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About Weekly chronicle & sentinel. (Augusta, Ga.) 1866-1877 | View Entire Issue (Jan. 28, 1874)
' **N V 010 SERIES -VOL. IIXXI NEW SERIES VOL XXXVIII (Etjtfmftle atib i£rnttnel. TERMS. THE DAILY CHRONICLE k Sty IN El., the oldest nempap** in the South, 1* jnibU»h«t daily, ex c«pl Mood*?. Term* : Per >(*r, $lO ; »ix month*. $5 : three month*. $2 M. i HE TRIWEEKLY CHHOMCI.E k SENTINEL 1* published erery Tneaday, Thursday, and Satur d»T. Term*: One year, $5 : six tn ntb*, *2 50. tuf. weekly chronicle a sentinel i* pob li*b*d every Wwlnesds* . 1 '-nils : One year, $2 ; six months, $3. SUBSCRIPTIONS In all easts tn advance, and no paper continued aft«r the expiration of the time paid for. HATES OF ADVERTISING IN DAILY.—AII tran sient advertisement* will be charged at the rate of $1 per square for each Insertion for the first a tek. Advertisement* in the Tn-Weekly, two thirds of the rate* In the Dally ; and in the Weekly, one-half the Dally rate*. Marriage and Fuueral Notice*, $1 each. Special Notice*, $1 per square for the first publication. Special rate* will be inado for advertiaemeute rnnnlng for a month or longer. REMITTANCES ahould be made by Post Office Money Order* or Exprea*. If thi* cannot be . dune, protection against louse* by mail may 1 m secured by forwarding a draft payable to tbe Proprietor* of tbe Cuonou aud Hestikkl, or by sending tbe money in a.registered letter. j Addreae WALSH k WRIGHT, CHltovici.* k Sentikri., Augii«ta,_Gß^_ WEDNESDAY JAMJAR* 21, 1874. MINOR TOPICS. The ecouomica) authorities of Grafton, Me., refrain from arresting Moses Tenney, who re ceully murdered hi* wife, on the ground that his age and infirmities render it “quite protia hle that in the course of nature his miserable existence rnay he ended by death before he will be arraigned in our courts.” The new “Reform” Governor of Wisconsin will make a pretty good Democrat, judging by bis message, given in brief. He doubts the propriety of appealing to the Fede ral authorities on tlis railroad problem, but thinks the Stales can and ought to regulate these, like other corporations. The I’resident s nomination of Caleb Cush ing as Chief Justice struck ex-Rev. Harlan "qfsy,! “unqualitied amazement.” That’s what “strncl *he jjublic on discovering that by strict attention to a ” 1 Senator for a few years, Brother Harlan changed from a poverty-stricken individual to a millt yuaire. The Montreal True Hifne** and the St. John .Ye!/'* say that the Canadians are returning in great numbers from the United States. The latter says it learns on good authority that, during five weeks. 1,643 of the Canadians who had left theirconutry to seek a more congenial abode in the United StateH returned to their native soil. The hard times sent them hack. Morten’s argument for a depreciated curren cy as a source of national prosperity is more bo.'d than brilliaut. He cites Austria as a proof, hut fo.”K« tM to tell “boot tbe great Viennese panic. U« cites Italy, but never explains that the taxes on property there amount to a good rental. Is that tbe prosperity which Morton and his Radical friends promise the American people ? It is—exactly that and nothing else. When the Democrats were overthrown in Ohio, in ISOfi, the total amount of the State and local taxes was about *3,000,000. Under the Republican party they have now risen to the •enormous sum of *35,000,000. Ten years ago an New York the taxes wero *23,000,000, now •hey are *51,000,000. Such is the liberalizing aill d generous tendencies of the party of pro- gress 4,1,1 human rights. Atlau , ’ a letters say that the lessees have cer tainly lost ““eh money by the State Road dur ing the laHt months, and that the impres sion gams gron’N'l ‘bat they will at some time surrender the !•>«. though Governor Brown expresses the dele vmiuatiou to cany out the undertaking as long possible. The road is said to be in a greatly improved condition, ihe legal right of Ihe lessees c'o surrender the road is claimed bv some and denied by others. As wo supposed, the accounts published m tho New Orleans papers of Thursday show that the cause of Oovemor Kellogg’s sending troops to Tenuobomie ami Hi- Martin parishes, 1,a., was tho quelling of a negro riot, These ac counts aim show that ho was very reluctant to send the troops, ami only did so after receiving numerous and urgeut dispatches representing its uooessitv. The troubles, as we have said, grew out of a difference in respect to wages between the planters and their hands. Woman’s ability to get office is to bo practi cally tested in Illinois, where in the lower house of the Legislature a third assistant clerk is to ho elected to HU a vacancy. Miss Charl ton, of Chicago, is a candidate, and so is Miss Bute Fitzhugh, of Springfield, to say nothing •of a young gout who represents the sterner .wix. It is said ho stands no show against the ladle* in a body as chivalrous as that house. Reports continue very favorable as regards the yreaent and prospective business in money, stocks *n d goods. Not a few firms which wore in diffic ’' , T. V during the panic are enabled to v