Newspaper Page Text
OtO SERIES—VOL. LJXI
NEW SERIES VGL. XXXWII.
TERMS.
THE DAILY CHBOMCLE A SENTINEL, the
r.ldent newspaper lu tli® South, in published
,ijuly. except Monday. Term* : Per year,
«10 aix month*, 45; three months. 42 50.
THE TUI-WEEKLY CHLOSICLE A SENTI
NEL in puhliaUed every Tuenday. Thurnday
and Saturday. Termn: One year, 45 nit
months, 42 50
THE WEEKLY CHRONICLE A SENTINEL ia
pr- . Ned every Welnendav. Terms: One
W 1 ; six month 9. £l.
in all eases in advance, and
no paper continued after the expiration of
the time paid for.
KATES OF ADVERTISING IN DAILY.—AII
transient advertisements will be charged at
the rate of 41 perwpiare for each insertion
for the first week. Advertisements in the
Tri-Weekly, two-thirds of the rates in the
Daily ; and in the Weekly, one-half the
Daily rates. Marriage and Funeral Notices
41 each. Special Notices, 41 per square
for the find publication. Special rates will
he marie for advert.cements running for a
month or longer.
BEWTTANCEH should be made by Post Office
Money Order orExpross. If this cannot lie
dona, protection against losses by mail may
lie seemed by forwarding a draft payable
to the Proprietors of the Cniosicue and
Si TriNKi. or by sending the money in a
registered letter.
Address WALSH A WRIGHT,
I niiQMci.h A Sentinel. Augusta. Ga.
Ctjromcu ant> Smrtnel.
WEDNESDAY. DECEMBER 10, 1873.
MINOR TOPICS.
The mother of Gen. ltyan applied to the
Mayor of Chicago, last week, for a pass, being
desirous of going to Washington, hut unable to
pay the expenses of her journey.
A Western lecturer announces that he will
not lower his wages, hut will lecture on reduced
time an hour ami a quarter instead of an hour
ami a half. He believes this course more com
mendable than to close entirely and throw hun
dreds of bill posters, advance agents, door
keepers, and reporters out of work.
A gorgeous set of table-glass, marie expressly
for the Presidential mansion, comprises two
dozen water goblets, six dozen champagne
glasses, six dozen sherry glasses, and twenty
one dozen other vessels for different kinds of
wine. With such s preponderance of alcoholic
purpose, one scarcely need be told that the
outfit conus from the “Corning Glase Works.’
Mrs. Quesada, in New York, has received a
letter from Varona. written shortly before he
was led to execution, of which the following is
an extract: “I am about to die. I could live
longer, hut I cannot do so without losing my ;
honor. Proposals (to betray iny comrades) !
have boon made to me. Hut 1 cannot accept
them. 1 prefer to die rather than to live with
out honor."
The beauties of llio canal system as a means
of transportation have been strikingly but
rather expensively illustrated thin week by the
freezing of the Erie Canal. Millions of bushels
of grain and a vast amount of other produce
wore locked up for the Winter, and prices have
risen accordingly. But, then, a canal is such a
nice thing eight mouths ill a year that wo are
almost reconciled to having it an ice thing the
remaining four.
Mr. 11. O. Melville, of the llritisli civil ser- \
vice in India, not long since caused much scan
dal by becoming a Moliommodan and marrying |
a native girt while liis Christian wife is stili j
living. His new one is only fourteen years of
age. It seems that the Government cannot
remove him from the civil service on account
of his change of religion, but he can be kept
unemployed, which will reduce Ins income to
41,500 a year. He cannot he prosecuted for
bigamy, but his first wife can obtain a divorce.
A wonderful merchant has just died in Liv
erpool, England. His name waH Mr. Edward
(iarston. In youth ho was a great traveller,
and became an accomplished lingu st, so that
he acted as interpreter at Queen Carolines
trial. He engaged in tho Creek revolution and
showed great bravery. Afterwards ho kept the
duellists of Naples in terror with his reputation.
Returning to England ho settled down as a
merchant in Liverpool. Ho was, in addition to
Ills other professions, an author.
The Commissioner of Indian Affairs lias re
ceived informal ion that a party of white horse
thieves recently stole one hundred and twenty
horses from tho Gamanche Indians on the
Fort Sill reservation, and worn pursued by tho
United States Marshal and a party of assistants
to Jack county. Texas, where thirty two of tho
horses were recaptured, and one of the thioves
secured and taken back to Fort Sill in irons to
await trial at Fort Smith. Governor Davis pro
mised these Indians that any white man caught
stealing ilieir horses in Texas should be hang
ed.
It in reported that wild ducks are more plen
tiful this season than they have been for tho
ast fifteen years, and that the professional
hunters about Havro do Grace and other points
in our waters Hud no difficulty in bagging from
forty to one hundred per day. At Havre de
Grace there are about forty-seven small boats
ii use by professional hunters. Each of these
boats pays license, and is allowed by law to
hunt throe days in the week, namely, Mondays,
Wednesdays and Fridays. On the first day
after tho opening of the season those boats
brought over ;t.700 ducks to Havre do Grace. If
the season continues as it has opened, the boats
will each average :tiH> ducks Jier day through
out the season.
It is now fifty-live days since tho Ismailia
left New York for Glasgow. She was loaded
down two feet below the line of safety, and
was sent to sea in this unßeaworthy state at a
time of year w hen it was be expected that she
would meet with heavy weather. Her owners
still profess to believe that she iH yet afloat,
but the fact that they have sent no steamer to
search for her shows that they are entirely
satisfied that tlietr greed in overloading her
has resulted in her total loss. What does the
law intend to do with these men? Are they to
go unpunished, or are they to be taught that
they cannot drown a whole ship's company
with impunity ?
The financial statements submitted by the
managers of the Anti-Monopolist party in Min
nesota ami lowa are remarkable for their
brevity and precision. In lowa the State Cen
tral Committee raised of which $3 13 wore
expended for letter |H>stage and telegrams.
Thus tho party will begin the canvass of the
Congressional Districts next year with (l SJ in
the treasury. In Minnesota ¥'J 50 were raised
and expended, the result beiug the success of
tho nominees for State Treasurer and Secretary
of State. So huge giants never before were
slain with such little pebbles. But we must
always regret that the lowa committee did not
expend that it S3, seeing that $3 13 sufficed
to cut down the liepuhlican majority 37,000.
Mr. Henry Clint, a merchant and ship-owner,
of X-iverpool. who is passing through the Bank
rupt Court, married in 1868. and before mar
riage made a settlement on lus intended wife
which is unique and rather interesting just at
this time to Mr. Cliut's credit rs. He conveyed
to her "all future real and personal estate
which the said Henry Clint shall at any time
during the intended coverture be possessed of
or entitled to. or shall otherwise acquire."—
Coder this deed Mr. dint could never become
possessed of money or real estate for his own
use. and yet he continued to carry on business
lu hts own name, to all appearances a man of
wealth and substauoe. This was ccrtan.lv un
fair and fraudulent in equity, though it ap
pears that the conveyance was strictly within
the law.
The New York B I. of Saturday, states that
•n the previous aftcrinxm it w~as very gener
ally rumored on Wall street that Mr J. F.dgar
Thomson. President of the Pennsylvania Rail
road. had Coen obliged to suspend. The
amount of lus obligations, said to have con- '
ucetion with tho Texas and California Con
struction Company, was placed a‘ considerably
more thin one million dollars. Afier giving
this rumor the Ifor.'ii publishes a short note '
from P. Salomon, who says he has "a dispatch
from Mr. Thomson, pronouncing the report of
his suspension circulated in Wall street to-day
untrue." The Pennsylvania Road and us high •
officials all seem to be enveloped in a cloud of |
smoke. Where there is so much smoke there
a>: to b’ si a» tin.
