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fAronicic anb Sfntiml.
*WDNEBDAY. .DECEMBER 17, 1873.
SPEAKKI! BUIKX.
The little reputation for honesty which
Mr. Speaker Blaine gained by having
nothing to do with Credit, Mobilier and
by his vote against the salary steal has
been sacrificed by the selection of his
committees. He has endorsed both of
the iniquitous measures of the last
session by putting the men implicated
with them at the head of the most im
portant committees. Credit Mobilier
scoundrels and advocates and receivers
of the bock pay are given their old posi
tions and treated with all the considera
tion which should be given men of
blameless character. Mr. Blaine has
shown a disregard for public opinion
which is positively indecent, and when
he prates of liis honesty again he can
be easily answered by a reference to the
Committees of Congress. A man who
is so friendly to the Credit Mobilier ring
cannot be very honest himself.
WHY THE MEETINGS SHOULD BE
HELD ON THE FIRST TUESDAY
IN JANUARY.
We are glad to notice the endorse
ment given by the Constitutionalist to
our suggestion that meetings be held
liy the people for the purpose of
taking action upon the Convention
question. We are glad to have such an
ally. We arc also glad to notice that a
number of other journals have en
dorsed this suggeßtion, and have ap
proved the day mentioned by us, to-wit:
the first Tuesday in January. The rea
sons for the selection of this particular
day are sufficiently obvious to most peo-
The first TnSiit&y in'ftfe'Wbhtli is
legal sale day throughout Georgia, and
is the day which the people select for
visiting the Court House. At this busy
season of the year the farmers cannot
often find time to leave their plantations,
and many would be unable to attend a
meeting unless held upon the first Tues
day. The country people are as much,
or more, interested in the question ns
the residents of the towns or cities, and
they should be given an opportunity to
give expression to their wishes.
GEORGIA CONOREHBMKN.
The nine representatives from Georgia
do not seem to have taken a very high
stand in Congress, judging from the
character of the committees upon which
they have been appointed to serve. Gen
eral Young does not appear to have
been honored with a seat upon any com
mittee (we take the list from the Atlanta
Constitution). General Cook figures
upon the Militia. Hon. It. H. Whitelt
will have charge of Manufactures and
Public Expenditures. Hon. J. H.
Buoiint will assist Mr. Whitbly in the
Committee on Manufactures. Hon. Mr.
Freeman will be busily engaged during
the session attending to Private Laud
Claims. Hon. Morgan Rawls will bear
a portion of tho tremendous responsi
bility which burdens the Committee on
Revolutionary Pensions. Hon. Henry
It. Harris will have an "eye to the En
rolled Bills and to Mines and Mining.
Hon. James 2. Belt, serves upon the
Coinage Weights and Measures Com
mittee. Hon. Alexander H. Stephens
will attend to the Revision of the Laws.
How is it that in this list we see noth
ing of the Smithsonian Institute, of
Public Buildings aud Grounds, of the
Library? If it shall appear that Geor
gia lias been discriminated against in
the selection of these three last named
committees, it is to be hoped that Mr.
Speaker Blaine will be held to a strict
account for tho indignity offered the Em
pire State of the South.
THE CONTENTION.
It will bo seen from the letter publish
ed in the Chronicle and Sentinel yester
day that the sturdy patriot, Col. Alexan
der 0. Walker, who for so many years
represented tho people of Richmond
county and of the Eighteenth District in
the Legislature of Georgia, strongly
favors the calling of a Convention. He ;
gives his views with a frankness and
boldness characteristic of the man; and
he presents his reasons for favoring the
movement with a force and vigor equally
as characteristic. There are thousands
in Georgia who, like Col. Walker, re
gard the Constitution under which we
are now living as “a foul etnauation from
semi-savage negroes and Yankee thieves," i
and who are determined to have a Con
vention which will represent the people
of Georgia. Col. Walker is right, too,
when he says that in a Convention alone
can the people find a bulwark against
extravagance, robbery and corruption.
A constitutional command or inhibition
will stand uutil tlio people desire n
change. The work of tho Convention will
bo passed upon by the people—will
become tho act of the people. Legisla
tures have been corrupted, and they can
be corrupted again. Witness the opera
tions of the lobby in tho dark days of
l SUH, 18»i9 and 1870, when dishonesty
held high carnival, and spoliation was
the order of the day. The Legislature
of 1871 72 disowned a mass of fraudu
lent indebtedness imposed upon the
State by Bollock and Comcast. At the
first session of the present Legislature
strong efforts were made to have these
bonds recognized, and if report be true
the advocates of the bond ring did not
confine themselves to argument alone.
It is true they failed last Winter, but
thev will renew the attack year after
year, until they succeed in purchasing a
majority. What will prevent the tax
payers of the State from shouldering
eight or ten millious of dollars of frau
dulent indebtedness? Nothing but a
clause in the Constitution which shallfor
ever prohibit the recognition of these spu
rious obligations. There are many, too,
who are anxious that the jurisdiction of
the Supremo Court should be materially
abridged—as the present system works
a great deal of vexatious delay and an
noyance and not nufrequently actual loss
to the suitor. Col. Walker well an
swers those who complain ot the “great
expense” of a Convention. He was a
member of the Convention which met in
1805. The members of that body sat
three weeks aud received four dollars
per day for their services.
JEFFERSON DAVIS.
It is gratifying to not© that nearly i
nine years after the termination of the
struggle between the North and South,
the Federal House of Representatives
has consented to remove the disabilities
imposed upon a certain class of South
ern men, vis : Those who held positions
in the military, naval, judicial, diplo
matic or legislative branches of the
Government and resigned them to take
part in a movement which defeat has
stamped with the name of “rebellion.'
We say that though all armed hostility
to the Government ceased nine years
ago. and there was nothing to prevent
an earlier restoration of their rights to
the Southern people, except the policy
of hate adopted by the dominant politi
cal party, still snch an act as the one
passed on Monday is gratifying because
it :.eems an indication that there is
about to be a turning in what has
been a very long, long lane. Even a
tardy act of grace is acceptable. Better
late than never. We have little doubt
that “general amnesty” for the whites
is to be coupled with “civil rights" for
the blacks, and that in return for the
pard.tm of one or two hundred men,
whose h°le aim was that they were loved
and trusted b J their people prior to the
war. we mas* open the doors of oar
hotels, theatres, churches, schools and
railway cars to the negroes. But then
we might have gotten rights cram
med down our throats without even the
thin sugar-coating of general aumesty.
For what we have received let us be
thankful. We cau fight social equality
with such weapons as we may when the
evil is upon us. When the bill which re
moved all political disabilites was re-
phrted to the House, of course the
average ultra Radical , objected, and
held up the spectre of the President of
the Confederate States in order to
frighten his loyal brethren. “Will yon
let Jefferson Davis take a seat in Con
gress?” asked theanper-loyal Lawrence,
of Ohio. But the spell had lost its pow
er. The question was answered vtry
promptly, and to the point, by May*
nard, “If the Vice-President of the
dead Confederacy was allowed to take a
seat in Congress, why should the Presi
dent be refused admission?” Maynard
is right for once. There are no grades
in guilt. No degrees in treason. And
Mr. Davis is not guiltier (if there was
any guilt in the matter, which we deny)
than the humblest soldier who carried a
musket in the armies of the Lost Cause.
He was the head of the Confederate
Government because the people of the
Confederacy chose him from among
their number to be their leader. He
was not celebrated as an orator—though
a ready and effective Congressional de
bater—and had not done near so much
of the work of “firing the Southern
heart” as many others whom the people
passed by when they were searching for
a President. But he was a man who
had made himself a leader with the aid
of other talents than those which
conspire to form the mere orator.—
He had the sagacity to plan and
the nerve and fixedness of purpose
to execute what lie had designed. He
was, it is true, a man of strong preju
dices, and equally strong will. But he
made an able leader, an honest and in
corruptible Executive —one who caused
himself and his country to be respected
while he presided over the administra
tion of her affairs. Above all, he was a
true man. He never faltered in his alle
giance. and frqjn tbs slay be took bis in
augural oath until the time he was
manacled and cast into a Federal bas
tile, all his talents, all his energies, were
bent to the attainment of the one grand
object to which he had dedicated his
life—the independence of his country.
