I thought I should like a certain dish, but when it was brought to me 1 could not even look at it.” She had a certain droll humor whioh was irresistible, and she ex pended it mainly on tho doctor, who was quite nonplussed by her case and knew Dot what to do for her. After a timo she roused herself suffi ciently to undertake a journey to Cam bridge, Mass., whore it was hoped the xindness and eare of her friends, Mr. and Mrs. Houghton, would rally her strength and restoro her to hoalth; It was sup posed that her oomplete prostration was the natural result of her long attendance upon her sister, and of the state of. exalta tion into which she was psycologized by the sympathy of friends and tho homage which her sister received from so many quarters; but it was more than that—hei heart was buried in her sister’s grave, and she “could not” live without her. lieu Hill. He Explains His Alumni Address—Re asserts His Position, and Asks a Judg ment After the Speech Shall Have Been Read. Editor Constitution: Much as 1 have becD accustomed of late to gross misrepresentation of my opinions, and contomptible flings at motives, I was not prepared for some of the very ludi crous statements concerning this Alumni address. In the first place, the address was written, and, excepting a very few ex tempore sentences, was spoken as written. In the next plaoe, it is known that by unanimous vote of the Socioty of Alumni, it is to be given to the public. Avery or dinary sense of justice—even propriety— would suggest that adverse oriticisms be delayed until the address appeared in its own language. The language employed by others in reporting it, howover honest, oannot be acosptcd as a proper standard forjudging, much less criticising, a written literary address. Attempting, nevertheless, tsthe address does attempt, however feebly, to blaze the only way by which, in my opinion, the Southern States and people can reaoh wealth and power, and then, if they desire, and necessity of interest requiro, inde pendence ; if the unjust denunciations which precedo its appearance shall cause it to be read when it appears, I shall really rrjoice, rather than complain,'that I was reviled. If my humble suggestions shall have tho effect of arresting the attention of great minds, who shall take up tho subject, and either cleave out tho way indicated or find a better to reaoh tho great end, 1 can afford to disregard all the shallow al lusions to “motives” and other “lati tudes,” and “tumbling acrobat” of thoughtless scribblers and anonymous slan derers. Therefore, to quiet the nerves of some, and prevent the prejudices sought to be oreated in advance of its publication, allow me space to nay, that the address does not underrate Southern civilization in the pro duction of an elegant select society, and of tho most superior individualism in the field and in the cabinet. It does not allude, either directly or indireotly, to politics, nor political parties, old or new. It does not alludo to slavery as a moral question, or a question of property, nor fs there one word in it which can by possi bility be construed as even doubting “our glorious right to carry slaves to Kansas.” Well knowing tho great number of “noble minds” engaged in tho great work of saving “Southern rights,” and soeing the unparalleled success whioh has attend ed their wise counsels and well directed efforts in this field hitherto, I thought I could be spared to enquire whether wo could not strengthen Southern rights with a little Southern power in the way of de veloping our natural physical rcsouroes through the means of scientific schools and educated industries. That which I sought to typify under tho classical figure of Prometheus bound and unbound, and at whose release I was disposed to give thanks, was not the negro, but Southern gonius 1 Will the time never oomo when a native Southern man—even one than whom none has felt more keenly Southern wrongs, nor denounced more fearlessly Southern op pressors, nor is willing to labor more earn estly for Southern prosperity—oan venture to suggest that negro slavery is not the only way of Southern salvation, without having so many, who make no effort to meet the argument, denounce him as “un sound.” In their countless multiplicity of speci mens for six thousand years, human an nals have never before furnished sueh a people as “we glorious Southerners.” With every ingredient more abundant at homo, we send to tho originally barren North for fertilizers to give life to our originally fertile, now deadened, soil; with the finest ores and cxhaustless coal beds peeping at us from ourowu hill sides, we send North for tools to work our fields; with tho richest lands on the continent, wo send North for bread to feed our ohildren; with the noblest trees that ever lifted their tops towards heaven, if we want a finer church in whioh to worship, or a more oonvenient residenoe in which to live, wo send North for the plan, for the architeot, and for the builder! We spend millions of dollars sending our children North to be educated, and