Says a writer iu the Boston TranscruU : "In
the mitier of matrimony, if iu no other mat
ter. Providence intends we shall take
care of ourselves. If a predestined mite is in
tended for each lover, why not have the happy
pair bom with corresponding birthmarks on
each, so that Ferdinand would have nothing to
do but to level his eye-glass calmly at his
adorers until he discovered, under the hair or
behind the eir. the magic "3 xy—l4," or what
ever his own cibilistie designation happened
to be: while Garaphelia might flirt on regard
less of consequences, and even forego all cip
settiug and every piipiiauon until she espied
the fatal fra", 101 l imprmted on some lover's
glowing cheek. But things are not so ar
ranged, though they might by. and if there be
somewhere awaiting an introduction somebody
whose nature is just the complement of each,
it is certain that most j>eople get snapped up
before their other half is found, either too im
patient to wait or too indolent to search for
the lucky number. "
PRESS EXCURSIONS.
The Columbus papers announce that
an excursion to New Orleans will proba
bly lye one of the features of the ap
proaching Press Convention, 'lhis will,
no doubt, be a very pleasant trip to
those who have leasure to take it; but
we hope that it will not be a “dead
head” one. If the editors go let them
pay their way like ordinary mortals and
not rely upon the privileges of the press
to carry them through free of expense.
The sufferers by these trips should not
be the hotel keepers but the partici
pants. No one publishes a paper free
of cost—advertisements and subscrip
tions are always charged so when
the gentlemen of the press take a holi
day, they should by all means pay as
they go.
A CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION.
The discussion of the question, Con
stitution or no Constitution ? ia becom
ing general throughout the State. Those
who oppose the calling of a Convention
dwell principally upon the expense
which the session of such a body
would entail upon the tax payers. This
argument is almost ludicrously weak.
In the first place the labors of thfe Con
vention coaid save the Stato its cost a
thousand fiffes over. In she second
place the proper parties to decide
whether or not the expense shall be
incurred are the people themselves.
We hold that the Legislature is bound
to submit the matter to the citizens of
the Btate. The latter have a right to be
heard—they have a right to speak for
themselves —and it will not do for the
Legislature to set itself up as their
guardian and treat them as persons
incompetent to decide what is best for
their own interests.
SICKLES.
The partisan press bitterly assails the
New York World because it demanded,
a few days ago, the recall of the “un
hung scoundrel” who! disgraces the
United States in Madrid.? None of them
can deny the odious character of the
American Minister to Spain or the truth
of the charges made against him, but
they contend that with the record of his
latter life he has atoned the errors of
his early years. What are the services,
we wonder, which make up this famous
“record.” Was the manner in which
he led the roughs and rowdies of the
“Excelsior Brigade,” the empty bravado
in front of the Confederate lines at
Gettysburg, which cost him his leg,
or tho way in which he oppressed
and insulted the people of South
Carolina when in commaiul'of that pro
vince sufficient to atone for the “errors”
of his early life?
WHY*
“If a change, or changes, in the Con- j
stitutiou be, desired why not let the j
Legislature make those amendments, as |
it has a right to do, and save the |
people the expense of a Conven- j
tion ?” This is the question triumphantly
jiut by some of the opponents of a Con
stitutional Convention. Wo will an
swer it. The assemblage of scalawags,
carpet-baggers, jail birds and political
adventurers which met in Atlanta in
1868, anticipated and provided against
any such action. They declared that
the Constitution which they framed
should not be altered or amended except
by a two-thirds vote of two successive
Legislatures. An instrument adopted
by a majority of the people at one elec
tion can only bo changed by a two
thirds vote of the representatives of the
people iu two successive elections. Let
i the Legislature submit the question to a
1 vote, and the people—tho sovereigns of
! tlie Btate—will decide whether or not
j they wish another Convention held, and
anew Constitution framed.
ic m
A BETTER SPIRIT PREVAILS.
The New Yfirk limes gives it as its
opinion that a better spirit prevails in
the South toward the Government, and
thinks that the time is near at hand
when “no man need remain under the
ban of the law, either as a punishment
for the past or a warning for tho future.”
Many of the truest and best and most
useful of the citizens of the South are
: still disfranchised, embracing officers of
: the old army and navy, members of
Congress, and those holding judicial
positions and appointments, who re
signed to take pert with the South iu
the war.
The Government, which is for the j
time being the Administration and the •
Radical party, should no longer hesitate ,
to proclaim universal amnesty to all j
without exception, who participated in
the war for Southern independence. j
The time has come for President j
Grout to signalize his Administration by |
au act of clemency which will meet with ’
the approval of all good men in the
North who certainly desire the bitter- j
ness and hostility engendered by the j
war removed and good feeling and
fraternal relations restored between the
two sections.
The unanimity with which the people
of the South gave their moral support
to the Government in its complications |
with Spain should be a guarantee of the ;
good faith of the South, and that the i
time, has come when all our citizens
should be free from political disabili
ties. •
THE DAMAGES "TOO REMOTE."
A telegram from Hartford informs us
that the Credit Mobilier suit, commenc
ed some time since by the Government,
lias been dismissed. A demurrer was
tiled to the bill on the ground that the
damage doue was too remote to be reach
ed by the process pursued or any other, j
and that the Government has at present
no pecuniary interest to be reached by
the bill. The injunction previously
granted has been dissolved and the peo-, j.
pie of the United States must pocket l
the loss which they have sustained by
the fraud of their Senators and Repre
sentatives. One of the chief beauties of j
; our present form of government is found
in the ease with which an office holder '
may steal, and in the difficulty, not of
detection, for that is common enough,
but of punishment. Take, for instance, ;
this Credit Mobilier business. Here
was a great fraud perpetrated upon the ,
Government—a robbery of the Treasury
executed with the assistance of men j
whose first duty was to protect the
Treasury which they assisted in plun
dering. The chief actor—the principal
instrument used—made a clean breast
before a Congressional Committee—
made a confession which gave not only
the names of the thieves bat the
amounts and other details of the theft.
Notwithstanding the confession, abso- :
lutely nothing has been done. Two
men—one of them the least guilty of the
gang—were reprimanded, and have
since died. But such hardened, brazen
criminals as Colfax and Harlan, who
added perjury to larceny received neith
er censure nor any other punishment.—
One of them now pollutes the Senate
Chamber of the United States with his
presence, and the other in temporary re
tirement finds himself the object of the
admiration of his neighbors, and solaces
himself in his voluntary exile from pub
lic affairs with the title of “Christian
statesman. ” The effort made to recover
the money stolen from the tax payers
has proven abortive, and the rogues will
be left to enjoy their booty nmolestcd.
THE CHRONICLE AND SENTINEL
ON JUSTICE.”
The article in last week’s issue of the
Times and Planter, signed “Justice,”
meets with a se 14-re criticism from our
distinguished contemporary, the Chron
icle and Sentinel, in its issue of
Wednesday last.
As “Justice” though “anonymous,”
is one of our most worthy and reliable
citizens, and perfectly competent to
take care of himself in a controversy
with the Chronicle and Sentinel, we
leave him to his work in such way as he
may choose to perform it; only saying,
that his statements coming from such a
source have a great weight with us, and
give him ample reason to stand by the
grave charges contained in his"com
munication, unless there should be a
satisfactory explanation, given by the
parties against whom they are intended.
Passing over the manifold errors of
the Chronicle’s article in his strictures
upon “Justice,” we reply to a single
statement in it, which may have refer
ence to us. It is in the following words:
“We deprecate the publication of
such articles as we have herein referred
to as calculated to do harm.”
The article was published in the
Times and Planter, and although our
readers are almost exclusively farmers,
yet our paper is neither exclusively for
producer or merchant. Between them,
we are perfectly impartial. We know
there are good merchants and bad, good
farmers and bad. We are for the right
and against the wrong, at all times and
i everywhere. We think such articles as
that published by “Justice” calculated
to do good, in making farmers cautious
with whom and how they contract, in
discovering unfair dealing, and affixing
upon wrong doers a proper stigma and
reproach, that others knowing their ir
regular practices may beware of them.