He knew the risk which he ran in be
coming the head of a “rebellion.” He
knew, that though no more a traitor
than any other citizen of the South, he
must expect an ignominious death in
the event of failure. And knowing this
risk, he willingly took it. He did his
duty, his whole duty, and he did ifr no
bly and well. Since the war he has
borne himself with a dignity in misfor
tune and with a patience under insult
and contumely which have compelled
the admiration of the world. We believe
that if Mr. Davw desires a return to
public life the Southern people will be
proud to have him as a representative in
the halls of Congress. He will be, in
some respects, a true representative, at
all events, however distasteful his pres
ence might be to the apostles of loyalty.
But we do not think that Mr. Davis
cares for the honors which oan be ob
tained in political strife. He recognizes
the fact that anew generation has
sprung up, educated in a different
school, and imbued with different ideas.
To this generation he is willing now to
give the control of the South. He
does not care to enter Congress and
play the part of the Atturian parrot
seen by Humboldt in the Azores, which
spoke the language of the Atturians, ail
extinct Indian tribe, and whose words
no one could understand. He is con
tent to remain in the retirement of
private life-wise enough to know that
nothing which he could now do would
add to his fame as a statesman or
patriot, and confident that in this re
tirement he enjoys the respect and love
for his people.
BAZAINE.
Tho dispatches from Versailles, pub- j
lisl icd in the Chronicle and Sentinel yes- ,
terday moruiug, announced that the
trial of Bazaine had terminated in the
conviction of the accused, and a sen
tence of degradation from rank and
death—the extreme penalty of military
law. In many respects tho trial has been
one of the most remarkable events in the
history of modern warfare. There is
but one other ease which bears to it any
resemblance whatever, and the circum
stances of these two are widely different.
Tiie trial of the French Marshal is often
compared to that of the English Admiral,
Uyno; but a very little reflection will
show that they are by no means aualn
gons. Byno was entrusted with a squad
ron for the relief of the Island of Minor
ca at a time when the English army and
navy had been peculiarly unfortunate in
their euconuters with the French. After ■
reaching the Mediterranean Byno dis- :
covered that he was too weak to cope
with the enemy, aud put into Gibraltar
to refit aud reinforce his squadron.
While there*the French succeeded in
landing an army of nearly twenty thou
sand men in Minorca, which rendered it
impossible for Byno to accomplish the
task which he had been ordered to per
form. Notwithstanding this fact he
made the attempt. An attack upon the
French fleet, faintly pressed it is true,
was easily repulsed, and he sailed for
England. Upon his return he found the
whole nation convulsed with indigna
tion. The repeated disasters which had
befallen the English arms by sea and
land inflamed the people almost to mad
ness. Passion was at a white heat. A
sacrifice was demanded, and Byno was
brought to trial before a naval court
martial upon a charge of cowardice.—
There was not a shadow of proof to sus
tain the shameful accusation. But the
clamor of the populace could not be re
sisted. He was convicted and sentenced
to death. An appeal was made to the
Government to save him, but without
avail. The Government was itself
frightened at the violence of the storm.
It thought only of self-preservation.—
The Ministry made of Byno a scape
goat for the inertness nnd imbecility
which had characterized their conduct j
of the war. The sentence of the court
was executed, aud the blood of
the unfortunate Admiral—the victim of i
a blind and senseless fury—has left a
! stain upon the honor of England which ;
time has been powerless to efface.
What are the facts with regard to j
Bazaine? He was an old and often
tried soldier of France. He had shown
i himself a brave and skillfal officer in a
hundred hard fought battles. He had
conquered a country in the New World.
He made himself the master of Mexico,
and only gave up his conquest when
policy destroyed the frnits of his cour
age and ability. He had the confidence 1
of the Emperor and the Empire, apd
when war with Germany was declared
he became the virtual oommander-in
chief <rf the French forces, Napoleon
being the nominal head of the army.— j
After a brief campaign, in which un- j
paralleled success attended the opera- j
tious of the German armies, the French
were beaten back from the frontier,
and a brilliant movement of Prince j
Frederick Charles oat the French j
line in the centre. MacMahon and the !
Emperor were forced Chalons, !
while Bazaine was left surrounded in
the famous fortress of Metz. Having
now divided the enemy, the Germans
lost no time iu improving the advantages
which they had gained. MacMahon and
Napoleon were vigorously pursued, their
line of retreat intercepted, and, the
German armies converging from differ
ent directions upon their prey, the iron
circle was formed which led to the sur
render at Sedan. This capitulation
placed the Emperor of France and one
hundred and fifty thousand soldiers in
the hands of the enemy, and virtually
ended the war—the rest could be but a
question of time. Marshal Bazainr now
found himself with an army of one hun
dred and seventy thousand men shut up
in the town and fortress of Metz, which
had been provisioned for only a gar
rison of twenty thousand. Napoleon
was a captive, the Regency of the Em
! press had been overthrown and swept
. -way ia a day, and a Republic had been
proclaimed. The siege ol the be
leaguered city was energetically pressed,
1 and a scarcity of food was added to the
horrors of daily attacks and nocturnal
bombardments. After making several
ineffectual efforts to cut lift way through
the lines of the investing army, and
fading further redstawce hopeless, Ba
zaine surrendered at Metz just as Na
poleon had done at Sedan. Imme
diately the authorifciaa at Paris pro
claimed the sarrender 'fi*ason and
the Marshal a traitor-ai* accusa
tion which called forth En indig
nant denial from the commander
who had conducted the negotiations on
the part of the Germans. But the--de
nial coming from such a source—only
added fuel to the Jkae. The charge
was transmitted as a legacy from,the Re
public to the Commune, from the Com
mune to the Republic of Thiers and
from Thiers to MacMahon. Until
tranquility had been restored to France,
until peace had been proclaimed, until
the last dollar of the indemnity had
been paid and the last foreign soldier
had been removed from her soil, the
matter was held in abeyance. Then,
after a lapse of three years, in which
feeling had had opportunity to subside
and time should have taken the sting
from the humiliation, Bazainh was
brought to trial. It is safe to say that
out of France no one doubted the result
of the investigation. No one believed
that the charges prompted by passion
would stand for a moment when subject
ed to the test of a judicial inquiry. But
the verdict which was rendered on Wed
nesday shows how hard it is for a na
tion to accept defeat as a result of its
own weakness or of causes which it
is powerless to control. There must
be someone to blame. There must be
a victim. There must be a sacrifice up
on the altar of national vanity.
Baziine has been made to answer for
.the feng train of disasters wjjicli com*
menced at Worth and culminated at
Paris. He has been found guilty of
negative treason, and eentenoed to deg
radation and death.
The French people need not expect
the world to approve the sentence which
they have passed in this case. The
world will not believe the verdict a just
one. The world will not believe that
Bazaine failed to do anything which
honor and duty demanded. The world
will believe that he made every effort
which could have been made with any
possibility of success to extricate him
self from his perilous position, and that
he only capitulated when he felt that
farther resistance would be unavailing
and could but result in the useless sacri
fice of human life entrusted to his keep
ing. He did attempt, not once but re
peatedly, to cut his way through the
enemy’s lines and every sortee was re
pulsed. Why are not the French com
manders at Sedan who failed to cut
their way through the army which sur
rounded them court martialed and shot?
If Bazaine is a traitor so are they. Who
can review his past services, his personal
courage, his patriotism, and say that
Bazaine was either coward or traitor ?
“I have but two words in my breast —
honor nnd country. I have never been
wanting towards this proud motto dur
ing forty-two years of service.” “I
swear before Christ,” said the unhappy
Marshal, “that I have not betrayed
France.” These noble and pathetic
words will live long after the shameful
accusation has been pronounced a cal
umny, and will be heard long after the
vindictive shouts with which the rabble
greeted tho verdict have passed away.
France will soon see the day when she
will bitterly regret the injustice done
the Marshal who was one of the bravest
aud most loyal of her children.
"SUITABLE SOCIETY.”
The New York World is capable of
saying some harsh things about the lead
ers of the Republican party. The fol
lowing “essay” on political leaders may
be characterized as brief and forcible :
“True indeed is it that Carpenter is un
fit for the Chair of the Senate, but he is
not so unfit for it as the Vice-President.
A drunkard in the White House, a venal
liar in the Vice-Presidency replacing a
venal perjurer there, a debauchee in the
Chair of the Senate, Credit Mobilier
bribees leading the first committees of
Congress, an uncanght Mobilierist in
the Speaker’s Chair, and a caught Mo
bilierist the leader of the House, a C.
M. salary grabber our Minister at Japan,
a murderer our Envoy to Spain—why
disjoiut Carpenter from such suitable
society ?”
THE CAPTAIN OF TUB NIOBE.