off tk Mr back indebtedness much earlier than credited expected. Among others it is announced that FeCeke. Oislyko ACo are an ticipating notes which do not fall due until March next. In stock* the renewed upward movement must l»e accepted as the result of natural causes and notably, the increasing nbtuul&tico of money* If, says the Courit>- Journal, there is a mom ber of Congress from Kentucky or am ouun state who wishes to " damn himself to evei -1 listing fame," let him have an act passed to give the soldiers of 1812 a pension of twenty five or thirty dollars a month. The old repro bates. all of whom are very poor and too old to bo worthy of any considerasion, are already plundering the Government which shields and protects them of *8 a month each, and vet. like Oliver Twiet. they would like to have more. If Congress will hold on a while, the last of these insatiate, connorants will be out of the way, and the money they now pluck from the public treasury will bo left for Christiau states men to credit mobiherize. The downfall of Carthagena, or rather «f tho Communists in power there, lias been fol lowed naturally enough by. the suppression of •the revolt in Barcelona and the surrender of tho insurgeuts. Two such triumphs must greatly strengthen confidence in the existing power at Madrid, though it is by no means en titled to the full credit of the work, the hardest blows against tho Communists having been struck under the auspices of the Castolar eminent, which inaugurated and carried outlie campaign up to within a few weeks of tho re sult. Thus slowly and apparently surely, by comparatively fortuitous events, the influence of Serrano is being increased, and will make smoother the way for the coming King. St. Augustine, Fla., has on exhibition a re lU4 rkable fragment of stone, taken from the ruin sos an ancient structure, on Observation Islam in Fake Okeechobee. It is of immense weight and solidity, and, what is most remarka ble. unU ke any rock on this continent. It re sembles k granite more nearly than any other, and is of a remarkably beautiful appearance in its structure. It looks like granite granulated with innumen'hle particles of glittering sub atance resembling gold. This fragment may develop something startlmg in the history of that part of this continent. The Indians have reported frequently that there were ruins of an ancient building on one of the islands of that lake, and this confirms it. Edwin de Leon has done good service for the South in a recent article in the New York Inde pendcnf. wherein be gives an encouraging view of the prospective recuperation of the South, and in which he asks: "Has the great indus trial movemeut in Southern manufacturing and a'echanical industry escaped the keen auu cal culating intellects of our Northern brethren T PK, v tot you and they know already the looms and spindles of Tennessee. Georgia, klabam.h South Carolina and Louisiana are supplying the wants of Southern populations and rivalling the Northern mills? That Co s, 'mbus and and Montgomery are be- L rung great manufacturing centres ? That lk!m '*• in Ge or S‘»- wIJ in Al»- b ma * re e ' nbr yo Pithaburga for iron and coal. * e Atlanta. Chattahooga. Louisville and Hicbmo «and ' mto cew Birming hama a»i ' Shefhelds ?" The t elongiug to Uw claims lately reported to CoßgrO- by the Sonthsm Claims Commission, as allo wed or disallowed. have been removed to the rtx™ of the House Com ndttee on NVar Claims, where they are to be “ amined and reported upon by a sub-couum.- Los three members. It » probable that an appropriation to pay the aiiowe c aims will be made till late in the session, when the Third Auditor of the Treasury will be reqmred to state the amount in each case before the Treasure can pay it. Payments will be made bT drafts, which claimants must per endorse. The Claims Commissioners reeentlv decided that they would take up for for consideration, at th*beginning of May next, such applications for the reopening and re consideration of disallowed claims (embraced in their three annual reports to Congress) as might be hied by the end of April. They re quire each application to be made out on a blank form, prepared by themselves, to insure uniformity and accuracy in tke averments of pltimauts. LET IT BE REMEMBERED. Let it be remembered that the ques tion before tbe Legislature is not, Shall a Convention lie called ? It is, Shall the | people of Georgia have the right to de cide for themselves whether a Conven tion should be called ? This is the issue for the Legislature to determine. The member who votes against it de clares that the people shall not have a right to give expression to their wishes. Let the people remember this, and let them mark the votes of their represen tatives. HARD ON THE [GRANGERS. An Alabama Jndge— Klels by name —has discovered that the Farmers, Granges is a “second edition of the Ku- Klux Klan,” and lias given the organi zation in oharge to the grand jury. When it is remembered that the strong holds of the Grangers are in lowa, Illi nois and Wisconsin, the amnity of the Alabama Judge—if we may heap such reproach upon a patient