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About Weekly chronicle & sentinel. (Augusta, Ga.) 1866-1877 | View Entire Issue (Aug. 14, 1872)
OLD SERIES—YOL. LXXI-X. Chronicle anb j^enfinrl. Terms of Subscription. DAILY. One mfintlj t 1 Os) Tiu'ci* ruenths. 2 5n One y**ar 10 OU TUI-WEKKLY. ( *n« year j H 00 Hi < mouthy- .. ... 2 50 WEEKLY. Mi months 1 oo C ns year 2tX' WEI>NESDAY AUGUST 14. OKKKLEY’H MISSION. “Tint mission of Horace Grooloy is to l.lot out the tuiDlA of rebel from the books of (be land.” Thus spoke Senator Trumbull to a Northern constituency a few (lays since, and the sentiment met with a fervid r< ponso from the hearts of tlio e who nupiHirt Mr. Oreeley for tlie Presidency. It is because the peo ple of the South believcthat the mission of Oreeley is “peace’’ that they give him their earnest support; and when a lead ing and conspicuous leader of th< Lib eral Republicans, and a supporter of Oreeley, gives public expression to sncli sentiments as wo have just quoted, the Southern people take now courage in the conflict which lies before them. We have suffered under the government of bate for more than seven years—we now give our support to a man who comes to us with words of conciliation and peace, who asks us to clasp hands with the North over the bloody chasm made by the war, and let “ the name of rebel be forever blotted from the books of the land.” GENERAL IMIIL COOK. We nre glad to learn that the friends of General Phil (look intend to support him for Hie nomination for Congress drum tlie Third District. There is not a truer, better, nobler man in the State than General Cook. We have known him long and well, and take pleasure in testifying to his great worth and fine ability. Although opposed to secession, Phil Cook entered the sendee as a private in the very beginning of the service, and went to Virginia in April, 1861, as a mem ber of the Fourth Georgia liegimont. Soon after lie was promoted to Adjutant of the Regiment, and then rose rapidly until he was commissioned as a Briga dior-General. He was several times wounded, and is to this day suffering from wounds received while leading his brigade in one of tho severest battles which took place in Old Virginia. Whilo wounded and at homo, in the Full of 1863, on furlough, he was elected to I lie Slate Senate, and attended the session of that year on crutches. Soon after the adjournment of the legisla ture, although his wounds had not heal ed, he returned to his command in Vir ginia, where ho remained gallantly at his post until the cause of the South went down in disaster and blood at Ap pomattox. We have heard of no opposition to General C k, and trust thill, the Democ racy of Hu Third District will do them selves honor by giving him a unanimous nomination. TIIE STATE ItO AI > LEASE. Wo publish, to-day, in another column, a communication, printed in the Atlanta Constitution, in relation to the lease of the State Road. We do this that our readers may see both sides of the quos -1 ion. We have not been able, as yet, to se cure a copy of the evidence taken by the I legislative I uve:- l igating Committee,and are not, therefore, prepared to say whether the report of the majority is well supported by the testimony. The character of the gentlemen composing the majority of the committee, for intel ligence, probity .and fairness, is a guar antee that they have net made up their minds without a careful and exhaustive examination of the whole transaction, and that their report is based upon facts fully proven before them. It. is known to our readers that the l hir.oNiei.n and Sentinel was among the first of the presses in the State to attack the lease. We made that, attack upon, information which wo believed to bo true, and which produced the conviction in our minds that there was a great, fraud perpetrated by 15 ill lock in making the lease. Bo far wo have seen nothing which induces us to change that opin ion. The evidence, pro and eon, is,how ever, before the members of the Legis lature ; and they, under the solemnity of their oaths, are called upon to decide the question. Wo doubt not that they will take such action, and only such ac tion, as the evidence shall justify and require. In any event., we trust that no member will be in the slightest degree intlueneed in his action by the threats which wo have heard have boon made— that if the lease is attacked, Joe llrown will be an independent candidate for Governor and go before tlie people on that issue. If tho evidence is such as shows, without doubt, that there was a fraud perpetrated upon the State by Bullock and the lessees in tho consummation of the lease, justice to the people requires that the matter should bo investigated bv tlio Courts. If. however, tlio evi tloiuv of fraud and corruption is not 1 such as would produce conviction in the minds of a court and jury, then, it ap pears to us, that sncli proceedings should not bo instituted, notwithstand ing onr own opinions may be otherwise. For ourselves, we do not hesitate to eay that so far as we have yet soon, our first impressions have not been shaken. Among tho coming recruits to the Greeley party will be five Massachusetts Congressmen. This is the latest item of news from Boston. Even Butler is shiv ering iu the wind.— Patriot. For Heaven's sake let him shiver until the crack of doom rather than have him fal! into tho Democratic party. We have had enough of the old Beast as a Democrat. We remember liis career at Charleston in 18(50, and subsequently in New Orleans, when in command of that ill fated eitv. Let ns be spared any fur tlier infliction of liis presence among Democrats. The Press at Griffin. —Front the Griffin Star we extract the following in vita) ion to the press of t leorgia: The editorial fraternity of the State are cordially invited to attend the State Agricultural Contention, to bo held at Griffin, on the I:sth of August next. 11l order that we may approximate the number who may accept, we request our editorial brethren who intend to visit us to drop a line accepting the invitation to W. F. H. Skarcry, Ch’m’n Com. to Entertain the Press. Sous of our Southern Democratic friends say they cannot support Greeley because he advocated the passage of Sumner’s Civil Rights bill. The Cin cinnati Gazette (Rad.) says that on that question the Tribune was dumb, and hence the friends of civil rights should not, on that account, support Grooloy. Election op Trustees of nrr Georoia Univkbsity.— A correspondent of tho Savannah Jfctva, writing from Athens on Saturday, reports the election of His Excellency Governor James M. Smith, and Hope Hull, of Augusta, to fill the vacancies on the Board of Trustees oc casioned by the resignations of General Henry B. .Taekson, of Savannah, and J. Jiaweon Walker, Ea<j., of Dalton. PAYMENT FOR H LAV EH NORTH ERN (’ll A HUES AUAINHT GREE LEY. Many good men in this State say they cannot vote for Greeley because he is the bitter foe of the South. They be lievc that he harbors bate against onr people, and that if he is elected that the whole force of his administration will lie turned against tlie Southern whites. Some tielieve that his election would be a full and complete Radical success, and the South would be in as bad a condition under his rule as they are to-day under Grant. These are the objections to Greeley in tlio South. At tlie North his election is opposed by the Radicals because they say ho is in favorof pensioning Son them soldiers and of paying Southern men a fair remuneration for their slaves eman cipated by the armed power of the Federal Government. These charges arc made daily against hint in the North ern press, and repeated with great emphasis by Northern Radical speakers, and doubtless drives from him many Radical voters. Wo lay before our readers the follow ing editorial, which appeared a few days since in the Cincinnati Gazette, a load ing Western Radical journal, that they may see for themselves the opinion that the Radicals entertain on this subject. We do not undertake to vouch for tlio truth of tlio Gazette’s statements and charges, but whether true or false, tho article shows the character of tho oppo sition which Mr. Grooloy has to encoun ter in his own section and from his own party friends. Under tho heading “Tlie Greeley Programme—a Huge Job,” the Gazette says : It is a fact well known that the late slaveholders of tho South have made a careful inventory of their slaves, with tlieir value in money in 1860, and that these are preserved for use in the future. It is also very well known that the Southern people believe that tho resto ration of the Democratic party to power would secure to them payment for their lost property. This property was worth, in round numbers, in 1860, two thousand million of dollars. Now, since tlie North ern people have become anxious to forgivo the past, to bury the hatchet, and to bring about perfect reconcilia tion, it is not surprising that tho ex slaveholders should look forward to the time when they may expect compensa tion for their slave property. They make a plausiblo argument, too, in favor of it. They are, they contend, compell ed to pay their full proportion of the tuxes necessary to pay tho principal and interest of tlio national debt, which