After the noble aud heroic Fry and a
number of his crew had been executed,
the work of death was suspended until
the next day, when the balance of the
crew of the Virginius—fifty more—-were
to be shot. In the meantime the Brit
ish man-of-war Niobe sailed into the
harbor of Santiago de Cuba. Learning
the actual condition of affairs, the Cap
tain proceeded to the headquarters of
the Governor and demanded that the
executions should cease. The Spanish
official at first declined, but the plucky
Britain brought him to terms when he
threatened to bombard the city. The
prompt and decided action of the Brit
ish sailor is worthy of all praise. His
humanity and heroic conduct deserves
to be officially recognized by the Gov
ernment of the United States.
THE CAT IN THE MEAL TUB.
The two able and dignified dailies
published at the centre of intelligence
and political wisdom in Georgia readied
us last night filled with grape and canis
ter against the calling of a State Conven
tion. Hitherto antagonistic—the one
the very antipodes of the other on all
questions and issues—they have, for
the present, buried the hatchet and
have united their forces in warring
against the inevitable—the calling of a
State Convention by the people of Geor
gia. The Legislature will submit the
question to the people, and the people
will call the Convention, The opposition
of the Metropolitan dailies, the great
luminaries of Atlanta, is based upon the
fear that the capital will be moved back
to Milledgeville. This is the cat in the
meal tub, and accounts for the opposi
tion to the Convention. This objection
is untenable. It is too weak an argu
ment to defeat the accomplishment of a
great good.
EX-PRESIDENT DAVIS.
There are certain men in the South
who take a special delight in decrying
.Mr. Davis. This is done generally in
such a way as to escape pnblio criticism
and thereby avoid the just censure and
indignation of the people. He is damned
with faint praise and belittled by com
parisons that are odious and inappli
cable. In a covert way, Mr. Davis is
I accused of intense egotism, inordinate
i vanity, implacable hates and strong at
• tachments. His ability is denied and
i his arbitrary conduct, it is insinuated,
i hastened the downfall of the Confed
eracy. In striking contrast to this de
• famation of the fallen leader of the Con
federacy we find the following merited
euloginm in an article in the Courier-
Journal:
With a firmness of execution, indicat
ing an honestv of purpose, he discharg
ed his high duties, and the people ap
preciated him for it. Foote charges
favoritism and obstinacy on him with
more truth than most assertions he
makes. Several instances of that were
shown during the war. In the first days
of the war, when it was our proud boast
that one Southerner could whip five Yan
kees, and after the ill-omened victory at
Manassas had inspired us with over con
dence and nerved our adversaries to
fresh effort, Albert Sidney Johnston was
assailed with the most outrageous and
abusive clamor by the Southern press be
cause he fell back before the advancing
foe, and the demand for his removal was
ten’thousand times repeated. This the
President obstinately refnaed to do; and
when tt» news of Shiloh was flashed
throughout the land, it was met with a
jreil of woe from an entire people fortne
loss of a great General and a good man.
When General Lee commenced his career
as a Confederate officer by retreating
across Virginia before Roeemaanz, the
same tumultuous clamor for his being
removed or superseded was raised by the
valorous stay-at-homes, and again the
obstinacy of Mr. Davis sired to the
country a General that all the world now
delights to honor. The patient spirit of
the indomitable Stonewall Jackson, ere
he was known to fame, gave way before
the rough assaults of the chimney-corner
generals, and he demanded peremptorily
that he might resign and be saved those
humiliations; and once more the peculiM;
obstinacy and favoritism of the Presi
dent saved to the country its greatest
military genius. Out of sixty thousand
appointees how few mistakes did he
commit.
Faults he had, this President, but
none to obscure his virtues; mistakes
did he make, no doubt, but take him all
in all, a most noble and gallant fight did
he and his people wage against fearful
odds, and failed to make the “lostcause”
a success only because of circumstances
which no mortal hand could have con
trolled.
SPEECH OF MR. STEPHENS.
Mr. Stephens has made a most inau
spicious beginning for himself in de
fending the back salary grab. It is not
only a great blunder politically, but his
speech does violence to his constituents,
who sent him to Congress neither to
jnstify and defend this legalized raid
upon the public Treasury, nor to be
the apologist of President Grant. He
appeared in the first role Thursday, and
actually justified aud defended the back
pay steal as being proper and just, both
morally and legally.
We shall not be surprised if Mr. Ste
phens next appears as the apologist and
champion of President Grant. With
Mr. Stephens’ admiration for President
Grant— his high appreciation of what
he is pleased to term his private virtues
and his wonderful ability, and his justi
fication of the President’s outrage upon
the people and State of Louisiana —it
will not be a difficult task, but a pleasing
duty, for the distinguished Representa
tive fromThfs District to appeal In the
House of Representatives as the cham
pion of President Grant. It is now well
known that Mr. Stephens, in private
conversation, is lavish in his encomiums
of our modem Caesar.
His speech in the House Thursdny will
elicit from the people of Georgia—es
pecially from the people of this Dis
trict—prompt and emphatic condemna
tion. How Mr. Stephens can defend
the back pay appropriated by members
—for services already paid for at a stip
ulated price—is beyond our comprelier—
sion and our sense of justice. The pro
priety of a legislative body regulating
the pay for its own members for services
to be rendered is even questionable and
can only be justified in cases of emer
gency which sometimes arise. But there
was no such emergency to jnstify the
Forty-second Congress. Had the mem
bers of that body confined the increase
in salary or compensation for future ser
vices, their action, however indelicate
and open to harsh criticism, might be
justified; but when the members go de
liberately to work and make the opera
tions of the increase retroactive, the
shame and scandal of the job outrage
all sense of propriety. ¥he back pay
grab has been denounced by Legisla
tures and Conventions without regard to
party, and Mr. Stephens has committed
a great blunder in defending what pub
lic opinion characterizes as “legalized
robbery.” This speech will meet, as it
merits, the condemnation of the people
of Georgia.
“OLD BULLION.”
Thirty-fire years ago Thos. H. Ben
ton—“ Old Bullion,” as he was called—
delivered a speech upon finances in the
United States Senate, in the course of
which he made some remarks which
come to a prominent issue of to-day.
One passage was as follows : “One of
the highest functions of money is to
measure values. That is a function
which paper cannot perform. The meas
ure of values must itself possess in
trinsic value, and must itself be free
from sudden or material variations of
value. It must have a uniform and uni
versal value. As well might you attempt
to make a measure of lengths out of
that which lias no length; a measure of
weight out of that which has no weight;
a measure of quantities out of that
which has no capacity to hold any quan
tity, as to endeavor to make a measure
out of that which has no intrinsic value.
The precious metals alone can consti
tute a measure of values; paper money
can measure tho value of nothing, not
even of itself; its own value is eternally
measured by its reaction—by its con
vertibility—into specie."
HON. M. J. CRAWFORD AND THE
CONVENTION.
Below we publish a letter from Hon.
Martin J. Crawford, of Columbus, on
the subject of a Constitutional Conven
tion, which will be read with in
terest by the people of the State. Geor
gia has no son more loved or more re
spected than the author of this letter,
and his opinions will carry with them
great weight. Mr. Crawford is strongly
in favor of a Convention. Here is what
he says:
Columbus, Ga., December 8,1873.
7b the Editors of the Chronicle and
Sentinel :
Gentlemen —Yours of the 29th nit.
was duly received and would have been
answered immediately but for the press
ing duties which the session of our
Superior Court then and now required
of me.
I write this letter simply to acknowl
edge the receipt of your favor, and to
say that I am decidedly of the opinion
that the Legislature should call a Con
vention in which the real people of
Georgia should have the opportunity to
declare tho great organic laws for the
State, and to return as far as may be
practicable to the old land marks in the
great past. Every people should make
their own Constitution, and under it
enact their own law 9. Ours was made
principally by aliens, strangers and
fools. Therefore, just so soon as our
impoverished people can stand the bur
den of<i OviFenfcion, it should be called,
that the wickfcds.es* hfi anjestb^
fastened upon us may be
wise and judicious laws, and our people
indulge themselves in the freedom and
luxury of a government of their own.
With great respect I am yours, Ac.,
Martin J. Crawford.
The New York Sun says: “One of
the latest innovations in Washington is
to be seen in the House of Representa
tives, where a special part of the gallery
has just been set aside for the families
of members of Congress exclusively, in
imitation of and near that assigned to
the diplomatic body. If this separation
from the people means anything, it is
an attempt to draw a line of distinction,
to set up a superior class, and to look
down upon the constituency. This is
the sort of republicanism which the so
called Republican party practices at
Washington, and it is a very bad sort.