rofuso the small est pittanoe for the endowment ot universi ties at borne. Our physicians and sur geons send North for their medicinos to heal, and for the fools that secure skill in their delicate art. Onr lawyers send North for the books in which to learn the rule of justice for onr people. Onr preachers send North for commentaries on the Bible to teach their flocks the way of salvation, Onr editors send Nortli for type to print their papers; and lawyers, preachers aud editors make long speeches say long prayers, and fill whole columns, thanking God for superior Southern genius, parity, and learning ! And our politician*, ah ! shades of Demosthenes and Cicero, bend down aDd hear the matchless periods of true patriotic eloquence. Our politicians stmt like condescending Jupiters to the hustings, with Northern hats on their heads, Northern shoe* on their feet, and Northern coats on their backs, and preve to gaping crowds their unequalled fitness for office, in straining their lungs as the thunder gust doth the yielding clouds with noisy denunciations of Northern weakness and greed, and climaotio eulogies on Southern power and independence! If my humble voice could be heard by the Southern people, I would urge them to do maDy things which these very de rided Northern people have done. En dow first olass universities; provide for polytechnic schools in those universities ; honor labor and make the aallings of the miner, the manufacturer, the metallurgist, the machinist, the agrioulturist, and the mechanic, as learned, and as honorable, as are the learned professions of law, medi cine and theology. Wo oannot live by bread alone. Wo oannot grow great, or noli, or independent, by planting alone. Let us find in our children that skilled labor which was impossible in tho ignor ant negro slave; and with that skilled labor let us utilize the unsurpassed natural physioal elements of power with which God has filled almost every portion of our heretofore negleoted country. If wo do these things promptly, vigorously and liberally, it will soon be that the sun in his cycles will not let fall his rays on a greater or more prosperous people. If we do not these things, we shall grow weaker until we be despised as contempti ble. The stranger—even the enemy wo hate—will come in and possess our herit age ; will build up the land we ncgloct, and will be tho rulers of tho children we leave behind us. To have pointed out the weakness which has prevented these blessings in the past, and the means which may secure them in the future, is my only offending. To seo the work begin and progress in my day is my greatest earthly desire. To aid in that work is my highest ambition, and to bo remembered as one who had the courago to tell unpleasant truths to a long deluded and now impoverished people, that they might wako up and grow great, is the only earthly glory I oravo, when 1 havo boon interred and sleep with the fathers. Now road tho address, and by its own words let mo be judged. Kfwt H Hit, s * A JLiar and a Puppy.” The New York Tribune has an article headed “ A Liar and a Puppy, sir," where in one of the press Jenkinses is shown up very handsomely. This Jenkins, it seems, was confidentially shown a copy of a pri vate letter, and immediately telegraphed its contents, whioh related to Jeff. Davis, to his journal, the Blatherskite. Tho Tribune says: Having committed this astonishing out rage upon Mr. Davis, it was tho most natural thing in the world tor Jenkins to present himself to the victim and inquire how he liked it. lie was not left in doubt upon that point. Jenkins noticed, as soon as he entered the room, that the ex-Presi dent looked uphappy; ‘‘his face seemed to be drawn together and set in a mould that expresses rather resolute endurance than contentment,” an expression, we may re mark, almost always observed upon tho faces of persons who aro so unfortunato :• to hold interviews with Mr. Jonkins. Tho rebel leader instantly began to inquiro about the publication of the letter. “ 1 saw,” says Jenkins, “ that he was tem porising”—whioh wo do not exactly under stand, lor plainer speaking we nover hoard than the conversation set down in this ex traordinary ohroniclo. Before fully free ing his mind, Mr. Davis went into tho next room apparently to got a pistol, and the reporter adds tho wholly superfluous remark that this was “an unnoooßsury precaution.” “I do not protend to boa fighting man,” he observes, “and unless pushed nover should tiro on a follow-be ing,” whioh is a degree ot forbearance al most heroic, especially in one who doos not oarry arms. In faot, Jenkins oonfessos that “ even then” be would rather run away. Mr. Davis, at any rate, was “ rnuoh bolder” when ho caino back, and “ would listen to nothing.” “Ho talked along for a minute or so, and finally wound up by roaring out in stentorian tones, ‘ You are a liar and a puppy, sir 1’ 1 rose at onoe, and said, ‘ After that Mr. Davis, I had better go ” an opinion in whioh it is needless to say the ex-President heartily oonourred. And so Jonkins went. If