was incurred in suppressing tho rebellion. Tho rebel debt is worthless, and tlio as sumption of this they will not insist upon, but if tlioy aro expected to be reconciled, tho lost slaves should be paid for. Now, Mr. Grooloy, in 1864, proposed to pay $400,000,000 for tlio slaves. This was brought out in his Jake Thompson correspondence. Tlie object of this was to bring the war to n eloso in such away as to make tho Southern pooplo feel good in their pockets. Tliore is at this timo almost as much reason, in Mr. Greeley’s estimation, for tlio establish ment of good feeling on tho part of tlio Southern people as there was in 1864. These people, the Grooloy party toll us, have been robbed and oppressed, and it is of the lirst importance that they should be reconciled. The Republican party has done much with this object in view. It has pardoned every rebel with the exception of about sovouty-flvo; still tho Southern pooplo, wo aro told, aro not reconciled. They aro living un der the same llag, and the same laws, and have’ the same rights and privileges as the people who put down tho rebel lion, but still.something more is wanted, and this something is : 1. Pensions to robol soldiers so that they may be on an equality with Union soldiers; and 2. Payment for tlio slaves that were made free by the proclamation of emanci pation. These two items would amount, in tho aggregate, to at least two thousand mil lions, being very nearly equal to tho present national debt. Mr. Greeley is a good-lioarted, gener ous limn, and he would not find it in that big heart of his to veto a bill which would till tho “bloody chasm” by throw ing into it two thousand millions of dol lars. Would lie ? Already lio is committed to tho propo sition to pension tho rebel soldiers. This was part of tho Carmichaol bargain, and this part of it Mr. Grooloy does not deny, nor will it bo authoritatively do llied. Hi 1864 ho considered it fair to pay for the slaves. There is no reason to suppose that he would not consider it fair to pay for them now. It would ap pear to him os magnanimous, and lie is great on magnanimity. But would Congress pass a bill pro viding for such payment ? In answer to this wo have to say it is onr belief a Democratic Congress would pass such a bill, and if Mr. Grooloy shall bo elected President, Congress, wo may bo sure, will bo Democratic. See what a “job” thero would bo in it ; and see what a plausible argument might be made for it by tlioso who are now ready to sacrifice principle for power, and who struggle for this power under the cry of reconciliation. ’lt would bo said that tho four million slaves were worth iu 18(50 two thousand million dollars. It would be proposed to throw off one thousand million for this, and that would be called liberal. In this connection tlio pooplo would bo informed that perfect reconciliation would bo cheap at one thousand mil lion for tlio tlaves, and thirty million a year pensions, and that the Southern people would not be satisfied to bo tax ed to pay tho cost of whipping them un less tlieir own losses were paid, in part at least. Then, ono hundred million would be set apart to put the job through Congress, and that would be sufficient in a Congress made up largely of men who sympathized with tlio rebels throughout tho war, and in a Congress controlled by Democrats. The Democratic party, if in power, would do that thing, and would carry the party organization for it. It would then depend upon Mr. Greeley whether it would become a law. Would ho veto the bill ? Could lio resist tho pressure ? Would ho daro to ily in the face of those who elected him ? It is our honest opin ion that he would sign the bill, and that lie is already pledged to favor tlie pas sago of a bill pensioning tho rebel sol diors. It was not for nothing that Jake Thompson wheedled Greeley into the Niagara Falls negotiations, and it m«y bo depended upon that it is not for nothing the Democratic party consented to make Greeley their candidate for President. There is something more in all this than the Presidency. Thgro is a job, and a very big job in it, and hence, close to Mr. Greeley, 3ml prominent in the negotiations that brought nlxtut liis nomination at Cincinnati and Baltimore, are the most consummate corruptionists in the whole country. The question, then, whether the late slaves shall be paid for, and the rebel soldiers pensioned, is an important one. It is not in the Democratic platform, but it is the unwritten platform of the negotiators who are running Horace Greeley la the name of the Democratic party for President of tho United States. Harmony, vigor, aud enthusiasm every where characterize the great uprising against Radical corruption and misgov urument. Tho war cry long covered every form of peculation, oppression anil fraud, and tho Radical organs and speakers are straining their throats to revive it. But it falls flat on the ears of the people. The fighting ceased seven years ago, and it is high time now to stop the pillage and plundering. When such generals as Simon Cameron are foraging upon tho people of Pennsylva nia, and a erew of men like him are robbing and stealing in every public office it is time to have peace, and put honest men of peace in power instead of great generals, liko Grant and Cameron. ' The Radical party is falling to pieces j through its own rottenness, and the ; im-at uprising of the people against it I’omhines in one solid, irresistible mass all the honest men of all parties. It 1 is a noble spectacle, worthy of the Amer- I ican people. THE FRUIT OF THE EVIL SEED SOWN IN NORTH CAROLINA TIIE BLACK CLOUD IN THE SOUTH. The seed sown by Secretary Bontwoll and those who have united with him in the attempt to excite the passions and hatreds of the negroes of North Caro lina against the whites begins already to bring forth its legitimate fruits. Yes terday there was a political meeting at Charlotte, in that State, called by the supporters of the Democratic ticket and addressed by Senator Schurz. Tn the course of the proceedings a black fringe of angry negroes gathered on tho edge of the meeting, and one of the blacks, a notorious Republican politician, was heard to utter threats of burning and shooting. He left, apparently to carry these threats into execution, and soon afterwards an alarm was raised, and it j was discovered that a building had been i set on lire with the design, it is believed, jof destroying the city. The matter is i now undergoing investigation. Wo aro not disposed to exaggerate | this incident of tho campaign. Wo j leave all tho embellishments and noliti ! cal flourishes to be made over the out rage of Republican negroes upon a Cqp sorvative meeting to tlio Greeley jour nals, which will, no doubt, soize tho op portunity with avidity. If tho black I rascals who sot firo to tlio roof of a woodon building really desired to burn down tlie city they showed themselves to bo bunglers at the work of incendiar ism, just as, by proclaiming tlioir inten tions, tlioy proved themselves to bo nov ices in crime. But because tho ignor aneo of tho negroes mado tho affair ab surd, it is not tho loss startling as an evi dence of tho evils to which the teach- ings of Boutwell and his associates promise to load. The blacks, with ar son and murder in their hearts, with their worst passions aroused by tho as surances of tlioir Republican teachers that tho white citizens of tho South will enslave them again or strip them of their civil rights whenever they got tho op portunity, can readily l>o moved to any act of violonco, and will not long lack system and leadership to make tlioir outbreaks effoctivo. There can bo but one ending to tho effort to induce these ignorant negro crowds to believe that tho wlitos are their natural and mortal enomies, and it is foreshadowed in this Charlotto incident. It must bo peace or war between the black and white citi zens of tho Southern States, and Bout well and his friends aro doing tlieir best to make it war.