THE CUBAN QUESTION.
Address From Captain-General Jo
vellar.
Havana, December 11.—The tone of
the press and expression of the authori
ties stud prominent Spaniards indicate
a quiet compliance with the protocol.
Captain-General Jovellar, this even
ing, issued an address to the inhabitants
of Cuba, saving, “The moment a treaty
is signed between the Government of
Spain and the United States my duty,
although painful it may be, is to
comply faithfully with its terms. For
this I have received final orders.
A failure to comply with the same
would produce war and with a great
power without the aid of Spain. In the
meanwhile obey the law of necessity
and the orders of the Government of the
Spanish Republic. Let us deliver np
the Virginias and the survivors of her
passengers and crew. I have faith in
the nobleness of your procedures in
compliance with my words.
[Signed] Joaquin Jovellab.
Cotton thieves are on the rampage in
; Edgefield county.
It is rumored that resolutions of im
peachment against Governor Moses have
been drawn np, and will be presented at
an early day. So Bays the Lexington
Dispatch.
A. H. STEPHENS.
He Makes a Speech in Support of the
Back Salary Grab.
Washington, December 11- Ste
giens, of Georgia, was the next speaker.
e got on his feet with some difficulty
and not withont assistance. There he
supported liimself wit h a crutch under
his left arm. He spoke with a clear
ringing voice’which was distinctly audi
ble in every portion of the chamber, ex
cept when he dropped his tones, as he
did very frequently at the close of sen
tences. His manner was nervous and
rapid aud his remarks very digressive,
many of his sentences beihg left uncom
pleted. He was listened to with the
oloaeat interest and attention by atem
bers, officers and the audience. He
commenced by saying he would exam
ine the question' before the House,
first, in its niqral and then in its
political aspect. He spoke of the
comments of. the public press on the
subject. He would say nothing in dero
gation of the power or usefulness of the
press. The position of journalist in
this country was one of the highest,
i The fonrth estate did in this age control
public sentiment, but he would, in all
earnestness, say lo the press and its con
ductors, that nothing was more impor
tant than that -in treating of subjects
with the masses of the people, they
should look well to the truth and cor
rectness and principle of what they ad
dressed to the people. The press had
denounced as thieves and robbers the
members of the last Congress, and he
had seen one paper which represented
the raid on the Treasury very much like
the charge of the 600 at Balaklava. He
had thought the wit of that representa
tion more appropriate than the wisdom.
The gentleman from New York (Tre
main) had spoken yesterday of dema
gogueism. He (Stephens) maintained
that there could be no statesmanship
without it. There never had been a
statesman who was not a demagogue.
The word originally meant a lead
er of the people. Pericles was a
demagogue. There were two kinds
of demagogues—the sham and the genu
ine, , The was the
sajfn who who guided the
people. Ttffsham(Temagoguephudered
to the errors and prejudices of the peo
ple. The real statesman was the physi
cian of humanity. The sham dema
gogue simply courted favors in order to
get office and the spoils of office. He
considered Lord Chatham as the true,
the genuine demagogue, aud related an
anecdote to the effeot that when Chat
ham was proposing to the English
Cabinet anew measure of taxation, in
cluding thetaxing of windows, he missed
one member of the Cabinet, and asked
for him by name. The answer was that
it made 10 difference whether that mem
ber was present or not, because he was
a fool. That is the very reason, said
Chatham, that I want him here, because
the way he thinks about this thing is the
way that the majority of the people of
England may think about it, and
I want to know the sentiment of
the public. He wanted to know it not
to pander to it, but that he might
go before the people and raise them to a
sentiment of the necessity and propriety
of the mfeasure. Recurring to the con
sideration of the increased salary bill,
Mr. Stephens said that he was very glad
to say that that was a measure for which
neither political party was responsible.
His opinion was that the Democracy, iu
the proportion of its votes in Congress,
wns quit* as responsible as the Republi
can party. The gentleman from New
i York (Tremaiifl hail admitted yesterday
| that under the Constitution every Con-
I gresa had’a right to fix its own compen
j sation. IS had done so from the begin
| ning of the Government. It had fre
quently increased that compensation,
and the increase was always aud neces
f sarily retroactive. Worthy men had
\ done this in the last century aud in the
early partof the present century. The
brightest ornaments in American history
had subjected themselves to be denoun
ced as salary grabbers and thieves. The
first great thing to be learned in this life
—that which had been taught in the
schools of ancient Greece—was to dis
criminate bet ween that which the mul
titude thought was right and that which
was right in itself. If there was any
thing wrong, anything immoral,
anvthing dishonest, which would
reflect disgrace on a man’s memory
for taking that legal appropria
tion, he wanted to know where it was.
If it was wrong for members to take
what the law allowed, where were meu
to find rule of right and wrong. Hri
remarks On this subject did not apply to
himself, but he was a citizen of the
i country, and he felt a deep interest in
| the dignity and character of Congress.
! He claimed that when Congress passed
• the retroactive law of the last session it
had a constitutional right to do so. He
was not saying whether it was ex
pedient or *aot, but no blush should
rest on the cheek of any man,
whether he voted for the bill or not,
who took the money. If he had beeu
here he should have taken it,whether he
voted for it or not and should have felt
that he was as justly entitled to it as he
was to receive a dollar a day. It was a
I constitutional law constitutionally passed
! and those who were entitled to pay
I under it were as much entitled to the
whole of it as they were to any dime
received under it. If any thought it was
too muoh and returned it he (Stephens)
I would not cast a slur upon him for doing
I go. He had now discussed the moral
I view of the question and he would now
j proceed to discuss it in its political
! aspect. He was not going to place a
i value on his own services as a repre
i seutative, but if lie were to state what
he thought the services of a representa
tive ought to be worth, lie would go far
above the figure of any law that has
ever been passed. A representa
tive of the people ought to be
a man of that mental calibre, that infor
mation, that education, that virtue, that
trustworthiness and all those qualities
which command the highest remunera
tion. He had given it as his opinion
in the last speech he made in the House,
fourteen years ago, that if the salaries of
members of Congress were $10,000; of
Senators, $15,000; of the Chief Justice
of the Supreme Court, $50,000; of the
Associate Judges, $25,000, and of the
i President, SIOO,OOO, it would be better
: for the country at large. He held the
l game opinion still. He certainly should
| not vote for the bill reported by the
| committee, but he believed that the
most unwise action of last Congress was
j the abolition of the franking privilege.
ITHE STORY OF W. M. TWEED.
Up Like a Rocket and Down Like a
Stick—A Plain Narration of His Life
and the Rise and Fall of the Famous
Ring.
[From tha Utica Observer.]
Wm. M. Tweed was born in the city of
New York fifty years ago last April. His
parents were poor people, and the boy
was early thrown upon his own resour
ces. He learned the trade of a chair
maker, and worked at it for a few years.
He soon became ambitions of political
distinction, and to increase his qualifica
tions and improve his chances he entered
the University Law School, from which
he graduatedas a member of the bar.
His newer began in the old volunteer
tkte def larttneae (k the metropolis. He
became foreman of “Big Six”—an en
gine company famous in the lower part
of the city. His immense vital energy
| and his organizing ability were here de
veloped and exhibited. In that day a
popular fireman was a positive power in
| local politics, and Tweed began to make
himself felt. In 1851 he was elected
Alderman from the seventh ward, serv
ing in the Common Council through the
years 1852-53. In the Fall of 1852 he
| was elected to Congress from the Fifth
District, which then embraced the seventh
and thirteenth wards of New York and
the village of Williamsburg, Long Island.