and much en- j daring animal—becomes more appa- ■ rent. SWINDLING AS A BUSINESS. j The Daily Graphic has been examin ing the doings of the swindling firms which infest New York. It is singular what an amount of credulity these rogues find to live upon. It is a capital that is apparently inexhaustable. What kind of mind the rural Western man has | who expects to get a watch worth twenty dollars for an expenditure of two dol : lars it is difficult to discern. The fish bite, however, at the nakedest bait; and , the result is a perpetual catch. Either the same persons write again after hav ing been once swindled, or the crop of imbeciles is amazing. In one month ten thousand letters have passed through the New York post office, containing on an average one dollar each. The saw dust swindle, the five-dollar sewing ma chine, the lottery schemes, the counter feit money dodge, and a hundred others, received tfleir proportion. The police ’’have a “black list” of seven hundred names and aliases of swindling firms, and nearly every day adds to it. Some of these rascals are as hard to hold as so many eels, and have been traced for months without avail. THE LOUISIANA APPEAL. The appeal made to Congress by the Legislature in Louisiana shows how urgent a necessity exists for prompt Congressional action looking to the relief of the people of the State from the usurpation set over them by Durell’s decrees, backed by Fedoral bayonets. It is high time Congress did something, but tho reasoft for the inac tion of both houses is clearly apparent. The Republican majority fear to take such action as will countenance the means by which the usurpation was con summated, and they have not the cour age to bring the President, the Attorney- General and tho Federal officials in Lou isiana to the book for their interference in tho affairs of that State. The Senate would immediately admit Pinchback if it were not that the Republican mem bers, in the language of Mr. Carpenter, dare not afterward face their constitu ents and tell what they have done. THE FATAL BILLET. The letter from Caleb Cushing to President Davis was not at first given to tho public—some of the Washing ton correspondents got hold of the substance of the fatal document and then arranged the letter to suit them selves. One, however, sharper than his brothers, or having better advantages, maqaged to procure the full text of the epistle, which is as follows: “Washington, March 20, 1861. “Dear Sir —Mr. Archibald Roane, for the last six or seven years a clerk in the Attorney-General’s office, desires from me a letter of introduction to you, and he desires it not in the view of an ticipating administrative favors, but that he may have the honor of your personal intercourse. Os this I take pleasure in assuring you lie is eminent ly worthy. A Southern man by birth, family and affection, he has carefully studied and ably discussed in De- Bow's Review and other Southern works the lamentable events which have been gradually underminding and have at length overthrown tho Ameiicun Union. Whilst a practical man, he is also a ripe and accomplished scholar, with, indeed, predominant literary tastes and habits. In the discharge of his official duties ho has maintained in a singular degree the purest integrity and most encouraging intelligence with the utmost content ment in his lot, having more than once declined offices of more conspicuous em ployment in the public society. He now resigns his present office from sentiments of devotion to that which alone he can feel to be his country—namely, the Con federate States—from one of which (Texas) he was appointed. I most heartily commend him as a gentleman and a man to your confidence and es teem. And lam with the highest con -1 tideration your obedient servant, C. Cushing. “7’p Hod. Jefferson Davis, President oj the Confederate States. This is the fata.’ billet. This is the | .missive which killed OdJ Bobin. At least, this is what the red-hot Badical j Senators say. But we fear that naughty men have been deceiving the President, or else they are strangely in consistent. They declare that they could not vote to confirm the nomination of 1 Mr. Cushing because the nominee, as far back as March 20th, 1861—thirteen years ago—addressed “Hon. Jefferson Davis, President of the Confederate > States,” as “lAsar Sir,” and recommend ed to his employment a young man who had determined to oast his fortunes with his conntiy. It is not denied that dn- j ring the war Mr. Cushing was an emi nently “loyal man.” That he aided I with his powerful intellect the worst acts of the United States Government— j prominent among which was the seizure of the British ship Trent upon the high j seas, and the capture and imprisonment of Mason and Slidell. It is not contro verted that siuoe the war he has sup ported the most radical measures of a Radical Congress—that he declared in favor of all the constitutional amend ments and all the reconstruction laws. But the consistent loyalty of thirteen years has been powerless to atone for a treasonable act in sixtv-one. If j this rule, set up by the Senate, be cor-1 rect, if the