— New York Herald. The State Road Lease In the Legisla ture. [From tho Atlanta Sun, Ist.] Yesterday, Maj. Goo. Ilillyor, in the Sonate, and Col. E. F. Hoge, of the House, presented a memorial to tho Leg islature, from sundry persons, constitut ing a company claiming tlie lease of the State Road as belonging to them right fully—and as being wrongfully awarded to the company now having possession of tho same. This memorial is signed by John Col lier, of Atlanta, worth $50,000; Moore & Marsh, Atlanta, worth $'250,000; A. C. S' J 5. F. Wyly, Atlanta, worth $150,000 ; Inman, Swann & Cos., Savannah, $250,- 000; John R. Wallace, Atlanta SIOO,- 000; U. B. Wilkinson, Newnan, $100,000; W. J. Garrett, Atlanta, $50,000 ; A. K. Seago & Cos., Atlanta, $75,000; T. J. High tower, Atlanta, $25,000; H. SummeiTour, Forsyth county, $50,000; J. M. Harwell, Atlanta, $10,000; 15. Fye & Son, Forsyth, $75,000; S. IS. Hoyt, $35,000 ; Jos. H. Johnson, Grillin, $50,000; Jus. M. Vouch, Adairsvillo, S4O,(XX); T. A. Barnes & Cos., Sonoia, $50,000, and M. G. Dobbins, At lanta, $150,000 —making a sum total of $1,510,000, which the company set themselves down as being worth. A note states that several members of tho company wore not present at tho sign ing of Ijie memorial, and, therefore, their names do not appear. The memorial is addressed to the Sen ate and House of Representatives “ by tlie company who made the highest and best bid for tlio lease of tlie \V. & A. R. R., which was rejected by Rufus 15. Bul lock, in December, 187 ft, and a lower bill accepted,” being an important statement of facts of great interest to tlio tux payers of Georgia. These memorialists sot forth that tlioir company, ou tlio 24tli December, 187 ft, in full oompliauoo with tlio notice of Gov. Bullock, proposed to leaso tho road, reciting tlio amount they offered apiece, which wo havo heretofore published; that on the samo day Joseph E. Brown, H. L Kimball, Simon Cameron and others, made a similar proposal, and on tho 27th December tlio lease was exe cuted to them ill utter disregard of the rights ot the memorialists, tlio interest of the State and tlio law. First—Because their bid was in every respect in exact compliance witli the law and tlio notice of tho Governor. Second—Tlioir direct bill was for $0,500 per month more than tho bid of the party which was accepted, and their alternative bid $11,500 more; the real ad vantages of which to tlio State, during the continuance of tlio lease, would have been $2,280,000 without interest from tlieir first bid, and from tlioir second bid, $4,488,000. They deny the right of Bullock to ac credit tlio report which ho received that the railroad companies which they had offered as securities would not sign tlieir bond, but state that their company offered to givo personal security of resi dents of Georgia, not even doubtful, worth ovor $8,000,000, and asked only a reasonable time to do this (when no time was specified for giving it under Bul lock’s notice), but tlie offer was rejected, and tho leaso awarded upon no legal bond, and no legal security whatever. Bullock’s refusal was upon tlio most flimsy and illegal pretexts. His state ment in a letter to Sir. Dobbins, that the offer of security was not in conformity with liis notico to receive proposals, is wholly untrue. Bullock urged that tho letter and spirit of tlie act authorizing tlie lease prevented him from accepting a proposal which would confine the usefulness of the property to tlio sole benefit of At lanta, when there was no sncli letter or spirit iu tho act. It required that tlie members or lessees should not bo less than seven, and that a majority should bo five years residents of the State nothing more. They might all have been ono family, living not only in At lanta, but in any town or on any farm in Georgia. “Governor Bullock verbally stated dis tinctly that he had no doubt of the ability of our company to give tlie bond, with tho required securities, if lie had accepted our proposals;” and the want of good security was therefore not the reason for refusing thb leaso to tlie highest and best bidder. The second section of the lease act re quires a bond with ample security in the sum of $8,0(10,000, which shall bind the lessees aud their seenrities. This com pany insist that tho lessees havo given no bond and lio security whatever, and that tlie State has no contract or obliga tion which binds them individually or collectively for ono single cent, either for tho rent ortho return of the property. The memoralists allege that by ar rangement with Bullock before they had complied with tlio second section of the bill, after tho lease had been awarded them, aiul without giving the required security, the lessees got themselves in corporated under the name and style of the “Western and Atlantio Railroad Oompany,” and yds corporation, by JoSeph E. Brown, its President pro tern, made the bond, which the law requires the Ussns to make, and that the cor /HiraNon had no right to m:ike the bond. Their charter imposes no personal li ability; therefore if the bond lie good for anything, it hinds only the property of the corporation which is nothing but the State's own property. These millionaires have taken good caro not to bind themselves personally for a single cent., and the security to that bond is equally bail with tho principal. The memorial then urges that tho char ter of the railroad companies whose offi cers signed that bond give them no au thority to do so, and that if such cor porations ever had such jiower, it could be used only the corporators themselves, and not by the officers of such corpora tions. Mr. W. B. Johnston signed the bond as agent of tho Central Railroad. He, however, was only a director in that road, and noted not only without power, but without tho least authority, even from tho officers of that road. The other railroad officers signed the bond without any lawful authority from the corporators under tho general law of cor,„)mtioil. Tho boud is void, and Bullock aw arded the lease iu total viola tion of this fundamental provision of the law ; therefore, the lease itself is null and void. AUGUST A, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, AUGUST 14, 1872. Bullock urged that lie hod leased the road to a company which harmonized I all the conflicting interests that might ! arise between different sections of the ! railroad system of the State. This same I view is constantly pressed l»y the pros j ent lessees. It has not one word of truth in it. The lease does not give a single railroad corporation in the State a single dollar of legal iuterest in the lease, or any legal control over the State Road. The whole statement is based on tlio unfounded assumption that the President ainbDirectors who signed the bond are the corporations and corjuira tors whom they illegally seek to bind for tlioir own private purposes. The Cen tral Railroad utterly disavows the action of its pretended agent. One of those Presidents has absconded ; one other of those lessees lias been turned out of his position as a director in ono of the cor porations. All the rest may bo at any annual election. But whether in or out of office, their corporations have no security from them as lessees for any interest they may have in the operations of tho State Road. It lias been said that it is desirable to keep tlie road out of tho hands of poli ticians ; yet many of tho lessees are known as tho most inveterate of that class, omitting the well known politi cians in Georgia who aro connected with the lease, mention Delano and Cameron oiffsido of the State, who are among tho lAssoes. Tho memorialists are all business mon —Georgians identified with her busi ness, interests and prosperity, worth more than two millions of dollars, a very large portion of which is in real estate, and aro noitlior foreigners nor ad venturers. Tho memorialists ask tlio Legislature, if they resume possession of tlio prop erty, to accept tlieir bid for tlio same ; otherwise to opon the Courts of the State that they may test the justice of tlioir claim. LETTER FROM ATLANTA. Atlanta, August 2, 1872. Editors Chronicle <& Sentinel : Tho action of the House to-day on tho bill introduced by tlio member from Wliito county, exempting from State, county and municipal taxation ono thousand dollars worth of the property of maimed Confederate soldiors, who aro not worth more than fiftoon hundred dollars, shows that at least in a Demo cratic. Legislature will tlio services and the devotion of tho gallant men whose mutilated persons bear witness to that heroism find recognition. The Finance Committee, to whom tho bill was re ferred, reported against it, and usually tho report of tho committee sottlos tlie fate of the measure; but this proved an exception to tlio rule. As soon as tlie report was read tho member who in troduced the bill begged of tlio House to veto down the report. As soon as he took liis seat, I was delighted to see Col. Snead, of Richmond, arise and support tho measuro. Col. Snead said he hoped the report of tho Finance Committeo would be voted down mid that the bill would pass, for it had merit sufficient to command tho approbation of the House. If lie was not mistaken, this bill, or one of a similar character, was passed at tho last session, but failed to become a law on account of tho ’disagreement bo twoon the then acting Governor and tlio Legislature as to tho legality of tho pro longation of that session. It found its way into tho wasto basket like many other meritorious measures. Now, sir, why should not this bill pass? Is it unreasonable or unjust? What are its provisions? It simply ex empts from taxation tho property, to the amount of one thousand dollars, of tlie poor maimed soldier who is disabled from labor ; who, on account of wounds received in battle in defense of his State, is unable to pay the tax imposed by tlio State upon tlie small pittance of proper ty ho may own of the valuo of ono thou sand dollars, and not even then where his property exceeds fifteen hundred dollars in valuo. Why, sir, instead of imposing this tax it would be far more just and reasonable, to say nothing of gratitude, to give him a liberal pension as a grateful reward for his fidelity and self-saerilieing devotion to duty. But the time for that lias not yet arrived, for wo aro too poor to make largo expendi tures of money. When, however, that day does come—and he trusted in God that it soon might—he would not take into consideration mere dollars and cents, except so far as tho