He took his seat in the House in De
j cember, 1853, while his term as Alder-
I man was about expiring. He was thirty
' years old at that time, with the promise
jof a fair future before him. While in
CoDgress he was elected x school com
missioner of the seventh ward. The
year after his term as Representative ex
pired he was chosen to the Board of
Supervisors, and continued to hold a
place there until the day of his over
throw. In 1861 he was a candidate for
! sheriff on the Tammany ticket. The
1 office is now one of enormous emolu
ment, and TweedAttwsk for it with his
usual energy. He reckoned himself
worth $30,000 at that time, and he had
• made the money honestly. He expen
ded every dollar of it in the canvass, led j
on by the hope and belief that he would
' triumph. He was beaten, and during
the Winter which followed he found
i great difficulty in meeting the house
rent and paving his batcher sand gro
cer’s bills. 'lt is probable that his career
as a public plunderer dates from the
day of his defeat as sheriff. He was not
a fine-grained man nor troubled with
many conscientious scruples. He saw
i himself as the victim of what he looked
upon as a cowqHracy. He had distribu
ted his money among various ward
organizations in return for their prom
: ised assistance. They divided his for
! tune and withheld their support. He
resolved to “get n" with the public
who had preferred another to him, and
i he set about the job with the coolness j
: of a great general and the wickedness of j
a great robber. In 1862 he became |
deputy street ecmmißsioner, and while j
; holding that office he got his hand,
1 freely into the public parse for
the first time. At about the same!
period he male himself the leading
spirit in the Tammany organization. He
; showed soon that his power as an or-
I ganizer was very great. He drew men *
around him usually by appeals to their
selfish uatures. To one he gave money*
to another some place of lionor'wfQ
trust. He proceeded on the theory that
everysiaii had Jiis price. If u rival arose
,to dispute lift authority, he crushed his
rival if he could, and if he couldn’t he
crushed the rivalry by supportin'' the
man for some office, and thus making
him his ally, in tlii3 way he catted a
trnee With his most popular enemy, the
“ Big Judge,” Michael Connolly. In
1867, Richard B. Connolly, vn tygid man,
plausible in manners, but exceedingly
corrupt at heart, becameCoinptroller of j
New York. With him Tweed formed an |
was greed#' and j
close-fisted. He never could secure a j
popular following. He held office at the !
pleasure of Tweed, who was; however. '
compelled to share equally with him in
the division of the money plundered
from the city. That same year, 1867,
Tweed was elected to the State Senate
from the Fourth District by a large ma
jority. In the Senate he found a ma
jority opposed to him politically ._ How
he used that majority to effect his pur
poses is one of the chronicles of Albany
which is yet to be written. In 1866
Tweed found a counsellor far wiser and
much more honest than liimself in the
person of Peter B. Sweeney. He also
found a flippant and brilliant advocate
in A. Oakey Hall, a man free from cor
rupt motives, but one willing to blind
his eyes to the crimes committed around
him as a reward for temporal power and
pleasant notoriety. When these four
men—Tweed, Connolly, Sweeney and
Hall—joined their various forces and
talents the Tammany conspiracy was
complete. In 1870 the first revolt
against this concentrated power be
gan. It was badly planned and
disreputably officered. Norton, Genet,
Creamer, Peter Mitchell, Michael
Murphy and others who led the move
ment in the Legislature were not the
men through whom reform could come.
It looked for a time, however, as if the
movement would succeed. Tweed was
beaten in the preliminary skirmish in
the Senate. He pretended to surrender,
and voted for the charter of the Young
Democracy, But he had secretely
formed an alliance with the Repub-
lican. party, in the Legislature, ami
could ufford to bide his time. Mean/'
while his rivals had lost their heads. In
the flush of temporary supcess they di
vided—on paper—all the offices in the
city among themselves. The charter,
under which this grand distribution was
to take place, was taken to the Assembly,
where it was understood that it would
pass by general consent. But to the
amazement of many, and to the dismay
of the Young Democracy, it was defeat
ed. Tweed’s rivals surrendered at dis
cretion. Creamer, Norton, Mitchell—
all but Geuet—sued for terms of peace.
The next week Tweed's charter was in
troduced, and, receiving the support of
all the Republican Senators excepting
Thayer, of Rensselaer, it passed. This
was followed by other measures which
made the power of the ring well-nigh
absolute. It was then that the system
of plunder began to werk out its amaz
ing results. Bills against the city were
deliberately raised from $50,000 to
$500,000, "and the enormous excess
divided between Connolly and Tweed,
who in turn shared part of the
money with subordinate strikers. —
Hall looked on and held his peace.—
Sweeney put forth an effort to stop the
stealing, but was overborne. The ac
counts of the Comptroller's office were
secreted, and the general public, as well
as the Democratic party, were hood
winked and misled. Among those who
sought to profit in the general carnival
of fraud was James O’Brien, who, as
sheriff of New York, had received up
wards of $300,000 for three years’ ser
vice. After retiring from office he cook
ed up a bogus claim aggregating $200,-
000, and demanded its payment. The
board of audit refused to consider it,
though Tweed espoused O’Brien’s bad
cause. To strengthen his chances of
getting the money, O’Brien placed a
confidential clerk in the Comptroller’s
office, and secured transcripts of the
fraudulent vouchers therein contained.
Armed with these evidences of the guilt
of his former comrades, ho again de
manded his plunder. It was again re
fused. The ring had grown so bold,and
they felt that their lease of power was so
long and strong that they could brave
any exposure. Thereupon O’Brien turn
ed his evidence over to the New York
Times, and that paper printed it. The
effect was startling. With one voice the
people demanded thepunishment of tljgse
men who hod betrayed so great a trust.
They were tlirnst out of the Demo
cratic party, whose temple they had de
filed. Said Judge Davis, in’ sentenc
ing Tweed: “O’Conor, who has been
named here, and who holds the foremost
rank in his profession, and who stands
upon a character as pure and noble as
any man’s in this great city, immediately
from his semi-retirement, came and aid
ed in the rescue of this city from its
great corruption. And Tilden, who
stood as the lencHngirmn at the head of
the Democratic State Committee of this
State, devoted weeks and months of toil
in ferreting out these crimes, in ascer
taining from these bank accounts what
had been done, till he was able to lay be
lore us the other day, on the trial, the
result, crystiline in its simplicity, and
so clear that no man could fail to read
its meaning.” Against a feeling of
wrath which was universal, 'f weed op
posed the power of his ill-gotten wealth.
He doubtless believed that no jury could
be found to convict him. His courage
did not forsake him. While Connolly
slunk away to other hinds to avoid pun
ishment, Tweed stayed and fought it out.
How the fight ended is told in the heavy
-sentence passed upon the great public
plunderer.
LETTER FROM THOMSON.
Thomson, Ga., December 11, 1873.
Editors Chronicle and Sentinel:
Thomson, the county seat of McDuf
fie, has anew Court House and jail—the
latter is of solid granite and affords
ample security for the evil doers of the
county. The Court House is a neat and
substantial building, an ornament to the
town, and a credit to the building com
mittee and the contractor, Mr. Knox.
The architecture of the building, the
taste and skill displayed in all its apart
ments, will compare favorably, if not
excel, with most of tlve Court Houses in
Georgia. If such buildings are an
index to the taste, intelligence and public
spirit of the people, the McDuffians
may well afford to be proud of theirs.
The adjourned term of the Cbftrfc is
in session. Judge Gibson presiding.
Twelve cases have been disposed of, but
none of any public importance. Besides
the local Bar, we notice Judge Pottle,,
and the Hon. Mr. Dußoße, of Warren;
General Dußose, Milton Reese, of
Wilkes; Judges Hook and Twiggs, of
Augusta, and Mr. Strother, of Lincoln,
in attendance and participating more
or less in the bnsiness of the Court.
The harvest is nearly over in this
county, and the husbandmen are about
realizing the fruits of the past year’s
tori. While a few may be wrecked by
the injudicious schedule they have run,
the most of them are on a safe footing
and will enter upon another year with
out any serious incumbrance upon their
plans and labors. I learn that a couple
of boys about three miles from town,
one 17 and the other 12 years old, raised
this year twenty-two bal£3 of cotton,
averaging five hundred pounds each,
also 75 bushels of corn and 50 bushels
of potatoes, all the work of their own
hands. Such exhibitions of energy and
effort are worthy of praise, and a gener
al diffusion of their spirit among our
race would soon achieve that independ
ence and prosperity so much desired,
Avery remarkable pig is on exhibi
tion at tlie store of Mr. Butts. It has
eight feet, four eyes, four ears, two tails
and two backbones. The feet are all
natural except two in front, which re
semble the dog or cat. On one side of
the head the ears, eye* and snout of the
hog are fully developed, while on the
other side are the ears, eyes, noae and
savage brow of the owl. This freak 61
nature is quite a curiosity, and draws
crowds to witness the like of which they
have never seen. Visitor.
EDITING A PAPER.
The Paper That was Run by the Devil
and a Dummy—Racy Sketch of Jour
nalistic Experience.
A correspondent pf the Cincinnati
; Commercial vouches for this;
Yon complain thet there is a class of
persons who do not comprehend some
of your jokes. This, as you might ex
press it, is sad. If there is anything in
this life calculated to envelope a man in
the blackness of despair, and to m*ke
him pray that death may come and re
lieve him of hie suffering, it is for him
to pull the trigger on asright good joke,
and then have some noodle ask him
wli3t he is aiming at. But there never
was aa editor of a buoyancy of mind
who did not have occasionally an excel
lent hit hang fire, owing to the muggy
intellectual atmosphere by which he is
surrounded.