Nothing we have said is intended for
any factor or merchant in Augusta. So
far as our acquaintance with them ex
tends, they have as good a reputation
for fair dealing as any merchants in the
Union. And yet, if honest farmers or
men of any other vocation, think they
have just cause of complaint, they will
find our columns open to them. —Sparta
Times and Planter.
In our comments upon the article
signed “Justice” we had no intention of
reflecting upon the editor of the Times
and Planter for the publication of that
article, nor did we intend to reflect upon
its author, except in so far as to depre
cate the publication of a communica
tion charging the business men of this
city with defrauding the planters.
The charges made by “Justice” are so
serious and sweeping that nothing but
evidence both positive and convincing can
justify him in his allegations that cer
tain guano dealers factors in Au
gusta have deceived aud defrauded the
planters. Before rushing into print
“Justice” owed to the parries, whom lie
accuses of bud faith and dishonesty, the
privilege of being heard in explanation
or defense, before sentence of condem
nation was passed.
The columns of the Chronicle and
Sentinel are always open to the plant
ers. It is not the organ of any particu
lar class or interest, either iu the city or
country. The farmers have never had
any cause of complaint against this pa
per in the past, and we are determined
that they shall have none in the future.
The cause of right, and of justice and
fair dealing between the merchant and
the planter, and the promotion of the in
terests of all our people, irrespective of
class and calling, will be advocated with
out fear or favor.
Tho Times and Planter thinks such
articles as that published by “Justice”
calculated to do good; but we fail to see
the force of its logic. Insinuations,
vague aud indefinite though they be,
[ create suspicion and distrust, but grave
! charges of dishonesty, without being
specific as to individual firms, injure the
*sta '»ng and commercial integrity of a
business community. Our contemporary
thinks the reputation of our factors and
merchants as good as that of any in the
Union. So do we. But this reputation
cannot be promoted by the publication
of grave charges of a want of commer
cial integrity. The honesty of any com
mercial class in a community should not
be assailed indefinitely, lest tho innocent
suffer with tho guilty. If the farmers
have been wronged in any way, and the
facts and the evidence of this wrong can
be produced, the guilty alone should be
held responsible.
We have no special desire to pursue
this matter any farther at present, but
we would feel thankful to the editor of
the Times and Planter to point out what
lie is pleased to designate as “the mani
j fold errors of the Chronicle’s article.”
What we want is light, iu order that
justice may be done to the farmer and
the merchant.
BRIGHTER SKIES.
Every day brings us more encourag
ing news from the financial and manu
facturing centres of the country. The
mills at Cohoes which suspended have
commenced xvork again, and given em
ployment to live thousand operatives.
Other large mills in the Middle and Nexv
England States have resumed, and the
prospects for the poor are not so gloomy
us they were a short time since. Money
matters seem to be getting easy, and
while it will be useless to hope for the
flush times which ruled in the North
and East from 1861 up to the recent
panic, we can safely expect a solid and
permanent prosperity, which will benefit
the people of every section.
"ANOTHER CHRISTIAN STATES
MAN.”
Under this heading the New York Sun
comments upon a recent sacriligious
speech of Judge Durell to the negroes
of Louisiana, in which that eminent
jurist remarked, in substance, that what
he had done in the Louisiana contested
election case had been for the greater
glory of God. The long line of Chris
tian statesmen furnished to the world by
the Republican party, beginning with
Schuyler Colfax aud ending with Pome
roy aud Harlan, has been increased by
the accession of the drunken and cor
rupt Judge whose edict placed the gov
ernment of a State in the hands of the
robber and the oppressor.
SPOILING THE PHILISTINES.
The New York Graphic seems to
think that Mr. Daniel Drew is in a fair
way to receive the blessing promised to
good men when they are reviled and
persecuted by the wicked. Eminent as
Mr. Drew is for his piety—for every one
knows that, besides having founded a
theological seminary, he is one of the
chief pillars of St. Paul's 'Methodist
Church—he was recently accused by
certain godless men of having urged
them to bay Quicksilver stock and of
having secretly “unloaded" himself to
them of a large quantity of that stock,
to their ultimate loss of over §200,000. —
And now come other wicked and cruel
men, and swear that the good Mr.
Drew, having in like manner in
duced them to buy Canton stock
by the assurance that it, would
soon rise in price, thereupon “unload
ed" himself of 15,000 shares of said
stock to the wicked men aforesaid, who
subsequently lost 81,000,000 by the per
sistent refusal of “Canton" to do any
thing but fall in price. That Mr. Drew
should be interrupted in his prayers
and called out of church, so to speak,
in order to answer such cruel complaints
is really shameful. It remains to be
i seen whether the Courts will sustain the
wicked persecutors of Mr. Drew, or
whether it will be judicially decided that
so saintly a man has a perfect right to
spoil the Wall street Philistines to any
j practicable extent.
AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, DECEMBER 10, 1873.
THE SALARY GRAB.
The Radicals have determined to take
time by the .forelock in freeing their
party from the salary grab iniquity.
At the Republican caucus, held on Sat
urday night, a committee was appointed,
with instructions to report a bill repeal
ing the bill so far as it applied to mem
bers of Congress.
THE OLD SONG.
It seems that we have not yet done
with the old cries of rebels and traitors,
of the South ripe for revolt, etc. ik
correspondent of the Illinois State Jour
nal writing from Atlanta gives the fol
lowing startling information to the
readers of that paper :
If the Union army was entirely re
moved from this section of the South,
it would be impossible for a Union man
to live here six months. A small body
of troops is literally like pouring oil on
water. You haze no idea of its effect
unless you could witness it.
It is safe to bet that the WTiter of the
above slander is some needy Radical in
Atlanta who is anixous to bring about —
as a matter of business—Federal inter
ference with the government of Geor
gia. Poor wretch, does he not know
that the time for this sort of thing has
passed never to return again. The last
outrage of this character was perpetra
ted in Louisiana and the party which
sanctioned it will pay for their sanction
by the loss of that power xvhich they
have wielded for so long a time and to
such base purposes.
LET US HAVE A CONVENTION.
We are glad to find such an influen
tial journal as the Telegraph r. nd Mes
senger endorsing the call for a Constitu
tional Convention. Here is what it says:
The Chronicle and Sentinel insists,
and with good reason, we think, that
there is no good reason why we should
not have a Constitutional Convention at
some convenient time during the year;
and suggests that the people in that,
district should hold a meeting on the
first Tuesday in January—sale day—and
instruct their representatives in the
Legislature t 9 vote for submitting the
question to a’vote of the people. We
think the suggestion a good one, and
commend it to the consideration of the
people of this and other districts adja
cent. There is certainly great need for
a revision of the present Constitution,
and the people should speak out. Their
opinion would have great weight with
the Legislature, and by bringing it
prominently before that body would in
sure the success of the scheme.
The Convention may be regarded as a
certain thing. But in order that there
may be no doubt whatever about it, let
the people of the different counties ex
press their opinion before the meeting
of the Legislature. We hope that the
question will be thoroughly agitated in
each and every county of the State, and
that action will be taken on the first
Tuesday in January.
BRAIN WORK.
A certain Dr. Clark has written a book
upon the training of women, in which
he assails the “over mental training” to
which the women of America are sub
jected, and brain work generally as pre
judicial to the health of man or woman.
We have read a good deal of this sort
of thing recently, so much of it that we
have begun to doubt the correctness of
the arguments used iu support of this
pet theory of the medical faculty. So
far as the experience of every day life
furnishes us with facts upon xvhich to
base a theory, it would seem that “brain
work,” as it is termed, does not kill as
many persons as might be supposed.—
Take, for instance, the three learned
professions—Laxv, Medicine and Divini
ty—and it will be seen that the average
j life of the brain worker is fully as long
| as that of the merchant, the mechanic,
or the planter. The novelists, the poets,
the historians and the philosophers; the
professors in colleges, the men of
science, as a general thing, live longer
than those persons occupied in commer
cial and agricultural pursuits. Brain
work cannot be so very destructive of
health when we see such hard students
as William Cullen Bryant, John Stuart
Mill, George Grote and Thomas Carlyle
—two dead, two alive—in the full pos
session of physical and mental power
long after the passage of the meridian
of life. It can not be intellectual labor
which kills. The greatest foes to lon
gevity are the passions and the vices of
human nature. The brain worker lives
as long or lo*nger than any of the other
I laborers in the great work-shop of the
i world.