amount was involv ed to effect tho desired object. But this is not a question of pension. This bill simply proposos to Exempt from taxation a small amount of proper ty of the maimed soldier where lie is unable to work, and tons perchance save him from being sold out under the sheriff’s hammer, and thrown upon the cold charity of the world. Ho had in his mind’s eye mon who needed this relief—battle-scared vete rans—men that ho had seen upon tho battle-field with a sheet of firo blazing in their faces, yet moving on and over on, keeping only in view tho honor of the glorious army to which they were attached and the liberties of tlioir coun try. To those men we owo a debt ot grati tudo which no timo can ovor bar—which no money can every pay. They ask for but little now. Wo can woll do that much and more. But do loss, and I fear that wo havo become an ungrateful and unfeeling people. When ho took his seat that gallant soldier and true patriot, Gol. Garnett McMillan, of Habersham, than whom thero is no better or abler man in the Legislature, rose and supported him. He said, in a few brief but appropriate remarks, that it might boa small conces sion to tho mutilated heroes, but it was at least a step in tho right direction, and as such would recoivo his cordial approval. Tlio bill was ably fought, but when it camoto a vote it was carried by an overwhelming majority. LETTER FROM BULLOCK. It is currently reported and generally believed that the fugitive Governor, Ru fus B. Bullock, whose whereabouts havo for so long a time been a matter of con jecture, has prepared and will publish in a few days a communication to the Legislature of Georgia, in which he stoutly defends liis private and his per sonal character. Tho ex-Govemor will liaxd ly give his post office address, as the State authorities are very anxious to have an interview with him. Richmond. The JonNSON-lIAROLD Case.—The case of the State of Tennesseo vs. Ilarne, as wo learn from the Knoxville Chronicle, was closed at Greenville, Tennessee, last Wednesday, Tho charge, it will be remembered, was libel for tho writing and publishing of tho anonymous letter to Mr. Harold, charging Ex-President Johnson with improper intercourse with Mrs. Harold. Tlie examination was long and exciting, and to a groat extent went into the merits of the case. The case was heard by three magistrates, and tlioir judgment was that the proof was not. sufficient to show that Eamo had written the letter. A Calf Attacked With Hydrophobia. —Tlie Macon Telegraph and Messenger, of Thursday, says : We heard last evening of a well au thenticated case of hydrophobia in a calf, the first of the kind that lias come t-o our knowledge. If it was not a ease of this kind it had all the symptoms of it. On smelling water it j ninped against a fence with such force that it broke through, tried to bite, foamed at the month, oat dirt and made other manifes tations that left but little doubt on the mind of a modical man as to the nature of the disease. Blodoett’s Whereabouts, and How Hr Amuses Himself.—A correspondent writes as follows to the Macon 'Airgraph from Orangeburg, S. 0.; I saw Fostor Blodgett a sow days since at Newberry, S. (J., where lie is living. He devotes his valuable time to playing billiards and driving fast horses. He keeps quite a number, and when ho turns oat for a big swell, brings out ft splendid pair of blacks. His funds he has deposited about in spots—made quite a deposit in a bank in that town, and has quite a large amount in a cer tain man’s safe in tliut village. I was told that he bail the assurance of Scott that he should not be molested; that Smith might make his requisitions and and and. It is evident that Foster lias plenty of money. Gen. Banks' Letter. Tlie following is a full text of Banks’ letter: Boston, July 31, 1872. Mv Dear Sir—l have the honor to acknowledge by this note, in addition to onr conversation to-day, tho receipt of your invitation to address tho citizens of Lynn, on Thursday evening, in sup port of tho re-election of the Grant policy and his administration. No invi tation could have greater weight with me from auy part of tho country, nor from any portion of my follow-citizens, and it gives me groat pleasure to assure you that nothing could be added to your suggestions, as tho representative of the citizens of Lynn, to induce mo to ac cede to tho request. Their kindness of many yours ago is a continuing life re membrance, and nothing would give me greater satisfaction than to renew my as sociations with them; but 1 regret to say that I am not in accord with them in ro gard to tlio Presidential canvass. Against my wishes and personal in terests, I am compelled to believe and to say that the perpetuation of the pres ent policy of tho Government is not for tlio advantage of the country, and that it will not tend to establish its former good and prosperity nor to promote the interest of any class of its citizens. No personal fooling of any form or character colters into this judgment. It is in viow of general principles' and public in terests alone that I am led to this con clusion. Tho uniting of the masses of people of all parties, sections and races in support of tho grand results of tho war, is in dispensable to the permanent establish ment of a general recognition of these results ; it can be secured by no other means. We shall all bo forced to this conclusion sooner or later. This united action on this basis has been tlio hope of my life. I fervently desired it during tho war and in the reconstruction of the States subsequent to tho war. I believe it is now tendered in good faith in the nomination of Greeley, and, for one, I cannot reject it. It was what I desired ; its consummation, although sudden and startling, does not alarm mo. My duty to my country and myself requires me to givo him my support. I cannot ad vocate before your friends a different course, which neither my judgment nor my heart approves. It grieves mo most deeply to soparato myself, in thought or act, from any ono of those with whom I have so long associated, and to whom I am so greatly indebted; but I believejtliat the result will justify my action, give to the country peace and prosperity, which is the object of our labors, and secure to every citizen civil and political equality and freedom, which was won by the sacrifice of so many valuable livos. Accept the assurance of my lasting friendship and esteem, and believe mo, Yours, truly, N. P. Banks. Sharp Letter of Sumner to Speaker Blaine. Washington, August 5, 1872 .—Dear Sir —l havo soon tho letter addressed to mo by you through the public prints, and I noted especially that while anim adverting upon my support of Horace Grooloy, you say not one Word in vindi cation of that compound of protonsions, known as Grautism, in contradistinction to Republicanism, which you would in stall anew in the Government. Yon aro greatly concerned about tlio oompany I keep. To quiot your solicitude,! beg leave to say that in joining the Republicans who brought forward an original Aboli tionist, I find myself and so many others devoted to the cause I have served al ways, that I had not missed you until you hastened to report absence. Nor had I taken “account of tho “ Southern secessionists,” who, as you aver, are now co-operating with me in support of this original Abolitionist, except to rejoice that if, among formor associates some, like yourself, hesitate, tlioir places aro supplied in an unexpected quarter. You entirely misunderstood mo when you in troduce an incident of the past and build on it an argument wliy I should not support Horace Greeley. What lias Preston Brooks to do with tho Presiden tial election? Never, while a sufforor, did anybody hear me speak of h im innnkiud ness, and now, after the lapse of more than half a generation, I will not unite with you in dragging him from tho grave, where ho sloops, to aggravate tho passions of a political conflict and arrest the longing for concord; and horn is the essential difference betwoen yon and mo, at this juncture: I seize the opportuni ty to make the equal rights of all secure through peace and conciliation, but this infinite boon you would postpone. Soven years have passed since we laid aside our arms, but unhappily during all this period there has boon a hostile spirit towards eacli other, whilo the rights of onr colored follow-citizens have been in perpetual question. Seven, years mark a natural period of human life. Should not the spirit bo changed with tlie body? Gan wo not, after seven years, com mence a now life, especially when those once onr foes repeat tlie saying, “Thy pooplo shall be my people, thy God my God.” I declaro my preference for an original Abolitionist as President, and you sook to creato a diversion, by crying out that Democrats will support him, to which I reply, so much tho bet ter. Their support is tho assurance that tho cause ho lias so constantly guarded, whether of equal rights or re conciliation, is accepted by the Demo crats, and this is the pleilgo of a true union beyond anything in our history. It is a victory of ideas, without whicli all other victories must fail. To in tensify your allegati.il, you insist that I am ranged with Jefferson Davis and Robert