I devoted some of tlie best endeavors
of my young manhood to a newspaper at
Peoria) Illinois. It was not one of those
princely concerns, where the whole ma
chinery is rnn by one ponderous engine,
aa it were ; where every article, before it
goes into the paper, is'sahmitted to Old
In falls bill tv, who reads it acrutinizingly,
then meditates, then reads it backward,
then upside down, then examines it with
» microscope, then holds it off and looks
at it through a field glass, so as to get all
its bearings: but it was a one-horse, free
and easy, democratic apparatus, and
every body around went it on his own
hook, When the mailing clerk got an
original idea of public events he wrote
out his views and published them as a
leader. When the errand boy went in
swimming in daytime, and was chased
by a ffcdicernan, he didn’t go blubbering
off horns, but straightway attacked the
Mayor ami his police force thrsjigh Hie
paper. From the “sanetvim,” in which
we wrqlte alien we could find room there,
leading up two stories tothecomposition
room was nil elevator by which heavy
editorials and other matters were hoist
ed, It consisted of a pnlley wheel at
the top, and over it a cord, to either end
of which was tied an oyster can. What
ever got into these oyster cans went into
the paper, for as soon as the foreman of
, the eoqiposing room heard the rattle of
the elevator, he went to the box, cleaned
it out, and hung the contents on the
1 cbp'jPl&oSir'Tßis ho"
did without close inspection, for he was
also proof-reader, and got to see the
news in the performance of his duties in
that respect. He hadn’t much of a lite
rary appetite anyhow.
This arrangement gave tone to the
i paper. Everybody said there was not a
journal in the country that could be
compared with ours. The proprietor
wrote occasionally, but the bent of his
j mind was rather in the line of job work,
i Asa journalist he was devotedly at
tached to job work—so much so, we
sometimes thought, as to bias his mind
—because all a man had to do to secure
press endorsement was to get a little
printing done. lam not sure but this
reciprocity policy is carried out in other
newspaper offices throughout the length
and breadth of the fruitful land. To
the credit of this journalist be it said,
however, he never read his paper.
As I was saying the oystorcan dummy
was the editor-in-chief. Whenever any
thing offensive was printed and a fuss
made about it we smoothed it over by
saying some -otrtei de-rooster had been
! fooling with that dummy. These de
testable ‘ fowls were coutinully coming
around to make suggestions and write
something. And so they would write
poetry and politics and financial ar
ticles, and cut out tables of figures from
the big dailies, and sparkling gems from
the country weeklies, and if nobody
was iu, scoot tnem up the elevator.
Thus au old fellow once brought to
the office a paper containing Andrew
'Tilcksoillgfttst aipl m.
liis hurry to slice it out, and send it up
before any one came in, missed the cut
and gouged out a column treaties ou Dr.
Henry’s great pile remedy, which duly
appeared next morning, with the editori
al comments, which the old snoozer had
pasted on top. In like manner we once
published a complete set of rules for the
successful playing of whisky poker,
which a boy placed in the box, and tack
ed ou to the manual was an extract from
the published sermon of one of our local
preachers. I remember thisrinnde some
of the people mad. They could not see
the point of the joke, and we lost a
large number of subscribers.
It is possible that you are beginning
to suspect that I am lying about this, or
if not, giving an unhealthy swelling of
the truth, but among my old friends at
Peoria au accompanying affidavit from a
justice of the peace would not be re
quired to confirm the historical correct
ness of my simple narrative.
THE MAN OF METZ.
Opinions of the English Press in Re
gard to the Sentence.
London, December 11.—The Times
says Bazaine is justly convicted. The
Telegraph considers him a sacrifice to
the national vanity. The News hopes,
as the evidence was so conflicting, the
sentence be commuted to perpetual
exile o .’imprisonment.
Paris, December 11. —<The ert wd at
the Trianon to-day warmly cheered the
verdict. The sentenee4neludes payment
of costs audjexpulsion from the Legion of
Honor.
Soon after the judgment of the Court
was pronounced against Marshal Bazaine
last evening, he requested that his sou
might be allowed to visit him in prison, he
also refused to avail himself of the right
of appeal. President MaeM“hou will to
day decide whether lie will listen to the
appeal of the Court for mercy and com
mute tlie seneence of the condemned
man.
Later. -rrMcMahon postponed action
on the appeal to mercy in behalf of
Bazaine until a time when the Court may
reverse its judgment. The President
of the Court has gnue to Basancon to his
command. The Journal de I'arts says
the unanimity of the Court precludes a
reconsideration of the sentence, but the
condemned Marshal may take advantage
of the lapße of time and plead his
splendid services to France in mitiga
tion.
London, December 12. —The News re
ports that President MacMahon intends
to commute the sentence of Bazaine to
twenty years seclusion. .
Later accounts from Paris agree that
Bazaine received his sentence with the
greatest calmness.
Berlin, December 12.— The press re
gard the verdict as the psult of politi
cal intrigue and censure the conduct of
the Duke d’Auuiale.
Paris, December 12.—The decision of
President MacMahon in the case of
Bazaine is announced this morning.—
The sentence of death against Marshal
Bazaine is commuted to twenty years
seclusion. He is to bear the effects of
degradation from rank, bnt will be
spared the humiliating ceremony.
London, December 12.-—Marshal Ba
zaine addressed a letter to liis counsel
yesterday,thanking them for their efforts
in liis behalf, and concluding ns follows:
“I shall not appeal against the Sentence,
not wishing to prolong in the eyes of the
world the spectacle of such a painful
struggle. I request you to take no fur
ther steps. I look no longer to men for
judgment. Strong in my conscience,
vvhioli reproaches me with nothing, I
confidently await that justification which
will come with lapse of time and subsi
dence of party passion.”
The conservative press generally ap
prove of the commutation of his sen
tence. The Siecle says it will create a
painful surprise in the country.
Paris, December 13.—Marshal Ba
zaine, since receiving notice of the com
mutation of his sentence, has written a
letter to President MacMahon, in which
he says: “You remembered the days in
which we served our country together. I
feared that the impulse of your heart
would be overmastered by Stale con
siderations. I should have died without
regret, since the recommendation of the
Court vindicates my honor.” Bazaine’s
counsel in a letter to ex-President
Thiers thanks him for having expressed
his opinion that, the Maishal was inuo
cent of the charges upon which he was
tried.
THE GRANGES.
Resolutions Adopted by the Illinois
State Grange.
Bloominoton, December 13,—The
State Grange adopted a long Series of
resolutions, settiug forth that the ob
jects of the order are for the social, in
tellectual and moral elevation of tlie
people; expressing fraternal feeling for
fanners’ dubs and similar organizations,
the object of which are mainly identical
the order; favoriug a system of
free bauking; condemning the increase
of Congressional salaries; requesting the
Legislature not to meddle with the pres
ent State temperance law; declaring that
Congress has the power to and should
control the interests of commerce and
transportation, and commending its ac
tion thus far in this regard; asking for the
modification or repeal of tlie tax on for
eign bottoms; favoring the improvement
of rivers and canals by the General Gov
ernment as a means of cheapening trans
portation, <a«d alsd favoring the building
of additional railroads, with the proper
•restrictions, and, as a last resort, the
building of a freight railroad by the
Government solely for the benefit of the
people; declaring it the inherent right
of the people to control corporations,
and opposing any repeal or essential
modifications of the State railroad laws.
Jjie convention then adjourned.
Hurpau Howard.
New York, December IJ.— A special
dispatch from Washington to the Tri
hime, says : “The Secretary of War has
sent a tetter to the House making direct
charges of fraud and malfeasance in
office against Brig. O. 0. Howard in
connection with his management of the
Freedmen’s Bureau. The letter is ac
-1 oompanied by evidence from the records
and accounts of the late Bureau which
: fully sustains the Secretary’s charges.
Tlie Secretary says: “Since Assistant
■ Adjutant General Vincent took chargeof
the papers of tlie Bureau complaint
after complaint was repeiyesj that claim
ants had not received from the Bureau
their bounties, arrears of pay, etc., and
said complaint* were referred to the
Second Auditor, with whom all settle
ments and the final adjustment of
accounts rested. It gradually be
came apparent that vouchers to a
considerable amount were filed as if
paid, and wedit taken for the
amounts, when strong proof wgs pre
sented that the claimants had not been
paid and in a similar manner fievelope
ments embracing other subjects called
for consideration. The Department of
Justice, however, has been furnished
with some cases and others are to follow
of apparent malfeasance with a request
to institute either a criminal suit or a
civil suit to recover money belonging to
the United States, or both suits as may
be proper against such of the officers
and agents of the late bureau as will be
liable. The responsibility and account
ability attaching to the late commission
er, so far as developed, amount to up
ward of $271,573 jiG.