SHALL WE HAVE MORE CUR
RENCY?
When doctors disagree who shall de
cide ? Bankers and merchants an'd poli
ticians, who tinker at and muddle the
national finances, are divided on the
vexed subject of the currency, some be
ing in favor of expansion aud others of
contraction, as the first step necessary
to a resumption of specie payment. The
economists iu Congress will settle the
question. The probabilities are that the
volume of the circulating medium will
neither be increased nor diminished, as j
the Administration and its mouth- j
pieces are opposed to any change. The j
New York Times (President Grant’s or- j
gan), discussing the currency question, |
says:
We complain of its quality, and not
of its quantity; and we shall hail with
joy any plan which will bring gold into
our currency and take paper out. Any
scheme which will do this is good
enough for us, aud as we do not know
whether we have too little or too much
currency, we propose that a trial be
made. We are unwilling to sit still any
longer and see such sums of gold as are
now flowing to us without an effort to
take some of it into permanent keeping
in our currency.
We have no faith in any per capita ar
guments, and do not agree with those
who think that they can reach the square
root of the wants of different nations by
any such summary process. As nations
are manufacturing or agricultural, as
they chieflv inhabit towns or farms, they
need more or less money for the daily
uses of life. The citizen who rides
down town of a morning to his work,
takes his midday meal at a chop house,
and bays his after dinner cigar, needs
more money than the farmer who
walks ont on his farm, kills his pig
for dinner, or the “fatted calf,” for that
matter, and spends his day where he has
neither reason nor temptation to put hts
band in his pocket for a penny. The
habits of nations differ as widely as
those of individuals.
In France, the one out-and-out specie
paying country of the world, where the
use of checks is almost unknown, the
amount of paper and coin was before
the war about thirteen hundred millions
of dollars. The metallic eiiculation of
Prance was shown at the Monetary Con
ference (the magnificent report of
which has been lately published by the
French Government) to be from five to
six milliards of francs, and the paper is
sues of the Bank of France one and a
quarter milliards, or, as we have said,
above thirteen hundred million dollars.
The population, before the loss of the
! Rhine provinces, was about 38 millions,
i and the amount oi circulation per capi
tal 834 20.
! In England, which, as Baron Roths
child said at the same conference, “has
not, correctly speaking, a metallic circu
| lation," there was at the same period the
i sum of about ninety million pounds in
coin and forty millions in paper, in all
! one hundred and thirty million pounds,
or six hnndred and fifty millions of dol
lars, which,, for a population of thirty
j two millions, gives a sum of 82D 31 per
! heal. But as Mr. Rothschild further
remarked, “the rate of discount in Eng
land is sometimes for years two per cent,
above that of the Bank of France, and
this principally because the monetary
circulation is not large enough in Eng
land.”
In 1860 the circulating medium in this
country— coin and bank paper—amount-
ed to four hundred aud fifty millions of
dollars. To-day it reaches, fractional
currency and coin all told, seven hun
dred and ninety millions. In 1860, with
a population of thirty-one millions, the
amount per head was §l4 60. To-day,
with a population of forty millions, the j
amount reaches 819 75 per head — greatly
less than in France, and about the same
as in England, where, i:s we have seen,
not only is the circulation restricted,
but the devices of cred.t are pushed to
au extreme limit.
“OUR COUNTRY.”
Our respected cotemporary, the Con
stitutionalist, commenting upon a re-;
cent decision of Attorney-General Wil
liams, which is adverse to a claim of
Thomas G. Williams for services as a
Lieutenant of the United States Army
prior to the late war, during which he
served in the Confederate army, is
disposed to be splenetic aud bitter in its
strictures upon what it characterizes as
“our country” and “oiffi flag.” The flag
of the United Statens termed “the
barber-pole symbol.’!; The Constitu
tionalist admits that these expressions—
to-wit, that this is “«jur*country aud
our flag”—are to soffit extent correct ;
aud then, again, our jjjr'EDfforary says
that it is paiiifiiffy reminriM'i*haiFfhis Ts
“just such a country and just such a
flag as we (the Constitutionalist ) can :
neither love, admire or respect.”
There are thousands upon thousands j
of good and true men all over these
Southern States who have just cause to j
be inimical and hostile, not to the flag :
or the country, but the party who have j
perverted the Government and the flag
into instruments of oppression and
spoliation. We know the wrongs by
which the South ha3 been outraged by
the Radical party, which has had con
trol of the Government during and since
the war. We have been zealous and
persistent in our denunciation and op
position to all the iniquitous and infa
mous measures of reconstruction. In
season and out of season the Chronicle
and Sentinel has fought for the hoiior
and interests of Georgia and of the
South. We sympathize with the dis
tressed condition of South C irolina,
Mississippi and Louisiana. We de
plore the outrages perpetrated upon
our sister States, and we have
never failed to denounce the au
thors of those infamies. The ad
ministration of President Grant, the
Radical party which has elected and
sustains him, and the Congress of the
United States, are responsible for the
condition of affairs in our sister South
ern States. These for the time being
constitute, it is true, the Government of
the United States. They have done
their worst to the South, and the South
ern peoplo hold them responsible for
the injuries suffered at their hands.—
But while denouncing and despising, if
you will, the Administration and the
Radical party, would it be either just or
honorable, patriotic or politic, becom
ing or manly, in the Southern people to
make the admission that we have neith
er a country nor a flag? Certain
ly not. The United States is our
country, and “ their barber-pole
symbol” is our flag. It is now the flag
of the South. Aud whenever it is in
sulted abroad, though it is the symbol of
oppression at home, there are thousands
of men in every Southern State, who
marched and fought for four years
under the flag of the Confederacy, pre
pared to sustain the country which it rep
resents, When the Bug of the Con
federacy went down at Appomattox with
the surrender of General Lee and his
army, “our flag aud our government”
passed away. The memories of that
glorious struggle—the sublime heroism
of our soldiers, their patience, their en
durance, their valor, and the principles
for which they fought and died—will not
pass away. So long as the Southern
people appreciate virtue and valor, so
long will they revere the memory of the
dead soldiers of the Confederacy and
cherish the principles for which they
died. With reverence for the dead
and appreciation and gratitude for
the living who took part in the
war for Southern independence, new
duties and new obligations,. - how
ever obnoxious and repellant to our
sympathies and feelings, were assumed
by the people of the South toward the
Government of the United States, when
our armies surrendered. The duties
and tho obligations imposed, however
involuntary, make us citizens of the
United States. And however arbitrary
or unjust the Administration in power
may be in its legislation toward the
South, we liavb a country and a flag.
That country is the United States, and
that flag—the Star Spangled Banner—
the flag of our fathers, the flag of the
revolution, aud of the earlier and purer
days of tire Republic. It is hard for us
of the South to either appreciate the
| one or fall in love with tho other. But
what have the Southern people to gain
by fostering enmity and brooding over
what might have been ? We surren
* der no principle. We abandon no
right. We give up no cherished memo
i ries of the past. These are a part of our
| heritage, that neither oppression nor
! xriolence can wrest from our affections
and convictions. _ But do we not owe it
; to ourselves to battle for tho right, to
enter actively into the struggle for the
mastery of the political supremacy of
the Government ? We have everything
to loose and nothing to gain by sullen
ness and inactivity. As citizens of the
United States, the people of the South
,have solemn obligations to discharge in
rescuing the from the hands
of the party which has perverted the ave
nues of justice and usurped authority to
oppress the South. Time and patience,
courage and virtue, intelligence and
wisdom, will bring all things right. In
peace or in war, when waged to vindi
cate the honor of the United States, let
us never forget that we have a country
and flag.
THE DUTY OF A LAWYER.