Toombs. But pardon me, no body knows how tho former will vote, while Robert Toombs is boisterous against Horace Greeley, and with him aro Stephens, Wiso and Mosby. This is all very poor, and I mention it only to exhibit tlio character of your attempt. In tho same spirit you seek to avoid tho real issuo by holding up tho possibility of what you call a Demo cratic administration, and you have the courage to assert as within my know ledge that tho election of Horace Gree ley “Congress is handed over to the con trol of tho party who havo positively de nied tho right of the black men.” Yon say that I know this. Mr. Speaker, I know no such thing, and you should be sufficiently thoughtful not to assert it. I am ontiroly satisfied that a canvass liko tho present, where tho principles declared at Cincinnati are openly accepted on one side and not contested on the other, must re sult in a larger number of Congressional representatives sincerely devoted to the rights of tho colored citizen than ever before. The Democrats will be pledged as never before to the ruling principle that all men aro equal before law, also to the throo constitutional amendments, with tho clause in each empowering Congress to enforce the same by appropriate legislation. But besides Democrats, thero will bo Liberal Republicans pledged likewise, and also your peculiar associates, who, I trust, will not betray the cause. Senators and Representatives, calling themselves Re publicans, have been latterly in a large majority in both Houses, but the final measure of civil rights to which yon ro for, though urged by mo almost daily, has failed to become a law loss, I fear, from Democratic opposition than from Republican lukewarmness, and the want of support in tho President. The great issuo whioh the pooplo aro called to de cide in November is on the President, and nobody knows better tlmn yourself that tho ' House of Representatives, chosen at tho samo timo, will naturally harmonize with him. Ho it has lieen in our history. Now harmony, with peace and Greeley, involves what I most de sire With such a President, Congress wil lbe changed. For tho first time since the war the equal rights of all will havo a declared representative at tho head of the Government, whose presence there will be of higher significance than that of any victor in war, being not only a testi mony but a constant motive power in this "reat cause. Opposition, whether open hostility or mere subtle treaoliery, will yield to tho steady influence of such a representative. Therefore, in looking to Hie President, I also look to Oon aress which will take its character in a large 'measure from him. In ohoosing Horace Grooloy, we do the best.wo oan for tlio wholo Government—not only iu the executive —but iu the legislative branch, w'lilewe decline to support ne potism, the enjoyment of personal gifts Ly official patronage, tho seizure of the war powers, indignities to the black Re publicans, and also tho various incapaci ties exhibited by the President and the rings by which ho governs, none of which can you defend. Yon know well that tlio rings are already condemned by tlie American people. # For myself, I say plainly and without hesitation, that I prefer Horace Greeley, with any Congress possible on the Cin cinnati ' platform, to President Grant with his pretensions and his rings ; a vote for whom involves tho support of all his pretensions, with prolonged power in all the rings. There must be another influence and another example. Tlie Administration in all its parts is im pressed by the President. Let liis soul be enlarged with the sontimout of jus tice, quickened by industry, aud not only the two Houses of Congress, hut tho wholo country will feel tho irresisti ble authority overspreading, pervading and permeating everywhere. Therefore, in proportion as you aro earnest for the rights of the colored cit izen, and place them above all partisan triumph, you will be glad to support tho candidate whose heart lias always throbbed for humanity. The country needs such a motive power in tlie Wliito House. It needs a generous fountain there. In ono word, it needs somebody different from tho present incumbent, and nobody knows this better than Speaker Blaino. The personal charges you make upon mo, 1 repel witli the indignation of an honest man. 1 was a faithful supporter of tho President until somewhat tardily awakened by his painful conduct ou the Island of St. Domingo, involving the seizure of the war power in violation of tho instructions, and tlio indignity to tho black republic in violation of the in ternational law, and when I remonstrat ed against those intolerable outrages, I was set upon by tlioso acting in his bo half. Suoli is tho origin of my opposition. I could not have done less without fail ure in that duty which is with me the rule of life. Nor can I doubt that whim partisan sentiments aro less aetivo, you will regret the wrong you have done me. Meanwhile, I appeal confidently to tho candid judgment of tlioso who, amidst all present difl’oronces of opinion, unite in the groat objects, far above party or President, to which my life is devoted. I am, sir, your obedient servant, Charles Sumner. To the Honorable Speaker Blaine. STATE ROAD LEASE. The Seago-Bloilgott Company Propose to Bribe Bullock to Get the Lease, ami Then to Throw It Back Upon the State if it Does Not Pay. Editors Atlanta Constitution: I have read the memorial of the re constructed Seago-Blodgott Company to tho Goneral Assembly, setting forth their claims to tho lease of tlie Western and Atlantic Railroad, and it is worthy of remark that tho present company is not tho company that mado the bid to Govornor Bullock, and that it is a little late in the day for a now oompany to form and come in and make a bid for tho road, aftor it has been leased eighteen months. If the Legislature should think it its duty to consider such a bid, and turn ovor the road to this new com pany, eighteen months hence another oompany might form and ask to take charge of the road. I suppose the repre sentatives of the people will pay no at tention to any suoli child's plav. Tho fact that tho present oompany !s made up of different material, in a great de gree, from tho former one, shows very clearly that it is not the same. Indeed, we have heard, from timo to time, that this company has been frequently reor ganizing and writing and telegraphing over the country to persons, trying to get them to go in and take an interest, but their case is such a forlorn hope that very few havo heeded their invita tion. I see that Mr. Dobbins has re turned to tho company and I suppose is still a representative man there. They now say that they have unanimously ex pelled Blodgett. If Mr. Dobbins voted for tho expulsion lie has changed liis mind sinco ho testified before the leaso committoo. Hero is wliat lie then said about Blodgett—pamphlet of ovidonoo, pago 216: Question —“What was your motive for getting Colonel Blodgett in your company ? How did ho boeomo connect ed with it ?” Answer—“ Well, sir, I can only state my motive for it, nml I think I under stand the motive of tho company pretty well also. I had the idea that Colonel Blodgett had a good deal of influence with Governor Bullock, and that lie could enable us to have a fair showing at a bid. That was my object; I only speak for myself, but l think that was probably the object of tho company. Pago 217. Question —“ You thought that by con necting him with your company, ho would exert an influence with Gov. Bul lock ?” Answer—“ Yes, sir; and that we would be ablo through him to control tho lease. That was my idea, and I think it was tint idea of those who were connected with tho management of our company. ” Question —“ Did Colonel Blodgott ap ply to you to bo admitted into your com pany, or did you apply to him to come into your company ?” Answor—“Wo applied to him. He did not apply to us that I know of. I know he didn’t apply to me.” Page 226, referring to Blodgett. Question —“You think you would not have invited him to join your company if it had not been for his supposed groat influence with Governor Bullock ?” Answer—“l don’t think we should.” Question —“Is Blodgett a member of your company now?” Answor—“l really do not know whether ho is or not. They mado some move to withdraw him, but I opposed, and I don’t know whethor ho is withdrawn or not. I don’t know whether ho is a mem ber of the company or not.” Question—“l)id I understand you to say that you opposod the motion to put him out ?” Answer—“ Yes, sir, I did oppose it, for the reason that wo had invited Mr. Blodgott to join us, and wo"could not go back on him. If ho had como to us, it would have been different, but we went to him, and it would bo doing him great injustice if wo were to throw him over board. Wo had got him to join us, and he did not answer our purpose as well as wo had supposed he would; but that was not his fault. He had not gone back on us in any way, and I didn’t think we ought to go baok on him.” According to Mr. Dobbins’ sworn statement, therefore, tho oompany seems to have treated Mr. Blodgett very un kindly in his unanimous expulsion.