All the gambling houses n* Neb York
are closed in apprehension of the raid.
THE REVENUES FALLING OFF.
Another Reasou Why the Pay of Con -
gressmen Should Be Increased—
Nearly $50,000,000 More Wanted.
Washington, December 12. The
Secretary of the Treasury, in his annual
report, while urging economy upon Con
gress, said: Should there not boa revi
val of business at an early day
and au increase in the receipts
over those of past two and half
months, additional means would he re
quired to meet expenses. Should such,be
the case, he would recommend addition
al taxation, judiciously laid, so as to be
the least burdensome upon (he people
and business of the country, rather
tUiUt a result to borrowing money and
increasing the public debt. The Secre
tary said this morning: The public
debt this month would be largely in
creased, although it was now too early
to approqimate the amount. He lirs
written a letter to the Chairman of the
Ways and Means,recommending,and en
closing a bill for that purpose,the resto
ration of duty on tea and coffee, which
will yield about twenty million dollars
per aunum. He also enclosed a letter
to him from Commissioner Douglass
making the following recommendations:
Increased tax of ten cents per gallon on
distilled spirits, which would yield seven
millions annually; fonr cents additional
per pound on tobacco, which
would yield four millions; on il
luminating gas, two million five
hundred thousand dollars; on gross
receipts of railroads, from passengers
and freight, six millions; steamboat
gross receipts, passengers and* freight,
six hundred thousand dollars; express
companies, five hundred thousand dol
lars; insurance companies, one million
three hundred thousand dollars; tele
graph receipts, two hundred and fifty
thousand dollars—making in the aggre
gate, $22,150,000. This, with tax ou tea
and coffee, would make over ferty-two
million dollars. The Commissioner
says if more revenue is wanted it could
be obtained to the exteut of ten million
by restoring taxes, as formerly, in
sohedule B, which includes stamps on
all legal instruments—deeds, mortgages,
etc. thus making additional receipts of
ower thirty-two millions from internal
■ £eai»*r IWljMjfc. c ./mRu
THE ALABAMA MUDDLE.
Heavy Verdict for False Imprison
ment.
Washington, December 12.—The jury
in the case of Lewis E. Parsons, against
Richard Busteed, Judge of the United
Stateb District Court, for false imprison
ment, gave the plaintiff SIO,OOO damages.
Parsons is Speaker of the House of
Representatives. Hunter, of Lowndes,
made a motion last session looking to
bringing about a now election for United
States Senator in place of Sykes and
Spencer. Parsons ruled Hunter out of
order. Hunter refused to be silenced
and Parsons had the Sergeant-at-Arms
to bring him before the bar of tho
House. Hunter sued out a writ before
Busteed, ou complaint that Parsons was
conspiring with certain other parties to
defeat the right of representatives to
elect a United States Senator. On hear
ing of the ease Busteed discharged Par
sons and codefendaat, atjd thereupon
Parsons sued Busteed for false imprison
ment. Hunter is a Republican and his
idea was ihat neither Spencer nor Sykes
were legally elected, because Attorney-
General Williams had not decided either
the Court Room or Capitol Legislature
to be legal; hence, as a compromise had
then been effected, he desired to elect a
compromise Senator, about whose elec
tion no doubt could exist.
THE VIRGINIUS.
The Spaniards on the Rampage.
Havana, December 13.—Tho Virgin
ins has gone to Bahia Honda, sixty
miles west of Havana, where 6he will be
delivered.
Last night a party of men to the num
ber of several hundred, assembled in
Oampo de Norte square and proceeded
in a body to the Plaza de Armos, giving
vent during their progress to their dis
satisfaction at the departure of the Vir
ginitis by loud shouts and other disor
derly conduct. On reaching the Plaza
they gathered in front of the palace of
the Captain General, where they renew
ed their shouting, at the same time ex
pressing their disapprobation of tho
course of a number of prominent per
sons who have favored the delivery of
the Virginius. During these demonstra
tions several harmless shots were fired.
It is believed they were accidental. Two
Spaniards who endeavored to pacify the
mob were severely hustleiL The crowd
lingered in front of the palace until
midnight, when Captain General Jovel
lar appeared and addressed them, and
succeeded in prevailing on them to dis
perse.
CIVIL RIGHTS.
What the Colored People Desire.
Washington, December 13. - The
National Civil Rights Convention which
adjourned sine die at a late hour last
night say in tho address adopted their
grievances arc many. They take it for
granted action will be had by Congress
protecting the colored people from dis
tinctions on the part of common car
riers, hotels and other public places of
convenience and refreshment, in public
places of amusement and in enjoying
other civil rights, including entrance to
public schools without reference to
race. They want the denial of these
rights punished with penalties.
Washington Notes.
Washington, December 13.—Persons
who nave polled the Senate #e satisfied
that Judge Williams will be confirmed
as Chief Justice.
General Spinner, U. S. Treasurer,
goes to Florida in a few days for liis
health. Commodore Win. Reynolds
wi 1 succeed Rear Admiral Jenkins,
retired. A meeting of the Western and
Southern members of the House is con
sidering cheap transportation to-night.
The President told the Republican mem
bers of Congress from Virginia to-day
that he would on Monday nominate
Col. Hughes as Underwood’s successor
as District Judge of the Eastern District
of Virginia.
Jules Favre and Gambetta at the
Bazaxne Trial. —A letter,'describing tlie
proceedings at the Trianon on the 21st
November, contains the following: To
day M. Jules Favre was examined, and
gave his evidence with great clearness
and precision. His account of the inter
views which he had with Bismarck was
listened to with very great attention.
When he repeated Ihe words in which
the Prussian Minister expressed his firm
opinion to M. Jules Favre that Marshal
Bazaine did not consider himself bound
to obey the Government of the National
Defense, a prolonged murmur came
from the audience. Immediately after
hearing this witness, the court, at the
request of the prosecutor, condemned
M. Regnier to a fine of 100 francs, and
all the members of the conrt put on
their cocked hats while the Due d’Aumale
read the sentence. A most sensational
witness was then called—namely, M.
Gambetta—who was dressed in a
black coat and black gloves, and
spoke sitting in an arm-chair, leaning
over the red velvet bar, holding his hat
under his left arm, and gesticulating
with his right hand. His rich Southern
voice was never more sonorous and i
effective. The picture he gave of the
endeavors made by his Government to
enter into communication with Bazaine
—of tlie zeal with which the Tours dele
gation published every rumor which j
could possibly be construed favorably
to the Marshal or add to the popular
faith ip hinj—and, finally of the agony
experienoed by the Government on
learning the tragic fate of the great
Metz army—was drawn with great power
and pathos. The public was held spell
bound by his alUumate pathetic and
passionate eloquence, and the breath
less silence which reigned in the hall
while he spoke was broken only by the
stifled groan which endorsed the opinion
he so distinctly expressed respecting ,
Bazaine’s guilt- • !
Cheap Transportation.
Washington, December 13.—A meet;
ing of the Southern and Western Repre
sentatives was held to-night for the pur
pose of discussing the different schemes
for cheap transportation. Mr. Sypher,
of Louisiana, spoke in favor of the Mis
sissippi river route. Mr. Harris, of
Virginia, advocated tiie construction of
the Jpaes River and Kanawha Oanal. A
number of speeches were made by West
ern and Southern members, and the
meeting adjourned afte? resolving to
unite upon some plan to secure the con
ctruqtion of one or more routes to the
sea, - ; _
The Bender Butchers.
Columbia, S. C,, December 13.—The
Bender family aoeused of murder in
Kansas, has beep arrested at Bevings
ville. Tlie father and mother are in
custody. The son and daughter are liv
ing in North Carolina. and officers are
in pursuit of them. The fami y name is
Webb. '
A Freshet. j
Pittsburg, December 13,—The Mo
uongahela is twenty-one feet nigh amt
rising eight iqches P. e . r^ our T h e flats are I
ghany is rising rapidly. The Hats are ,
flooded. Great damage has been done
to the works at F Ol ' J hrg.
Ex-Judge Nelson, of tlie U. S. Su- I
preme Court, died suddenly at Coopers- |
town, N. Y./.yesterday. I
MR. STEPHENS ON BACK PAY.