How far a lawyer may reach in the
subversion of law and social order, to
serve a client, is not well defined; but
we are of opinion that his prerogatives
ought to have a limit. For instance,
the action of the counsel of Milton Ma
lone, in appealing his case to the Su
preme Court of the United States upon
the plea of incompetency of the jury
exclusively of white men, the peers ot
Malone, and not a mongrel negro c6n
cern, was an act that ought to condemn
them to the same infamy that darkens
the names of Durell, and Kellogg, and
Pelham.
The above is taken from the editorial
columns of the Rome Courier. We
hardly think that the strictures of our con
temporary upon the coarse of Malone’s
counsel are deserved. How far a lawyer
should go in the defense of a client has
not been, perhaps never will be, definitely
settled. Lord Brougham’s rule is bv
many thought too extended, while the
one indicated by the Courier is cer
tainly too restricted. It has never been
questioned that in defense of a client an
attorney may resort to any means, not
illegal or immoral, to secure a verdict in
his favor. If this be true of a civil pro
ceeding, more especially it ap
ply with justice to a capital criminal
case. While a lawyer wonld be very
properly condemned for the employ
ment of unlawful or immoral means to
save the life of a client, he can not be
blamed for availing himself of every op
portunity which the laws may offer to
secure an acquittal. Th* responsibility
of a lawyer in a capital case is very great,
aud to quiet his own conscience he most
feel when the gallows claims its victim
that num&n life has not been taken by
reason of any negligence or lack of zeal
and energy on his part. When he ac
cepts a retainer in such a cause, he must
be conscious that to a very great extent the
custody of human life has been com
mitted to his keeping, and he should
see to it that through no fault of his
is that life endangered or lost. All
of his ability, all of his industry,
and all of his skill should be direct
ed, through lawful and reputable
channels, to the attainment of one great
end—the safety of the man entrusted to
his charge. In our opinion, the lawyers
employed by Malone instead of “con
demning themselves to the same infamy
that darkens the names of Durell and
Kellogg,” by carrying tlieir client’s case
to the Supreme Court of the United
States, would have deserved the severest
censure had they failed to appeal to
that tribunal. No paper has been more
outspoken than the Chronicle and Sen
tinel in denunciation of the attempt
made by Federal Courts to corrupt the
purity of the jury box and pack it with
the ignorant partisans of a political fac
tion, and we should deeply regret a de
cision by the Supreme Tribunal of the
land, sustaining xvhat we believe to be
nothing more nor less than a concerted
attack upon the rights and liberties of
the people of a sovereign State. We
have no doubt that these were also the
views of the gentlemen who represented
Malone; but what were they to do ? In
their judgment, there xvas a chance to
save the life of a man under sentence of
death—one whom they had pledged
themselves to defend to the best of their
skill aud ability. Under these circum
stances, conkl they have hesitated for a
moment ? We think not.
A GREAT LEGAL DRAMA.
Pen Picture of the Closing Scenes in
the Trial or Wm. M. Txveed.
The scene that was xvitnessed in the
Oyer and Terminer Court room last Sat
urday was one that has seldom been
equalled, in point of dramatic interest,
in any American court of justice—one
that will remain indelibly impressed
upon the memory of its participants,
and one that will live in the judicial an
nals of this country as long as the trial
of Warren Hastings shall survive in the
memory of Englishmen or the parlia
mentary records of Great Britain. In
all the crowded and intelligent audience
that packed the Court room from ten
o’clock in the morning until after four
o’clock in the afternoon there was not
one who could fail to be impressed with
this exhibition of the majesty aud power
of tile law, which, although it encom
passed its victim without noise or de
monstration, still bound him as firmly
and dragged him onward to his doom as
certainly as though, as in the old days,
its grip had been of literal iron and his
footsteps had echoed the clanging of a
load of chains.
The oblong court room is divided
equally by a bar running across its cen
tre. Beyond this bar the seats for the
ordinary spectators rise in an inclined
plane to the farther xvall, but on this oc
casion the seats xvere only used as perch
es on which their occupants stood to
gaze over the heads of the crowds
thronging the aisles and passage-way.—
Within the bar the three long tables
placed irregularly about the room were
occupied respectively by the representa
tives of the Attorney General, the coun
sel for the prisoner, aud the members of
the press; and all around them, over
floxving the jury box, crowding the
chairs, and standing wherever there was
a footnold, was a dense throng of per
sons whose occupations or interest had
obtained for them the privileges of those
positions. The array of counsel for the
prosecution included Mr. Lyman Tre
main, Messrs. Peckham and Clinton, and
District Attorney Phelps and his assis
tants, Allen and Rollins. These sat at a
table running at right angles from the
bench and directly facing the jury box.
Just beyond and at right angles with
this table xvas the one occupied by the
eminent array of counsel engaged in the
defense, which included John Graham,
ex-Judge Fullerton, and the Messrs.
Bartlett.
Prominent at this table was the burly
form of John Graham, whose strongly
marked features were surmounted by
his familiar red and bushy wig, aud just
behind him, and consequently on the
farther side of table from the bench,
sat the central figure of the whole scene,
the famous prisoner, William Marcey
Tweed, his features and his attitude
proclaiming him a broken—almost a
hopeless—old man. He no longer sat
back in his chair, erect and self-con
tained, withiiis hands comfortably dis
posed upon his portly person and his
face calm, open-eyed and fearless, as his
friends have seen him sit at any time
during the past twenty years. His
shoulders were bent and rounded almost
to deformity, his forearm rested on the
chair back, and his face was, during the
most of the proceedings, burietf in his
hand. His face was flushed and flabby;
even the muscles of the eyelids seemed
to have refused to do their duty, and the
upper eyelids drooped heavily, giving
an expression of the utmost weariness,
and even adding an appearance of stu
pidity to his features than which nothing
could be more foreign to their normal
cast.
Frequently he pressed his fingers
along the edges of his closed eyelids
with what seemed to be a cruel expendi
ture of force, and on more than one
such occasion his eyes, when released,
were seen suffused with tears. Beyond
this nervous gesture, however, and the
involuntary and hastily suppressed tears,
there was nothing in the action of the
man to indicate his inward agitation.
His attitude betokened that he felt him
self engulfed by the bitter waters of
humiliation, and that he knew himself
defenseless; he made no stand or fight,
against his fate, but on the other hand
he allowed himself to make no demon
stration of despair, and showed that he
had been forced from his attitude of de
fiance only as far as passiveness and not
to desperation. Close by his left side
sat his faithful eldest son, with his face
showing the same traces of sleepless
nights and anxious days, and exhibiting
far more signs of distress and agitation.
Near these two sat Richard Tweed, the
brother of the prisoner.
Five minutes after ten o’clock, and
following closely upon the entrance of
the prisoner, Judge Davis took his seat
upon the bench, wearing an expression
of face that indicated but little hope of
leniency. His forehead was settled into
a little frown, which even then express
ed evident impatience of the delays which
he knew must come. As the day wore
on, and the counsel for the defense ex
hausted one by one the feeble pleas on
which they trusted for delay, the cloud
deepened upon his brow, and the last
grounds of hope for the prisoner seemed
to crumble away beneath his feet. With
an evident air of weariness the Ja >ge
announced, ‘‘The Court is ready for any
thing you have to say, Mr. Graham,”
and Mr. Graham began his hopeless ef
fort in arrest of judgment.
This speech has already been ade
quately reported in these columns. It
elaborated—cunningly, ingeniously and
eloquently—the two claims against the
jurisdiction of the Court cf Oyer and
Terminer and the constitutionality of
the law of 1870 ; but its ingenuity was
hopeless and its eloquence was wasted.
The points were the same that had been
twice argued during the trials of the
case, and Judge Davis himself had in
formed the counsel last Wednesday that
his mind was so fully and unalterably
made up against them that their repeti
tion would be a sijaple waste of the time
both of the counsel and the Court. Mr.