a rival journalist had told this story of the reporter’s shame wo should have called it cruel. But what aro wo to say of a creature who revols in his own dishonor, and wcloomes disgrace as the material for a sensational letter ‘t beo, he exclaims, where a gentleman spat in my faoc I This bruise is where 1 was kioked by an cx- Prosidont. I got that wound on the rump for printing private letters. This wolt on the baek is the mark of a horsewhip, and that smutch on the cheek is the stain of mud, whioh a man threw at mo for be traying tho confidence of Hooial intercourse. I have boon insulted by some of tho most, distinguished men in the oountry, and had the honor of being turned out of a great, many aristooratio doors, and called a puppy in many a celebrated parlor. But my oon session, gontlemon—the richest thing out, and only four cents ! Is it an evidenoo of the decay of Amerioan sense of decency and honor that such dirt caters find spec tators for their exhibition, or doos it only prove that the vitiated tasto of tho lower classes whioh used to least exclusively upon [still ruder performances now do mands a change of faro, and requires that its pet blaokguard shall occasionally bo “literary man ” besides? Loyal Claims vs. the United States for Property Taken.— The act of Con gress, passed Maroh 3d, 1871, in relation to the claims of loyal citizens for properly taken for the United States has bcon made known in official journals, and wo publish oertain faots for the benefit of thoso hav ing these claims: “ Claimants whoso claims do not cx oced threo thousand dollars may tako their testimony before a Speoial Commissioner appointed by this Board, without making application to tho Commissioners at Washington, but their petition must have been duly presontod aDd filod with tho clerk. They may apply in writing to such Special Commissioner within tho Stato, as it is most convenient to apply to. . Tho application must state that tho claimant has duly presented his potition to this Board at Washington ; must set forth tho substance of the potition ; must contain an acoount, by items, of tho proporty taken or furnished, tho itoms being num bered in succession, and their total valuo stated at tho foot of tho aocount, and must state, as in the petition, when, whoro and by whom suoh property was takon for tho use of the army. The application must specify tho names of the witnesses and their residences as given in tho petition, and whether called to prove the loyalty ot the oiaimaDt or the othor facts. Tho Com missioner will preserve suoh application, and will take the depositions of the wit nesses named. Ho will affix tho applica tion to tho depositions wheu taken, and send it with the depositions to tho clork. The Commissioner will notify the clerk ot the filiDg of tho application, and of tho time and place sot for taking the testi mony.” Greeley says: “ Tho Charleston Re publican is soured by our castigation of ‘thieving carpet-baggers. ’’ ’ Nevertheless H. G. docs not let up on (hem, but gives 11 tho honest Republicans of tho Soutfcorn Btates” some very excellent advice. If it had been followed five yoars ago, tho Re publican party and tho South would have now been muoh better off. H. G. says: The Tribune insists that the honest Re publicans of tho Southern States shall send these thieves to tho rear, and not allow them to lead and drive, to legislate and execute, as their impudence and ra pacity impel them to do it permitted, is not that good advioo? Is it not timely? Ought it not to bo heard and followed? If yes, what are you snarling at ? Tho Washington corrcspoudent of the Cincinnati Enquirer writes, August 3d : “ When President Grant was hero on Tuesday his attention was or,'fled to tho outrageous order of tho Commissioner oi Pensions in relation to the pensioners of tho war of 1812, residing in tho South, whioh almost as effectually shuts them out of any relief as though a positive order had been issued arbitrary striking their names from the rolls. Tho President peremptorily declined to interfere, and intimated that the order of the Commis sioner was right, although it is very doubt ful whether Grant really understood it,” The Savannah News, of Monday, quotes a statement from the Chattanooga Times to the effect, “ that the engineers and brakemen on tho Western and Atlantic Railroad have signed an agreement rnado between themselves and tho managers oi tho road, whioh providos that il an en gineer or brakeman gets killed by aocidcnt, negligence, or from any other cause, on tho Western aDd Atlantic Railroad, ho oannot recover any damages from said road.” A gentleman in Indiana has clcafcd his house of cockroaches by scattering about a liberal supply of old-fashioned rod wafers. It ia supposed that after gorging them selves these cheerful insects retire to their holes and stick fast. Mr. Stephens says ho hae no indisposi tion to answer any and all questions that may be put to him- Then, Mr. Stephens, “ Supposo you were shut up all night in a tower with a little baby, what would you do?”