Editors Chronicle A Sentinel :
I have noted with care every position
which you liavo nssmned, and have
quietly given them my endorsement. I
have admired your boldncssandthuaght
well of you for your iudepemlEco.
Your course, ns journalists, has i*#MVed
the hearty approval of an enlightened
district, anil to your folumns wo may
safely turn for an honest statement of
facts and a true review of public opinion.
You have advocated the call of a conven
tion, through which our own people oau
speak, thus ignoring the ugly product
of an angry mob, who had iu view only
the debts which overwhelmed them,
a hireling constituency and a cohort of
“Christian statesmen.” You spoke
wisely and well of the “salary grab;"
you denounced its supporters, and the
world believed that our much honored
section would bear no part in the
taint which nttaclied to this theft.
But the first words uttered by the only
one who has wit or honesty enough to
represent our Commonwealth iu tho
Assembly of the Nation rebukes the
people of the South, and endorses, with
a great name, an iniquity which has a
parallel only in the fall pf man and the
Yazoo fraud ! “ How liavo tho mighty
fallen !” The Hon. Alexander H. Ste
phens held not up the trembling hand
of our President Davis, but with a firm
determination to place liimself onoe
more in the ranks of tho truly loyal, aud
seat ftimself beside our puny Cwsar, he
not only hows his head to the decree of
fate, but sings his songs of rejoicing. In
the name of those who have not forgot
ten the past, 1 thank you. Georgia.
NATIONAL TESTIMONIAL TO JOHN
MlTCfl K I/.
Address of the Committee to tho Peo
ple of 1 relaud.
It seems to us, friends and admirers
of our exiled fellow-countryman, John
Mitchel, that a time has now oomo for
giviug some practical expression to the
admiration and gratitude with which his
life of long and faithful service in the
cause of Ireland is regarded by the Irish
people. Few men, if any, have shown a
love for Ireland—few, if
MrliTTi Iro ; lalu .
Uhn Mitchel. We need ’offer noapahT
gy, then, in appealing to evevy Irishman
who loves his country to aid iis in prov
ing to Mr. Mitchel that, long exiled ns
he is, his name is still remembered in
Ireland with love rind gratitude.
After some inquiry and consideration,
we have decided on proposing the fol
lowing as a fitting form of testimonial:
We ask the Irish people for the sum of
£2,1X10, and we ask them to contribute
the money immediately, so as to oim.de
us to conclude our task within throe
| months from the date of this address.—
If this sum be given us, we shall present
it at, once to John Mitchel as a free gift
from the Iriali people, aud we shall at
the same time take the liberty of ex
pressing to him the wish of liis country
men to possess a complete edition of liis
writings, revised by himself aud their
hope that it may prove a labor of love to
him, at his leisure and convenience, to
| carry that wish into effect.
AU who have read his “Jail Journal,”
his “History of Ireland Since the Treaty
of Limerick,” or liis “Last Conquest
(Perhaps),” will agree with us that Mr.
Mitchel is one of tho most vigorous and
original of living writers; a writer of
whom Ireland may well be proud. His
great literary powers have been steadily
and unselfishly devoted to the service of
Ireland; nml we would regard it as a na
tional loss that any of liis writings
should perish.
For these reasons it is that we [impose
to adopt the form of testimonial specified
above. We trust that this Irish work of
gratitude and duty may be crowned with
signal success.
Ireland has never, heretofore, been
wanting in gratitude to those who have
suffered iu her cause. To Irishmen of
all classes we confidently appeal to
prove in this instance, by a great Na
tional Testimonial, that they are not
ungrateful to the man who still remains
an exile, charged with the one crime of
having loved and served Ireland too well.
Signed on behalf of the committee,
John Martin, M. P.,
P. J. Smyth, M. P.,
J. P. Ronayne, M. P.,
Very Rev. Thus. Bithke, O. P.,
Treasurers.
MARVELOUS NARRATIVE.
A Man Loses liis Identity.
The St. Louis Republican publishes
an account of a trial involving a most
marvelous question of identity now prd*
gressing in Court at Malone, Franklin
county, New York. The story goes that
Willis Peyton, a farmer, forty years of
age, went South two years ago to peddle
a patent spring bed, leaving a wile aud
several children, some of whom were
well grown. At Terre Haute he spent’
some time, and after leaving that plaoo
ha lost all consciousness, but after a
time realized that he was in a hospital at
Evansville, Indiana, recovering from
small pox. Ho was then bald, and
when he resinned his clothing every
article appeared to have lieen made for
a much smaller man. Tho pantaloons,
which ho recognized as his, were at
least six inches two short. He could
get no traco of liis money, watch,
model, spring bed, or other effects.—
When lie was released from the hospital
ho went to a friend, who spurned him as
an imposter. He looked in a mirror and
doubted liis own Identity. Ho first
thought of suicide, and his next
thought was of home. The latter
j prevailed. On tho way he was taken
ill again, and once more all tho
world was a blank. He finally arrived
at his own door after an absence of two
years. Willis Peyton’s family believed
him dead. The Willis Peyton who had
j left that threshold two .years before had
light hair, nearly red, and a very scanty
! beard, and was thin iu flesh. The Willis
! Peyton who now knocked at tho door
was much taller, rounder, aud had brown
curly hair and a heavy beard. Ho
j knocked and was invited into tho house
of the “Widow Peyton," and took a
seat. Looking at Mrs. Peyton, ho said:
“I suppose yon don’t know me, Addie?”
| She answered: “No, sir, Ido not; who
are you ?” The man burst into tears
and said: “You’ll not believe ine, I
know, when 1 tell you; but it’s got to
I come some time, and might as well now
jas not. I am Willis Peyton.” Mrs.
Peyton shrank from him, ordered him
j out of doors, and two of her sous and a
I hired man took him to the nearest
i justice, who sent him to jail as a lunatic.
! He was first tried by a commission
iof lunacy, and was adjudged per
fectly sane. He is now being
tried before tho surrogate on the
question of his pretensions as the
husband of Mrs. Peyton, and the owner
of the Peyton property. He has shown
marks ou his person, related instances
of his private family history, recalled
circumstances in connection with old as
sociates, all tending to prove tho truth
-of his claim. ' Aud the "Widow Peyton”
sits in the court room, by turns lookiug
at the claimant to her bed and board,
and crying as witness after witness
avows liis belief that tho strange man is
Willis Peyton. Shelias told her friends
that if he really was Peyton he may
have the farm, stock, and everthing but
herself. So retimes during passages of
the triul ho implores her to look again
aud see ii she cannot recognize one feature
and acknowledge him as her husband,
but she refuses, and his earnest, appeal
ing face suddenly becomes clouded by
despair. He says if the suit terminates
in his favor ho will only ask a living off
the farm, and will never intrude upon
his wife grid children, unless they
voluntarily recognize him.
How Dr. Jones Treats Ozo:-na, the
Most Disagreeable or all Diseases
("in thb No e). —Extract of a letter from
Mrs. 8, E. Lumpkin, of Lexington, Ga.,
one of the most intelligent and re
spectable ladies, after her niece had
been under Dr. Jones’ treatment five
days:
I)r. Jones : Dear Sir—l write to tell
you of the progress your prescription is
making in my niece. Bhe is getting on
i finely, and says her head feels clearer
| and better than she ever remembers to
have known it. The disagreeable smell
i lias entirely left her nose. Her father
j seems more than delighted with your
! treatment. We follow your directions
perfectly, which is easily done.
I am, most respectfully,
Mbs. 8. E. Lumpkin.
Lexington. Ga.
Dr. Jones has returned from Europe,
and can be consulted at the Pulaski
House, in Savannah, Ga., until the first
of January.— Savannah Advertiser.
Insurance in Chicago.— The Cliioago
Times says: An important movement
is on foot among many of the leading
merchants and capitalist of this city, for
securing relief from the presentggxor
! bitant insurance rates oharged by the
companies that are members of tho Chi
cago board of underwriters. For a long
time past there lias lieeii a widespread
feeling, emphatic in its nature, that the
insurers of this city were paying rates al
together out of proportion to just re
quirements. The great fire of 1871 came
with a heavy swoop upon the coffers of
insurance companies, and, prompted by
the desire of refilling them, *n advance
has been made in insurance rates whioh
is altogether uncalled for.
Rev. Dr. Cheney, of Chicago, an
nounces by telegraph that, with the
consent and approval of Ids congrega
tion, he will accept the office of Bishop
in the new reformed Episcopal Church.
He wants to know when lie can be con
secrated by Bishop Cummins.