Graham must therefore have known
that his appeal was hopeless, but he
continued for more than an hour and
one-half patiently building up piece by
piece the feeble barrier which he claimed
should shield his client from the thun
derbolts of the law then gathered in the
hand of its representative and ready to
m hurled upon him. At last the coun
sel had exhausted every one of his re
sources, and Judge Davis began to de
molish the fabric which he had so
I laboriously raised. Calmly and dispas
sionately he considered point after point
of the labored argument, and prop after
prop of the puny structure fell before
his incisive sentences ; and when the
whole had been swept away like so much
i chaff before a whirlwind, ha eoncluded,
“All these points must be overruled.
The motion iu arrest of judgment is de
nied.”
This was the first of the decisive blows
that the prisoner was destined to receive
that day, and it was driven home by Mr.
Trcmain, who arose at once, saying,
“Then it only remains that we move
that judgment be passed upon this
prisoner. ” He reminded the Court aud
aud counsel that he had given notice at
the time of the conviction that he would
move a separate judgment upon each
offense. In reply to this motion,
Mr. Graham, starting to his feet with an
expression of amazement, burst forth
with apparently uncontrollable emotion,
saying, “Mr. Tremaiu, your motion is
perfectly startling!” Mr. Tremaiu
turned at the mention of his name, and,
not having caught the expression used
by Mr. Graham, he said, inquiringly, “I
failed to understand you, brother
Graham.” Mr. Graham repeated the
remark in a louder and more emphatic
tone, when Mr. Tremain gave him one
glance, quickly turned his back, and re
sumed his seat. Mr. Graham continued,
with tears in his eyes, to speak of the
volcano which had thus suddenly and
unexpectedly been opened under tlieir
feet. At tlie conclusion of Mr. Tre
main’s reply, the auditors, who had
hitherto remained in perfect silence,
broke out in a general and emphatic
murmur of applause, which, hoxvever,
was promptly checked by the Court.
The Judge then began Iris opinion as to
the infliction of separate punishments,
and announced a» his dent slim that, the
jury having found the defendant guilty
of a large number of separate offenses,
the effect was the same as though each
one of these offenses had been embodied
in a separate indictment and had had a
separate trial. Judge Davis then di
rected the clerk to arraign the prisoner,
and Tweed, whose face remained un
changed except that all trace of color
had faded out of it, rose slowly to his
feet, his huge figure towering above the
crowds iu the Court room, and steadied
himself by holding with his right hand
the back of a chair in frout of him. He
looked at the Judge, but it was with
lustreless eyes and with his drooping
upper eyelids giving a meaningless ex
pression to his face, and he stood rea
sonably erect bnt with no firmness iu his
poise.
Mr. Sparks said: “William M. Tweed,
what have you to say why the judgment
of the Court should not be passed
against you ?” and Mr. Graham, rising
wearily from his seat, replied, “He has
spoken through his counsel.” Judge
Davis pronounced the sentence, speak
ing deliberately, distinctly, and xvitli
marked severity aud emphasis. The
prisoner was arraigned for sentence at
precisely twenty-five minutes after three,
and it was thirteen minutes of four when
the last word of the sentence was pro
nounced. The dramatic effect of the
sentence was> marred by the repetition
of the formal phraseology of the pen
alties ; but it was sufficiently impressive
to see this humbled magnate of a great
city standing defenseless before his
Judge and listening to his doom, as one
by one the years of his imprisonment
were told off to him. His face xvas un
moved, but his baud clutched the chair
rail upon which it rested with a force
that made the blue veins stand out like
whip cords, and the chair shook until it
rattled on the carpet. The sentence, a
xvill be seen, aggregates twelve years’
imprisonment in the penitentiary and a
fine of 812,500 06. At its conclusion the
prisoner withdrew his eyes from the
Judge, and for a moment looked around
in a dazed or bewildered manner, and
then sank into his seat. He then lost
all semblance of self-command, 4md sat
bowed doxvn to an almost shapeless mass,
until he was aroused by a touch on the
shoulder by the Deputy Sheriff. In
obedience to this reminder he arose,
slightly shook himself, and walked un
steadily into the clerk’s office, adjoining
the Court room. .
THE DUKE OF ALVA.
Until tho Cuban trouble dies out in
smoke or ends in flame, the name of the
iron-hearted soldier, who is inseparably
associated with the terrible ordeal
through which the Netherlands passed
from Spanish slavery to Dutch indepen
dence, will drop from innumerable lips
and innumerable pens, and serve as a
rallying cry for those who hope the mas
sacre of American citizens on board the
Virginius may transform the Queen of
the Antilles into an American; island.
Nearly three hundred yeais have elapsed
since Alva went to his grave; but in
every struggle between liberty and op
pression his uneasy ghost has seemed to
burst the portals of the tomb and stalk
abroad as a reminder of that dark and
dismal era when a long suffering people,
goaded into madness by more than
devilish tyranny, rose against an empire
which then overshadoxved the world and
struck the blow which made republican
governments possible. How strange it
is that to-day the memory of this man,
who so long ago turned to a little heap
of coffin dust, should assist in rousing
the wrath of a great nation which had
no existence while he lived, aud set in
motion influences which may sooner or
later snatch from Spain the last of her
once magnificent colonial possessions !
Neither Alva nor his master dreamed
that the horrible xvork which the one
did at the bidding of the other would be
handed down as an axvful legacy to gene
ration after generation, and envelope
both in a lialo of imperishable infamy.
Dead they are, but their deeds live after
them—burned, as it were, xvith a hot
iron into the world’s heart, there to re
main until “the last syllable of recorded
time.”
Fernando Alvarez de Toledo, Duke of
Alva, was born in Spain in 1508. He
sprang from a race of soldiers—himself
destined to be the greatest soldier of
them all. His family claimed descent
from the old Byzantine Emperors, and
one of his ancestors—a Palaslogus—con
quered Toledo and added the name of
that city to his own and his descend
ants’ title. The father of the subject of
our sketch was killed in an encounter
with the Turks, and the sou grew up
with a determination to avenge his
death and carve out fame and fortune
with his sword. He may almost be said
to have leaped from the cradle into the
saddle, for at an age when other boys
are amusing themselves with toys and
trifles he was studying the art of war,
and was already an adept in every man
ly and military exercise. When he en
tered the army is not known, but it is
certain that at sixteen he fought at the
battle of Fontarabia, and at twenty-two
accompanied Charles V. in his campaign
against the Turks. It was in this cam
paign that his cool courage, precocious
wisdom, and remarkable genius attract
ed the attention of a monarch who had a
rare faculty for discovering what was in
man; and henceforward Charles and tlie
young Fernando were inseparable. It
is told of him at this period—and it is
about the only symptom of the gentler
passion he ever manifested—that he rode
from Hungary to Spain on horseback for
no other purpose than to enjoy a brief in
terview with the bride he had left be
hind. In 1535 he was with Charles in
the expedition to Tunis; in 1546-'47 he
commanded the forces arrayed against
the Smalcaldian league, and achieved
great distinction at tne siege of Muhl
berg, where he won a splendid victory
over his antagonists.
When Charles abandoned the cares of
State for the sacred calm of the secluded
monastery of Yuste, he recommended
Alva to Philip in the strongest possible
terms, and urged hip employment where
ever and whenever a steady brain and a
relentless arm were needed. We have
seen that Philip followed this advice in
the Italian difficulty; he was now to fol
low it in a much more important matter,
and on a stage where the mightiest
actors were to figure for nearly eighty
years, and where Spain was to receive
those wounds which have reduced her
once imperial sway to such insignificant
dimensions that she is hardly able to
maintain her own nationality. Spanish
decadence began with the rebellion in
the Netherlands. That rebellion was
the cancer which slowly but surely has
eaten the life out of the dominion which
once embraced the choicest portions of
the Old World and the New—a domin
ion which has had no equal since Rome
lost the sceptre of the earth. It is im
possible, of course, in the columns of a
newspaper to give even the briefest sum
mary of those events which produced a
revolt in provinces hitherto enthusiasti
cally loyal to Spain.