maxim “once a traitor al- j ways a traitor” is to be adhered to and is to prevent Mr. Cushing from accept ing the place upon the Supreme Bench tendered him by the President, why is it and how is it that it has been depart ed from in so many other instances, and that these departures have been sanc tioned by the press and politicians of the Badical party ? How is it that Amos T. Akerman, who served upon the stafl' of Gen. Bobert Toombs during the war, was confirmed as Attorney-General of the United States without question and without objection ? How is it that Jas. L. Orb, a Southern leader and member of the Confederate States Senate during the rebellion, was confirmed as Minister Plenipotentiary and Envoy Extraordi nary to the Court of St. Petersburg with out a murmur? How it is that Jambs L. Longstreet, Lieutenant-General in the service of the Confederate States of America, one of the bravest and most skillful of the Southern the right arm of Lee, the chief pillar of the Confederacy, was made Surveyor of the Port of New Orleans ? It required no anonymous letter, no search of the Con federate archives to prove the disloyalty l of these meD. Their treason was bla zoned upon the pages of history, yet no objection was interposed by the Senate when their nomination was acted upon. It cannot be said that tbe difference in the dignity and responsibility of the of fices made a difference in the cases. A man too disloyal to Vie Chief Justice is 1 too disloyal to be Attorney-General, Minister to Russia, Surveyor of the Port or a Guager in the Custom House. In point of fact, there is really little differ ence in dignity between the position of Chief Justice, of Attorney-General, or of Envoy to a first olass Power. It is evident, then, that the real opposition to Mr. Cushing did not spring from the Jeff Davis letter ; that this document was only used as a convenient preUftt. The Senate is determined that this high office shall be given as a reward for po litical services, without reference to the capacity or fitness of the appointee. It must be given to a partisan and none other. Mr. Cushing is not a partisan, though a Republican ; he is simply an honest man and an able lawyer—hence his rejection. THE POWER OF THE PRESS. There lias never been a more signal illustration of the power exerted ty the j press in a good cause than afforded by the Williams case. It is the press, and to the press almost alone, that tbe coun try is indebted for its relief from the | disgrace which would have followed the j degradation of the highest tribunal in i the land. The result is a significant an- i swer to Butler’s howling denunciation | of the press, as well as to Chandler’s | self-satisfied assertion that to secure ; harsh criticism from a newspaper was the surest way of attaining success. ANOTHER GIFT FOR THE PRESI DENT. The Spaniards, though rather obtuse in most matters, discovered the peculiar weakness of our soldier-Presi dent. We are told that Senor Emelio Castblar, when President of Spain, sent to the President a beautiful sword, which is now in the possession of the State Department. It is one of the famous Toledo blades. On one side of the sword is inscribed a list of all the engagements in which General Grant was engaged during tbe war of the re bellion, and on the other side is the le gend “Let us have peace.” It has a basket hilt, carved by hand instead of being cast. The scabbard is of polished steel, without ornaments. It was sent through the American Legation at Madrid, and a special act of Congress is to be passed to enable the President to receive it. It was transmitted by Caste lar’s Minister of War, and all the mem bers of the Cabinet contributed to pur chase it, Castelar himself being the principal donor. Os course the act will be passed and the thrifty President’s accumulations will be increased by the famous Toledo blade with the hand carved liilt. Since General Grant showed the world how fond he is of presents he has been overwhelmed with them and when he does go to the retire ment of private life he will have the, to him, great satisfaction of returning with pockets stuffed with plunder. FINANCIAL CONDITION OF THE CITY. The annual statement of the receipts and disbursements for the past year lias been issued by Messrs. Barrett, Chair man, and Sibley, Oarwile and Hillyer, members of the Finance Committee. The receipts of the city from all sources during the year, including a cash bal ance of $6,328 in the treasury on January Ist, 1873, were $606,937 90 the expendi tures, including $33,621 cash in treasury January Ist, 1874, $606,937 90. Os tho receipts $180,500 came from the sale of city bonds, and of the expenditures $97,072 50 was on account of interest, $26,386 72 on account of principal a»d interest of bills payable January Ist, 1873, and $39,332 50 for discount on bonds issued. For canal enlargement, including purchase of lands and dam ages, the city has paid during the year, $256,049 19—less 315,159 26 received for sales of land, etc. The city owes no floating debt whatever, and the bonded debt on the Ist of January, 1874, is given at $1,543,000. This is