— Possibly thero is a little injustice in'this move, which is doubtless one for policy. It seems hard that they should expel Blodgett unanimously and go back oil him, when he didn’t go back on thorn. But if the present company is to be considered the old company, and stand upon its bid, then they must be respon sible for tho acts and conduot of the old company. Much has been said by the opponents of the present lossees about fraud, an interest in Bullock, etc., otc. Now, let us see what tho sworn testimony says about the conduct of this . rival company in that particular. On pago 98, Wrn. McNaught testifying : Question—“l understand you to say, on Sunday, when tho committee visitod Mr. Blodgett, thoy proposed that if Gov. Bullock desired to have any interest in this lease, he could have ft?” Answer —“ Yob, sir, I think that was intimated,” Question by Judge Iteose—“ Do you think it was proper that tho man who made the lease should have an interest in it V” Answor —“ I don’t know. I did not’ consider the matter much. I have just stated it as it occurred.” Mr. Dobbins swears as follows on this point, page 217 : Question —“ Was thero anything said amongst you at any time while you were making up your company about an in terest lifting taken by Gov. Bullock, or for Gov. Bullock, or by somo friend of Gov. Bullock ?” Answer —“ There was some remark of that kind made. I think Mr. Seago made tho remark, perhaps in the pres ence of Mr. McNaught and myself, that if Governor Bullock hail any friend who wanted to have an interest, wo would let him have somo stock. That is my rocollection.” Question by Judge Reeso—“ Was not the remark this, Mr. Dobbins, that if Governor Bullock, or any qf lps friends wanted an iaterst, etc ?” Answer —“ I don't remember particu larly about that,” Question by Mr. Hudson—“ Did you think he would influence Governor Bul lock ?” Ans.—“ Yes, sir. I think tliat was the idea, that perhaps it might have some influence. We had taken up the idea that Governor Bullock was rather on the market, and thought he might be influ enced in somo suoh way. Ido not know whether it was a oorreet idea, or not, but that was the impression which was on my mind at the time. ” Gn the same point, Foster Blodgett testified as follows, on page 227 “ Thoy,” referring to Beago, Dobbins and McNaught, “ wan tod me to see Governor Bollock and find out whether he could be induced to take an interest.” Again, near the bottom of tho pago, he says ; “They asked mo to see Governor Bullock and make the proposition that he could have whatever interest lie or his frieuils might desire,” anil on the next page he says : “ Then Mr. Seago proposed I should put down Governor Bullock’s name, or some name for him, to an amount, ho said, of its much as two hundred thousand dollars worth of stock.” While the result of the investigation has clearly failed to show that the pres ent lessees gave Bullock any interest, this evidence does show beyond question that tlio Seago-Blodgett company, now memorializing tho Legislature, did pro pose to givo him an interest, if ho would givo them tho lease. What say tlioir new associates ? Do they endorse this ? Ts they tako the benefits they must take tho burdens. If they insist on any points in favorof those witli whom tlioy have become associated, and expect to profit by them, they must be responsible for their conduct in tlieir effort to pro cure the leaso by bribing Governor Bul lock. This new rival company grows very earnest iu pressing upon tho members of the Legislature their higher bid. No doubt they aro willing to promise any thing to got iu possession of the road, but whether they would perform the promise afterwards is quite another question. Every intelligent railroad man at all acquainted with the situation knows that it would lio impossible for them to pay the amount of their bid out of the earnings of tho road, and it is hardly to ho supposed they would want to laVish a part of the largo wealth that they claim to have upon tlio good pooplo of the State, by paying the deficiency out of their private purse. It is reason able to infer, then, that tlie now oom pany still intend what the old one, in tended when they put in the bid, that they would get in possession and try' it awhile, and after they have made what they can on the lower years of tho seal ing bid, when tlio timo came to shoulder tho burdens, they would petition tlie Legislature for relief, or throw tho road upon the State. Let us see wliat the evidence is upon this point. I recur again, first to tlio evidenco of Mr. Dob bins, page 282. Question (by Govornor Brown, who was interrogating the witness) —“Did yon not state to mo, at ono timo, when I was tolling you the reasons why I had determined uevor to bid more than $25,- 000 a month, that if you had found you could not pay the rental, that you in tended to throw tho road back upon the State ?” Answer—“And I said wo made two bids—a direct bid and a sealing bid of $26,000 for the first year, $31,000 for the next four years, otc. I told you that if our scaling bid was accepted wo had calculated that wo could very well afford to run the road for tho first five years, and after that timo wo might, if neoo3- sary, havo a very good excuse for apply ing to tho Legislature to reduce tho rental or givo up tho road. ” Hear Mr. Blodgett, n member of the oompany, upon tho same subject, page 234 : Question (by Judge Itoeso) —“Still yon were willing to give $35,000 for it ?” Auswer—“Yes, sir ; I was willing to come into this oompany, for wo rail no risk. If we didn’t want to koop tho road, wo could turn it back upon tho State. If wo found it didn’t pay, we could stop paying the rental, and the Stato would take possession of the read. In other words, if it paid we wore to koep it, anil if it didn’t pay, wo would turn it ovor to tho Stato. That was my idea about it.” And on pago 236 : Quostion —“You thought you could throw tho road back upon the Stato wlionover it to pay ?” Answer—“ Yes, sir.” Question —“That was your idea?” Answer—“ Yes, sir.” Question —“And you made your bid upon that idea ?” Answer —“Yes, sir ; and I think the lease hill will bear me out in my idea.” So it is very clear that tho members of this original company put in tlioir large bid with tho intention of petitioning tlio Legislature for relief, or of throw ing it back upon tlio Stato wlionover they reached the point where they had made all they could out of it, and it failed to pay. Doubtless tlioy would have run it down very low, pocketing the incomes, and then when it was ne cessary to make large expenditures to repair it, they would potition tho Legis lature, or thrust it back upon the State. Ami if the present parties memorializ ing tho Legislature are tho samo compa ny, they must lio hold responsible for those sworn statements of tho members of tlioir company as to tlio intentions and motives which prompted the bid. Again: Tlio evidence slyiws that Mr. Blodgett served tho company well, and if liis partners in the company hail not tloceivod him in roforenoo to tiio securi ty, lio certainly would liavo secured the leaso. On page 227, Blodgett says, un der oath : “I told them (Ills associates) thero was no doubt about our getting tho road if tho security was all right; and they assured me that, they hail the Macon and Woatorn Road, tho Ooutral Road and tho Southwestern Road for security. I told thorn if that wore tlio case it would ho all right. They wore very anxious to got tho road, and so was I.” * Again : On pago 230, ho says : “I am satisflod we would liavo got tho lease if our security had boon good. I had tlio Governor’s word that ho would givo it to the party making tlio highost bid, if tho security was perfect. I had liis word, too, that ho would havo given it to us, if our security had stuck.” Again, on pago 236 —Question (by Mr. Hudson) —“Did you over work in bo lialf of tho proscut lossoos to procure tho leaso ?” Answer—“l never did. Nover did.” Question (by Mr. Hudson) —“Directly or indirectly?” Answer—“No, sir. I went and saw Governor Bullock in behalf of tho other oompany, and ho assured mo, upon the word of an honorable man, that lio would award the lease to tho company offering the largest bid, proyidod tho security was all right. It depended upon the se curity," So it soems that Blodgett did his work well. He had seen the Governor, and had the assurance that liis company should have the lease, if they oould gi re good socurity; but his associates hail de ceived him, as they hail assured him that they could givo three railroads men tioned, and it turned out they had no authority for suoli assuranoe. I must, therefore, agree with Mr. Dobbins, that they have gono back npon Blodgett in oxpelling him, when lio had not gone back upon them. No doubt tho members of tho Legis lature will examine the evidence closely and see whether this patriotic company, which now sots up so eurnest a claim to the road, comes into the General Assem bly with olean hands If the sworn tes timony is to be bolievod, they cun hardly claim that virtue, 4no|hor little point to which I would call attention is this : Blodgett, after swearing that they desired him to offer Bullock an interest, or bribe him, re fused to do so, as lie states. He says, on page 223 : “I told them I would not do any snob tiling. ” Ho seems either to havo roliod on hisinfluenoo