Margaret of Parma, as regent of the
Netherlands, had failed to crush the
budding of insurrection, and being a
woman—though one of the most mascu
line of her sex—was too merciful to in
augurate the policy which Philip had
resolved to put in force. He did not
have far to look for a man who could
enforce that policy without fear and
without remorse. Alva was a ready and
a willing tool, and if the planet had been
Marched for a person to do Satan’s bid-
ding iu Satanic style, Fernando Alvarez
| de Toledo would have distanced all eom
i petitors. He was then fifty-nine years
old, tall, straight, with small, round
head, keen, glittering eyes, heavy nose,
i thih lips and an iron-gray beard, xvhich,
| divided into two long turfs, fell upon
his breast. His nerves were steel; he
was as inoapable of fatigue as of forgive
ness ; he had no appetite except for
blood, aud # went about his bloody busi
ness as quietly and dispassionately as
the professional butcher who puts his
knife to the throats of dumb brutes.
Though the very incarnation of cruelty,
he was seldom angry, and certainly never
allowed anger to disturb his judgment
or interfere with his appointed task As
a machinb for systematic murder, the
annals of mankind do not furnish his
equal. He stands alone and above all
other murderers—a colossal criminal be
fore whom all other criminals may liidt
their diminished heads.
Alva sailed from Cartlmgena May 10,
1567. His army consisted of 10,000
picked veterans, seasoned in a hundred
battles, and fit servants for such a mas
ter. They were perfectly equipped, and
in order to prevent those disorders so
prejudicial to military discipline, a corps
of two thousand of the demi-monde,
regularly enlisted and paid, accompa
nied them on their march. Franco hav
ing refused passage through her territo
ries, Alva proceeded to Genoa and from
thence made his way over the Alps,
through Savoy, Burgundy aud Lorraine,
and entered the Netherlands without
opposite Ai. In- that unhappy Country
there was but one man who knew xvhat
was coming. William of Orange com
prehended the mission of Alva, and
being poxverless to offer effective opposi
tion, retired into Germany. Before his
departure he urged Egmont and Horn,
his associates in resistance to Spanish
rule, to leave the place which xvas soon
to become an immense slaughter pen.
They could not and xvould not believe
there was any real danger, or that tlieir
monarch int nded any harm to those
who still considered t hemselves his faith
ful subjects. William begged, implored
and prayed them to fly before it was too
late. They refused—-and so walked
blindfolded to their doom.
The regent soon fount} that, though
not formally superseded, the supreme
authority had been transferred to Alva,
aud after many useless protests to Philip
retired from office and made room
for the viceroy, who had brought with
him hundreds of death warrants which
the King had signed in blank and left
him the pleasant duty of filling up. His
first work was to establish iu Brussels
what ho called “The Council of
Troubles,” but what tire world has call
ed from that day to this, “The Council
of Blood.” The xvliole judiciary of the
Netherlands was engaged in this one tri
bunal. Its members xvere appointed by
Alva, lie himself xvas President, and all
its edicts required his sanction. He
sanctioned every edict which carried
, death and confiscation of property with
it; he vetoed every edict which released
a prisoner who had ever raised his voice
against the Inquisition, or who xvas rich
enough to be worth robbing and mur
dering. Catholics as well as Protestants
were brought before the Council of
Blood, and without scarcely the form of
a trial dismissed to the scaffold or the
stake. They were not condemned sing
ly, but in droves of twenty, fifty and a
hundred. The names xvere read over, the
charges stated and the verdict rendered
So regular was the routine of butchery
that it is said one of the judges,
the infamous Hessel, used to go sound
asleep while the Court xvas in session,
and when awakened to give his vote on
a case which he had never heard, would
always exclaim, “To the galloxvs ! to the
gallows!” Egmont and Horn xvere
among Hie first to taste the tender mer
cies of the prince xvho prided himself
upon being ever “ mild, benignant and
placable.” Philip had given Alva special
orders to seize these leaders at the ear
liest opportunity and execute them
whenever it was most convenient. They
were invited to a banquet in Brussels.
Egmont was arrested while walking arm
in arm xvith Alva, and Horn a fexv min
utes later in another apartment of the
palace. Both were beheaded in the
grand square of the city, June 5, 1508—
j Alva looking on from a neighboring
window, and as soon as the nxe had fall
en dispatching a courier to Madrid with
the xvelcome tidings that txvo bravo and
honest noblemen, xvhoso only crime xvas
devotion to the cause of a down-trodden
people, had been “suitably punished for
tlieir iniquitous behavior.”
When Egmont and Horn had been
dismissed, the machinery of massacre
redoubled its speed. Agents were sent
into the remotest towns and villages of
the Netherlands xvith instructions to
bring al suspected persons—that is,
heretics, rebels, and the rich—at once to
Brussels. There tho Blood Council took
charge of them; Vargas accused; old
Hessel shouted, “To tho gallows !”
Alva said, “Amen,” aud they were swept
out of sight by the hands of the execu
tioner. It is estimated that during
the six years of Alva’s rule over
eighteen thousand men, women and chil
dren were hung, burned and beheaded.
This does not include the thousands
upon thousands xvho were slaughtered
by his soldiers. In the battles and
sieges which he conducted in person or
by his lieutenants, no quarter was ever
shown. The beaten army xvas extermi
nated, the captured cities given up to
fire and sxvord. Womeu were publicly
violated; children hacked into pieces;
I unborn infants torn from the maternal
| womb and flung to the dogs or to the
I tire. At the Back of Haarlem three hun
i dred citizens xverif tied back to back in
; couples and thrown into the lake; at the
! sack of Zutplien five hundred more
were fastened in the same manner and
drowned in tho river.
We have not the space to even mention
half the horrors perpetrated by this de
mon in human shape, with the sanction
of the master demon, who, in the clois
ters of the Escorial, spent his days and
nights in dictating and •Superintending
the infernal work. Philip was worthy
of Alva, and Alva worthy of Philip.
Drenched in treachery and blood both
are pilloried in history, and ns long as
grass grows and water runs men will
wonder why the good God allowed such
monsters as these to curse his footstool.
Alva retired from the Government of t in?
Netherlands November 17, 1573. His
farewell advice to the King was to de
stroy every city in the revolted provinces
except two or three to serve as garrisons,
and by no means to relax the “Christian
chastisement” which he had so happily
commenced. A short time after his re
turn to Spain he incurred the displea
sure of Philip on account of some mis
conduct of his son. He was imprisoned
and banished, but in 1580 was employed
in the conquest of Portugal, which re
stored him to royal favor, so that he
could die peacefully in his bed January
12, 1582
“heaving a name to other times,
Linked with no virtues and a million crimes.
THE FATE OF THE RING.
One a Convict, Four in Exile, Others
Under Indictment, and Two Dead -
Whereabouts of Connolly. Sweeny,
Fields, and Woodward.
[From the New York Graphic. |
Os the fifteen prominent officials and
contractors who are supposed to have
taken the principal part in the whole
sale robberies of the city and county of
New York under the Tammany Ring re
gime, one is now sentenced to the peni
tentiary; two are on trial for State
prison offenses; four are supposed to be
in exile in various countries of the
world; two are dead; one is impeached
aud forever disqualified from bolding
any office; one is free but is under in
dictment and under bail; and three are
at liberty and are pursuing their cus
tomary avocations in this city.
The coming inmate of the penitentiary
is the once potent William M. Tweed,
the central figure of the whole group of
public robbers, whose alleged crimes
loom above the offenses of his confeder
ates to the same extent that his huge
figure rises above their physical pro
portions. The circumstances of his last
trial, his conviction, and his sentence
last Saturday to twelve years’ imprison
ment and a heavy fine are still too fresh
in the minds of all to require repeti
tion.
The two satellites of the sundered
Ring who are now on tnal for felony are
James H. Ingersoll, the Tammany chair
contractor, and his partner, John B.
Farrington. Their alleged offense is
forgery in the third degree in signing
and uttering a forged warrant on the
County Treasurer, and the maximum
punishment to which they are liable if
convicted is five years’ imprisonment
with hard labor in the State prison.
The exile of the Tammany are E. A.