nominally the bonded debt, really it is much less. Sixty thousand dollars of Augusta bonds, included in this statement, have been paid and cancelled since . January Ist, while the Charlotte, Columbia and Augusta Railroad, by the terms of its settlement with the city, pays the interest on SIOO,OOO of bonds and the principal of SBB,BOO. So that the bonded debt of Augusta, upon which she is to-day paying interest, is $1,383,000 and the real debt is $1,394,200 or only $32,000 more than it was a year ago, notwithstanding the enlargement of the oaual. It is hard to understand how the city has been able to carry on this great work of internal improvement with so little increase of the bonded debt, but the figures show for themselves, and so plainly that he who runs may read.— There are two things, however, which havtS conspired to bring about such a favorable result. One of these is the eare, prudence £hd judgment with which the affairs of the city hfive been managed by the Mayor and Finance Committee, and the advantageous disposition made of the city’s interest in the Macon and Au | gnsta, and Charlotte, Columbia and Au gusta Railroads, whereby property now almost valueless w&s made to bring in a handsome return. In order to show how very small has been the increase of the bonded debt of j the city during the past four years, we give the following figures taken from former reports : Bonded debt April Ist, 1870. $1,365,000 Bonded debt Jan. Ist, 1871. . 1,355,250 Bonded debt Jan. Ist, 1872 .. 1,383,750 Bonded debt Jan. Ist, 1873 .. 1,362,500 Bonded debt Jan. Ist, 1874 .. 1,394,200 According to these figures our bonded debt has only increased $30,000 in four years, but as the city had a much larger floating debt on the first of April, 1870, she is fiuaucially perhaps in as good a condition now as at that time, while the taxable property of the city has greatly increased in value. It is not to be ex pected that the enlargement of the canal can be finished without a further in crease of the city debt, but it is safe to assert that the increase will be at least one half less than was generally ex pected. PUBLIC WORKS. A statement prepared by the Secretary of the Treasury, in response to a resolu tion of the Senate, shows that from June 30, 1865, to June 30, 1873, there was expended by the General Govern ment on public works in the several States and Territories* $103,294,501 and $104,705,163 on railroads, canals and wagon roads from 1789 to 1873. New York State led in the amount expended for public works, the sum being $15,- 688,222; next came the District of Columbia, w;th a total expenditure of $14,822,805; then, in the order named, Illinois, Massachusetts and California. Michigan stood sixth on the list, with an expenditure of $2,681,997. Os the States, West Virginia presents the smallest figure—ss,o94—while, as ap pears, nothing was spent in either Arizona, Utah or the Indian Territory. AUGUSTA, GA, WEDNESDAY" MORNING, JANUARY 28, 1874. Nearly two-thirds of tae whole amount laid out for railroads, canals and wagon roads were expended in Utah, Nevada and California and Utah, Nebraska and Wyoming, the sum in the former case being 834,267,704, and in the latter 334,- 350,703. In Kansas and Colorado $7,- 776,212 was expended, and in lowa and Nebraska $2,181,703. Kansas alone is also set down as having received 82,422,- 564 and California $2,506,533. Nothing was expended by the General Govern ment for these purposes in either of the States of New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connec ticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, West Virginia, Georgia and Texas, or in Montana Territory, and only $3,500 in New York, 89,961 in South Carolina, $5,000 in Tennessee and $3,397 in Nevada. There was spent in Michigan $1,330,024. FOUND OUT THE DIFFERENCE. The Spanish Cortes, now that it has been dissolved, has found out the differ ence between a man who is truly a Re publican and oiie who is an Absolutist. When it had Castelar as Chief Execu tive of the nation it was extremely in different to his wishes, and was very far from sustaining policy. Its contrary course forced him into resignation, and the man who wits made his successor has so little respect for or confidence in the Cortes that he is doing without a legisla tive body, and has no idea of convoking the Cortes while he has any other do mestic troubles—for he considered the Cortes a trouble—-to contend with. The Republican Deputies, if they had the power, would now be quite willing to support Castelar, as their action in the recent meeting at Madrid shows. It is not probable, however, tliat Castelar will pay much attention to their wishes. His experience with them has not been such as to induce him to rush headlong into the fray for their benefit. If they do not like Serrano and his treatment of them, they have themselves to blame. GEORGIA’S PROTEST. The following is Georgia’s Protest against the passage of the civil rights and social equality bill now pending be fore the Congress of tbe United States: Mr. Longley, of Troup, offered the following, which was adopted unani mously: _ Whereas, The