with Bullock to accomplish his object without the bribe, or olso ho assumed a littlo too much of tlio virtuous to mako tho bid. Possibly he did not do his work as well as tho oompany desired. If ho had pro posed to givo Bullock tho $200,000 of tho stock, probably ho would havo got over liis scruples about the security anil given them the leaso anyhow. Oan it be that ho was expelled because he did not carry out the wishes of the managers of tho company in this respect ? If so bad as Blodgett is said to be, aeeins to bo riglit about it. They have done him injustice. But it maybe said that this committee that made the proposi tion to bribe Bullock was not tho com pany. If they were not they were a comic itteo acting for tho company, and as they mado lip the lpd and put it in for the company, and tliu oompany seems to claim the benefit of it, tlioy must lie held bound by the conduct of tb« oom mittoo in offering to bribe the Govornor. Dobbins was asked under oatli, page 224, “Who woro the principal momhers of the company, aud who were the lead ing mon ?” Ho answered, “I think that those who took tho most active interest in the matter were Mr. Seago, myself, Mr. Atkins, and perhaps Mr. Wallace and Mr. McNauglit. They were the most aotivo members of our oompany that I recollect of.” Question—“ What Wallace was that?” Answer—“J. R. Wallace.” So that it soems that a majority of the loading managing members of the oom pany composed the committee who pro pose to offer tho bribe that oven Blod gett says he would not offer, bnt still it Boems lie fixed the matter with Bullock, “if tho security had stuck.” As the new company dosiro tho Logis- NEW SERIES—VOL. XXV—NO. 311. lat,nre to understand that they are offer ing a great boon to the people, I have thought it not improper that the conduct of this company should be looked into, and see what prospect there is that they would carry out their fair promises, and whether t.liev are entitled to popular sympathy. It has appeared to mo the most just way of presenting tho ease was to state the sworn testimony. Tlieir proposition is Unit the Oonrts be thrown open to them, and tho Gover nor made a party in their behalf, that lie may execute tlie decree of tlio ilourt if in their favor. Tn a lawyer, ands see certain members of company set. down as lawyers, I would respectfully sug gest that, such a proceeding would be somewhat novel. Lawyers generally un derstand it that sheriffs or marshals execute the judgements and decrees of tlie Courts, and it is hardly necessary to make the Governor a party, in order to execute the judgment or decree. 1 sup pose, however, that the true object is to get the name of the (iovenior into tho law suit, and then insist t hat tho tax [lay ers foot the bill for lawyers' fees, which would no doubt boa great convenience to this patriotic company. Tax Payer. The Greenwood and Augusta Railroad. Greenwood, H. 0., August l, 1872. Editors Chronicle «fc Sens im t : The railroad mass mooting hold here to-day, in behalf of tlio Greenwood and Augusta Railroad, fully illustrated tlio interest felt in tlio enterprise in this soction. At an early lidur tho streets were crowded with arrivals from every direction, making their way to a largo grove in the centre of the town, where preparation had been made for tho occa sion. Tho assemblage was estimated at from 3,500 to 5,00 ft persons. At 11 o’clock General I\ H. Bradley called attention to tho provisions of the act of Assembly of South Carolina in corporating the Greenwood and An* gusts Railroad Oompany, aud that in accordance with its provisions hooks for subscription to the capital stock of tho company were opened to-day for the first timo. He then introduced Mr. J. M. Clark aud other delegates from Augusta, who gavo substantial evidence of tlioir interest in the enterprise individually, us well as assuranoe that Augusta felt a lively interest in it. Mr. I. T. Hoard gave an interesting review of the commercial prosperity of Augusta. She consumed twenty thou sand bales of cotton annually by lior own mills. That her merchant mills were supplying large sections of country with as line specimens of flour ns any mills North or South. That her mam moth canal would contribute vastly to her development. Mammoth, ho said, when wo consider tho size of Augusta, which was not yot equal to somo of lior neighbors, but the time was not fnr dis tant when she would rival the first. Asa cotton market she would compare notes with any other. General J. W. Harrison, of Anderson, former President of the Blue Kiilgo Road, was then introduced. Ho said the time for argument upon tho importance of railroads had passed. Tlioy wore now necessities, and the existence of one read ereatod a necessity for another. Ho heartily espoused tlie causo of tho road from hero to Augusta. Contrary to the general rule, that short linos wore not desirable, ho hail long been convinced that this ono would, and had endeavored to got virtually tlie samo thing accom plished iu tlio Savannah Valley Koail; that ho had then plead with Augusta to awake to its importance and to her in terests, but failed. Ho hoped she would not lot this opportunity go by unim proved, else it is gone forever. It was to Augusta tlio argument, was Lobe made. Tt was of immense value to her. The result of tlio meeting was nil that the most zealous advocates of tlie road could desire. The value of subscription taken at the speaker’s stand was $43,220. It is confidently believed the subscrip tion here will roach $80,01)0. Represen tatives of other roads were present as spectators, interested perhaps, though they uttered not a word. Lot the friends of tliih enterprise resolve to proceed to its completion at once, and it slial I he done. Enii inker. Major (’mupliell Wallace Thinks SB/!,- 000 per Month a Fair Rental lor the Statu Road. Atlanta, Ga., July 31, 1872. Mr. Campbell IFStB-:c<', Atlanta , Ga.: Dear Sir—Knowing your long expe rience and great ability in railroading, and tlio confidence which the people of Georgia repose in you, wo trust you will pardon us, as Representatives of the pooplo, for asking your opinion touch ing a matter of great public interest. Then, first, do you believe that $25,000 was a fair rental for tho Western and Atlantic Railroad, in the condition it was iu on the day of the lease ? Second—ls the road in danger of losing any considerable portion of its business by competing lines, which arc now being or which aro likely to lie con structed ? If so, please state fully and particularly how sncli contemplated linos will injure or decrease tlio business of tho road. Third—Aro tho present lossoos pursu ing such a course as will socuro Wostern connections, which will in any consider able dogroo counteract tho effect of tho projected competing lines ? Fourth—Asido from tho legal ques tions as the siifficionoy of the bond of tho present lessees, anil the allogod question of fraud, do you think tho pres ent leaso as good as can ho mado. Hoping to hear from yon at an early day, and that you will answer fully tho questions propounded, wn aro very re spectfully, etc., E, J). CbpHHAM. (). T. Goode, J. A. Eturridok. D. C. Cady. L. J. Glenn. John I. Hall, Atlanta, Ga., August 2, 1872. Gentlemen—As representatives of a portion of tlio pooplo of Goorgia, f ad mit your right to call for tlio opinion of any eitizon, if, in your judgmont, that opinion may aid you in serving tho in terests of your constituents. lam per sonally acquainted with bnt ono of your number; but have a right, to conclude that tho object of your inquiry is, not to subserve any private interest, but that you are socking the public good. I presume hardly any one will say tho State Road is not worth more than twen ty-flvo thousand dollars per month to parties who combine tho ability and the will to work it with an eye single only to tho profits, to be derived from its judi cious management, and suitable com binations with other interested parties and oonneoting roads. If tho lessees did not consider it worth more to them thoy would not pn.y that much for it. In my opinion those gentlemen comprehend fully tho valuo of their leaso, arid will hold it if possible, not only for the full twen ty years, but renew the contract at the expiration of that time if permitted to do so. Whilo I give this opinion, I would not, as an individual, take stock in a louse of tho State Road for twenty years at more than twonty-flvo thousand dol lars per month rental; nor even that sum unless associated with reliable par ties interested in anil o oYdrollinu other roads fconnocting as drainers aud feeders to this intermediate link. If you will take my reports made to Gov. Jenkins in iHOfl and 1867, and also tlio report op the “protection of the State’s (nt(gents' in tlio Western and At lantic Railroad,” made to your prede cessors by Major Oodper, OoL Halbert, and myself, you will Uml my views as to the offoct tho building of several com peting liiiea Sr iff have on the business of tho State Road. Os these competitions there alluded to, the Selma, Romo and Daiton i-is now in successful operation; the Honih and Ninth Alabama is open to tlio Alabama and Chattanooga Railroad, aqd wilt very soon connect direct with Nashville, Louisville, Memphis