Woodward, Peter B. Sweenv, Richard
B. Connolly and Thomas C. fields. Os
these the first to take flight was E. A.
Woodward, a committee clerk of the
Board of Supervisors, who is credited
NUMBER 50.
with having been the distributing officer
of the Ring by which the county was
plundered in the Conrt House job.-
The mode of operating those swindles' as
revealed in the recent trials, was as fol
lows: Woodward and other account
ants would take existing '-l«y m9 against
the county prior to April, 1870, and
“raise” them 06 per cent, in amount.—
These raised aocounts were then pre
sented to the Board of Audit, consisting
of Mayor Hall, Comptroller Connolly,
and Commissioner Tweed, and very
promptly approved. The warrants oil
the County Treasury, payable at the
Tenth National Bank, were then given
to the contractor—Garvey, Keyser,
Miller, Ingersoll, or whoever he
might be—-and immediately upou
their drawing the raised amounts
callod for by the warrants, 00 per cent,
thereof was deposited in the same bank
to the crodit. ot E. A. Woodward, and a
distribution of the plunder mndo by the
latter in certain uniform proportions,
whereof Tweed’s-—the lion's -share was
found to have been invariably twenty
four per cent. In addition to these
raised Recounts, which had some legiti
mate basis, it has been shown that there
were a large number of claims which
were wliolij’ fictitious, and for which it
could not be claimed that the county
received a particle of benefit, so that it
has been estimated that out of the SO,-
000,000 of the conuty money paid out in
this way the honest basis of the olaims
did not amount to more than #hoo,ooo.
I t is a current %tion. in cnipiual law that
no one can know of the existence of an
indictment until the accused has been
arrested, but it is perfectly understood
that some dozens of indictments were
found against Woodward soon after the
revelations of these frauds in 1871, and
his precipitate flight occurred in Novem
ber of that year. The latest rumors of
his whereabouts locates him in London,
where, it is said, he is living under an
assumed name.
The exact locality of Peter B. Sweeny’s
present habitation is by no moans easy
to ascertain. It is known that he first
found a refuge in Canada, but lie is
also known to have been enjoying his
ease and dignity at Lake Mahopac Inst.
Summer. Subsequently he was in
Europe, and it is said lie has been seen
in this city within two weeks. Inquriios
among his friends, however, are an
swered by the statement that 110 was
last seen in England, and that lie is prob
ably either spending the Winter in that
country or hibernating in Ireland. Swoeny
does not stand charged with any crime.
An indictment was found against him,
hut it was by a grand jury which Judge
Bedford had with questionable authority
continued from term to term, and the
indictment has been quashed upon the
ground that the jury finding it had
been illegally continued. This, of
course, does not prevent the finding ot
anew indictment, and as the statue of
limitation has now been extended to five
years there are still two years and more
during which an indictment may at any
time be found.
The case of ex-Comptroller Connelly
is perhaps more serious than that of any
other of the exiles. He was first arrest
ed in the civil suits instituted against
him and Tweed, and his bail fixed at
$1,000,000. While endeavoring to pro
cure this bail he boarded at the Now
York Hotel in custody of tlio Sheriff;
but, failing in this endeavor, he was con
fined in Ludlow Street Jail until Janua
ry 1, 1872, when Judge Lcarnod re
duced the bail to $500,000, which
amount he succeeded in raising. In the
meantime fifteen indictments for crimi
nal misconduct had been found against
him, and he had given bail in SI,OOO un
der each of these indictments. This ac
cumulation of impending trouble seemed
to prove too nmcli for his courage, and
early in 1872 he left the country. One
of the latest clues to his wheroaboutH is
furnished by the testimony of a leading
member of the Now York Bar, who
states that last Summer he encountered
and recognized the ex-Comptroller,
whom he had known for twenty years,
in a hotel in Dublin, where he ‘was liv
ing under an assumed nnnio and careful
ly avoiding tho notice of New Yorkers
on their travels.
Tho last of the exiles iH ex-Corpora
tion Attorney, ex-I’ark Commissioner,
M>(t tyAowtHynivi 'l'homns O. i*'.
but his case is very different from that
of the others. lie is not charged with
any complicity in the Board of Audit
robberies, but ischarged with fraud and
corruptiyn in connection with u sum iff
nearly half a million dollars which lie
received to pay the demands of tho
“ suburban lire companies.” Upon tbeso
charges two indictments for bribery as
an Assemblyman were found, on which
he was held to $5,000 bail, and a civil
suit was instituted, in which a judgment
for nearly $500,000 was obtained against
him lust May, seven months after his
flight, in the Supreme Court in Albany
county. An appeal from this judgment
will bo argued at the next session of tho
general term in that county, and his
friends speak confidently of their pros
pects of having it reversed. Fields is
said to be living in Belgium in the most
economical manner, his business affairs
hero having been so hopelessly entan
gled when he left that lie is absolutely
without any income of his own, and is
wholly dependent upon tho cliantublo
remittances of his friends. He has not
changed his name, and does not attempt
concealment. It is said that ex-Gov
ernor Hoffman met him in London a
few months ago, and his present address
is no soeret among his friends in New
York.
Tho death roll of Tammany banditti
includes the names of County Auditor
James Watson and Col. James Fisk, Jr.,
the “Prince of Erie.” Judge MeCunn
was impeached and removed, and sur
vived this blow but a few days. Wat
son was killed in • a sleighing accident
above Central Park in tho Winter of
1870, and a few weeks later Fisk was
shot down by Edward 8. Stokes, thus
giving rise to tho remark that “tho kick
of a horse and the shot of an assassin
proved the downfall of the Tajnmany
Ring. ”
The impeached aud disgraced official
is ex-Judge Gedrgo C. Barnard, who is
forever disqualified from holding any
office of trust or profit in this btate. The
one who is still under indictment for his
share in the Tammany frauds is ox-Mayor
A. Oakey Hall, who is jointly indicted
with Tweed and Connolly in the “book
indictmment,” under which Tweed has
been sentenced to Blackwell’s Island.
Mr. Hall has been twice tried and lias
escaped conviction, once by the death of
a jnror and once by the disagreement of
the jury, which is said to have stood
seven for acquittal aud five for convic
tion. He now stands therefore in pre
cisely the same position as Tweed occu
pied between his first and second trials.
The three participants who are freo
and out of danger are the two contrac
tors, Andrew J. Garvey and John H.
Keyser, both of whom have turned
State’s evidence, and thus saved them-
I selves from prosecution, and ex-Judge
j Albert Cardozo, who resigned and was
I succeeded by Judge Fancher, pending a
I motion for his impeachment by the As
| sembly, and who ik now practising his
| profession as an attorney in this city.
THE “LIST OF THE LOYAL.”
! A Tart Disavowal from Col. Hbannop.
Camden, S. C., November 25.
To the Editor of the News and Courier:
! I see by yesterday’s News and Courier
that I have the honor of a place in the
i “List of the Loyal.” Where I am known,
I judge no question could arise as to
my sympathy. Where lam unknown
| the question could concern no one. But,
j known or unknown, I should be sorry
that any one should deem me fool
enough to apply to the United States for
indemnity for any of my losses during
and by the war.
For foreigners and other non-residents
I have filed before different tribunals,
professionally, many claims for indem
nity—but before tho “claims commis
sion” referred to I have never filed but
one case, and that for a gentleman re
siding in Philadelphia for over thirty
years past, whose property in this dis
trict was “ appropriated ” i>y Sherman’s
army, and in which ease 1 have no inter
est, the fees even enuring to an attorney
in Washington.
Very respectfully yours,
Wm. M. Shannon.
Foreign.
Madkid, December 4.—lt is reported
that the Spanish Mission at Washington
has been offered to Figures.
The bombardment of Cartlingena by
the Republican batteries continues in
cessantly. Four hundred houses in tho
city have been destroyed. At the request
of General Ceballos, the commander of
the Government forces, foreign lleets
have withdrawn from the harbor.
The Patrons of Husbandry gave a
splendid basket dinner at Decatur last
Tuesday.