chief objects of all governments should be the protection of person and property, and that all men have an equal right to justice and to stand perfectly equal before the law; that Georgia most cheerfully accords to every individual within the borders of the State the amplest protection and se curity in all these rights; that there is not in ouv organic law, nor upon our statute books, a single provision that militates against any class on account of race or color; that we deny the right or power of Congress, under the amended Constitution of the United States, to exercise a general municipal as well as criminal legislation over the people of Georgia; that the passage of the civil rights bill now pending before Congress, or any other bill of like character, is an infringement upon the reserved rights of the States, and was never contem plated by the framers of that Constitu tion, nor of any amendment to the same; that the passage of the civil rights bill would, in our opinion, be in expedient, injudicious, unwise and con trary to the wishes of both the white and colored people of this State; that we do not believe the colored people of Georgia desire mixed schools and mixed churches or anything which partakes of social rights; that these questions of so cial rights must alone be regulated by society. Therefore, Jtesolved, By the Senate and House of Representatives, that we most respectfully and earnestly request our National Congress not to interfere with the municipal regulations of the States by the passage of the present civil rights bill or any bill of like im port and character, but to leave all these questions to the States, where they prop erly belong. Jtesolved, That the Governor forward a copy of the foregoing preamble and resolutions to the presiding officers of each of the houses of Congress, with a request that the same be laid before that body. It will be seen that the resolutions passed the House by an unaminous vote —not a single Badical or colored mem ber voting against them. But, as pub lished in the dispatch of our Atlanta correspondent Sunday morning, the day afterwards the Badicals came up with a protest. Evidently the colored brothers were “seen” *by the “mean whites” after the adjournment, hence this post script of a protest. POLITICIANS. There i3 a great deal of shallow talk about “the politicians” being the men of the country—a great deal of odium cast upon politics, and a great deal said concerning the advantages to be derived from having business men to control public affairs. For our’ own part we must dissent from these opinions. We believe that the governments of States and of the Union was never better nor purer than when “the politicians” were in power. It is the business men who have ruined us. Business men like Bullock and Kimball in Georgia, Pat terson in South Carolina, Swepson and Littlefield in North Carolina, Stanton in Alabama, and the Senators who rep resent railway corporations in the Con" gress of the United States. When “politicians” like Clay and Webster, Crawford and Calhoun were in posi tions of honor and trust the country was wealthy and prosperous. Another idea, too, lias become prevalent that the good men of the country should not mix in politics, but leave public affairs to those who have no business of their own to attend to. Sucli a policy as this, carried to its legitimate conclusion, would turn the country oi er to the control of ad i venturers, vagrants and vagabonds. It : was well said bj Mr. Bayard, in a speech ! before the United States Senate, the other day, that One of the chief dangers of our day and country is the devotion of citizens to their private pursuits to the neglect of their public duties. If this country j shall go down, if this experiment for hu man self-government shall fail, there will be few more to blame than those intelligent men who have grown rich in their private pnrsnits and allowed places of high public trust and honor to be filled by men less worthy and able than themselves, but who were willing at least to give their time to the public ser vice. “Who doss not know of the fre quent advice to young men of talent and character: Keep out of politics, stick to your business, to your profession, to your ledger, to your office, to your stu dies. Keep out of politics.” This is the common cry which is accepted as wise, as lust, as commendable, in a coun try which must depend for the elevation sind the continuance of its Government upon the best efforts of its most intelli gent, its most able, its most conscientious men. What is the consequence of all this unAmerican, woraly-wise advice to the youth of our country—advice too often followed by them ? They have sought to make the name of politician discreditable. They have sought to make attention to public duties suspi cious. And what has been the result, Senators ? Has it not been a lower tone of public service ? I say that to a cer tain degree it has ; for I believe if there should be an increase in honorable com petition between men of intellect and character for public position, it would tend largely to the elevation of the tone of