and tho Great West. Already much freight, and travel is being diverted from the State Road. The road also mentioned os the “Atlanta and Decatur,” now tho Geor gia “Western,” is being built, with its location more westerly and conse quently less in competition with tlio State Road, but more immediately in tho interests of tlio oitylof Atlanta, as, whon completed, it will operate as a chock to monopoly, anil a protection to its patrons and tributaries, and givo us tho clioupest and very best quality of coal for manufacturing purposes. With all tho lights Wore mo, and wliat I boliovo to bo working out for the future in the railroad and commercial interests of onr country, I am decidedly of tlio opinion that when yon have se cured to tho State Treasury tho certain and prompt paymont of twenty-live thousand dollars each month for tho next, twenty years, yon will have done tho very best thing yoil are likely to do with the State Road, I am sure more money than that will be biiTubd, imd no ntuniblc parties would pay that much for it unless they were confident of mak ing a profit over and above that amount. And while I do not doubt the lessees will realize handsome profits, I have net a particle of faith in any Htato Govern ment organization earning or paying as much or more than throe hundn-d thou sand dollars per annum into the Htate Treasury, and that only for lishort I ime, as well known combinations now daily forming in railroad interests all over tho .United States, wliich a State organization or management'could not and would not counteract by similar combinations, would of necessity cur tail the business of the State Hoad, if outside the ring ; aud in a Short time thin great State interest would be iso lated and forgotten as a connecting link or part of a great through line-a taxon the Treasury, and, in its management, n thing to bo avoided instead of sought, after by politicians. I have not answered your questions in the order of asking, but, in a general way, have given you what you seem to desire—“my opinion touching a matter of great public intercut” and have en deavored to do so without, regard to the interests of the lossoess or any others except tho “ great public.” ' > 1 know but. little about the law Au thorizing the lease of the road, nor any thing of improper moans being resorted to for tho purpose of securing the pas sage of that law. I know nothing per sonally of tho truth of tho charges of “ bribery and corruption ” in obtaining tho lease from Bullock. I know nothing of the legal questions touching the lease now being so ably discussed. But ignoring all tlioso things, and looking singly to the financial Interests of the State, 1 have sought to give you sound views, free from extraneous in fluences and haVc only to add : if men in high places have been guilty of high crimes, enforce the Jaw, and let tho punishment bo equally as high and ex emplary. The time was when public wrong was visited with public indigna tion and infamy, and the ignorant, lazy, destitute were eommissorated when de tected appeasing* to the hunger, and clothing tho nnkefinesss of their off spring by tlioft; but now, while the latter have motod out to tlunn (the full benefit of the penal code, the form er, especially if a Stale plunderer of millions, has thrown around him the shield of a Radioal President ; or is “ spirited” beyond tho reach of justice by tho conuivanco of a Democratic Gov ernor. Truly nml respectfully, OAMimnnr, Wam.aof,. To Messrs. E. I). Graham, 0. T. Goode, J. A. Ethridge, D* C. Cady, D. J. Glenn, John I. Hall, members of Representatives Georgia Legisla ture THE ('KOI* PBOHPKCT. Tho Columbus Sun is informed by the captain of the steamer Farley, of one planter on the river, belowEufuuln, Who had discharged his hands and turned his mules into his fields, so hopeless was tho prospect. Tho Macon T< Irymph, of the 6th, says: Tho sight and sound of the steadily falling rain nearly all day yesterday was neither musical nor pleasant to farmers. Bettor weather for the caterpillar than has prevailed in tin's auction for four days they could not desire. It is telling on tho cotton, too, especially iu (South western Georgia. Tho largest planter ill that section told us yesterday that there was scarcely a farm in the counties of Worth, Dougherty, Baker, Mitchell, Leo and Miller upon which tho worms were not to bo found, and tluit they worn rapidly webbing up. Such weather as prevails now just suits them, and our in formant. expressed the gravest apprehen sions ns to the result. He had, some ton days since, ordered bagging for the number of bales of cotton lie thought his prospects Warranted him in thinking ho would make, but lie has since tele graphed, reducing his order just one half. The Columbus I'Jnquircr, of Kiitur day, says : Thorn is much solicitude felt just at this time by farmers and cotton men about, tho ravages of the eatovpillar, and information on that fearful insect is eagerly sought after. The captain of tho Farley brought reports of the rapid and fearful increase of this worm in the lower river, and especially in Jackson county, Florida. We hear also some ravages are lining committed on the crops near Gleuvifle, in Barbour coun ty. Groat alarm prevails in Montgomery and Bulloch counties at the great nnm her of caterpillars which have appeared in low, wet prairie lands. Wo hear also of occasional worms on plantations goaf this city, but as yet wo have no very se rious reports from on r imm od i ate trading section. The next week or two will probably sottlo tho question of “ conse quential damages” from this dreadful post. The Bamlorsvillo Herald, of Saturday, lias a report of crop talk with thirteen, farmers of that county. It says : No. 1 reports cotton suitering fear fully from the terrible hot sun nnd,. dry weather. Corn safe. Peas ueoding ruin. No. 2 says ho Ims tho best cjfop W oyer had, and has cultivated it with less ox ponso. No. 3 says thu corn crop on frosh sandy laftd is hard to beat. Red land not so good. Has suffered more from drouth. Cotton failing fast. For-' ward cotton shedding fearfi'xlly. The prospect not half so good as it was ton days ago. No. 4 reports crops better than he ovor saw them. His noiglilmr hood had a good rain on Sunday night last. Has not suffered a day for rain this year. No. 5 reports cotton doing well whero piowod before tho rain, but suffering sovoroly whero plowed since. Corn crop safe. Peas needing rain. No.' 6 roports crops good, but suffering from tho opprostuvo heat of the sun. Light rain qn Sunday night No. 7 reports tho crop much revived by a rain on Sun day night. Previous to that time it was suffering very much. A good crop of corn will bo mado. No 8 reports cotton failiug. Rain very much needed. Fod dor pulling has commenced mid the corn proves to bo very good. No. !) reports cotton suffering very much for want of rain and by the terrible hot sun. Corn made and good. No. 10 says crops get ting on bad. Rain needed very much. Cotton shedding. Fodder pulling com menced. Corn good. No. 11 says tho crop is vory good up to this time—rain noodod vory much. Cotton suffering severely for want of tain. Shedding some. Corn good. No. 12 reports crops good in his neighborhood. Had a good rain on Sunday night. Cotton suffering from extreme heat; Shedding none tq hurt. Corn good. Fodder pulling eo;m menood. Peas looking well. N<V re ports cotton burning np for v, an t of rain and from tho effects of the '.musnally hot sun. Com crop good ; f J no ovor knew ill his neighbor' Jlor)( ]_ The Mobile Jtcyint<;\;■ hays: Our reports fro’m the river districts aro sad enough. All the lowland planta tions have oocn swept by the waters, and tho crops are a total loss of course. The lusft is variously estimated by diffurcut authorities, but of course it is more guess-work, and therefore it is only safe to state that it is immense. Tho Opelika Locomolinr says; From all parts of the State the sor rowful nows of damaged cotton crops is daily received. More specially is this true in the lower portions, where that terrible cotton destroyer, the worm, nursed aud sustained by the recent rains, is playing havoc with whole plan tations. In other sections the rapid growth causes the bolls and squares to drop off at a fearful rate. The Cniou Springs /Irrahl says; Tho continued rainy ami cloudy weather did incalculable damage to the cotton crop. Ten days ago it was tho most promising than for years before. Intel ligent planters say the finest plantations in the prairies cannot now make better cotton crops than they di«l last year. The caterpillar, to make tlrh destruction more complete nml tho futuro more cor tain, has also mado his appearance on several plantations, where the cotton was most forward and promising. It is reported from Dale county that cotton is opening, and com will average forty bushels to tlio acre. Autauga umJl Montgomery counties have the cottun worm, and in the former rust also. The Enfaula Time* 'reports from pri vate advices from North Alabama and Georgia that corn and cotton are doing remarkably well throughout that licit, with a prospect of the largest corn crop realized for many years. The Heltna Argun estimates that the crops in that section liavo boon cut short 40 per cent,