our service, and to the benefit of the whole country. This Government is not an automatic machine. It is not to run itself. It calls for the efforts constantly, and oftentimes the self-sacrificing efforts, of the ablest and the purest and the bravest to guide it on in the right direc tion, and keep it in the paths of honor and safety. A wet day is a dry time—for new». LETTER FROM ATLANTA. [editorial coerespondince of the chlonicle and sentinel.] Atlanta, Ga., Janaary 19, 1874. The Legislature has noyr been in ses sion five days, and the business before both Houses is progressing in the usual routine manner. There ire several mea sures of general interest before the Leg islature. Os local measures there is no end, almost every member being provi ded with certain pet measures, either of his own or of his consiituents. This eternal tinkering of loctl legislation is both expensive and troublesome, and productive.£>f annoyance and confusion. The Treasury of the State and the in terests of the people would be subserved if seven-eighths of the local bills of every Legislature found their way into the waste basket rather that! upon the statute books of the State. One of the most interesting and im portant measures is the Conven tion question. Mr. ." Williamson, of Baldwin, who introduced a simi lar bill at the last stssion, has, as you have already been advisetf, intro duced an act on the important subject of a Constitutional Coyention. The bill provides for the eiadion of dele gates—eight from each 'Congressional District—on the first Wednesday in April, and for the meeting of the Con vention on the first Wednesday in May. This question was to be discussed by the House in Committee of the Whole on Wednesday, but the author of the measure requested and obtained a post ponement until Tuesday week next, on account of the meeting of the Georgia State Grange, which convenes here Wed nesday, and at the request of some promi nent opponents of the Convenlion move ment, who are compelled to be absent on the day first set down for the consideration of the question The cost of a Conven tion under the provisions of this bill would boa mere bagatelle to the State. The expense of seventy-two delegates —eight from each Congressional District —to frame anew Constitution would not exceed $20,000. At the very outside it would not require more than twenty days to frame the organic law. Seventy two members at $7 would be $504 per day, and for twenty days it would be SIO,OBO. The average mileage of each member would be $74 50, or $5,364 for mileage, making the per diem and mile age $15,444. The other expenses of clerks, etc., would not exceed $5,000, so, that the entire expense of a Conven tion under Mr. Williamson’s bill would not exceed $20,000. So far, therefore, as the cost enters into this important matter, the people have nothing to ap prehend. The finances of the State are in a flattering condition, and $20,000, or even $30,000, can be appropriated with out any inconvenience whatsoever. The friends of the measure iu the House are confident of carrying it through that body, but it is the opinion of your cor respondent that, the Senate is not so fa vorably disposed. The opposition in this section of the State, particularly here iu Atlanta, arises mainly from the fear that if the Convention is called the capital will go back to Miyedgeville. If satisfied in this particular, the people of Atlanta would throw up their hats and shout lustily for a Convention. Mr. Peabody, of Columbus, has intro duced two important acts—one in refer ence to the issuing of bonds by munici pal corporations, and another withdraw ing the State’s endorsement of railroad bonds where vested rights have not fully been obtained. The first provides that uo bonds or other evidence of indebted ness shall be issued by any county or municipal corporation, except by a ma jority of the qualified voters and prop erty owners at a special election, to be held for that purpose. Some objection will be raised to the passage of this bill, because of the feature submitting the question not only to the qualified vo ters, a majority of whom are required, but to the property holders (not tax payers), a majority of whom must favor, before the bonds can be issued by a county or municipal corporation. This last is the commendable feature of the bill. In the present status of the elective franchise, every legal safeguard should be thrown around the property of our people. It is a correct principle that no man has the right to vote away that which does not belong to him. The people who pay the taxes and support the government should have the right to decide as to the issuing of bonds by counties and cities. A measure of pub lic moment so conservative and wise, as this involved in Mr. Peabody’s bill, will be certain to commend itself to all right thinking people. The bill will pass both Houses without serious opposition. Mr. H. D. McDaniel has introduced a bill which compels all railroad cor porations in the State to pay taxes on property the same as individual citizens. This repeals . all' exemptions, whether expressed in charters or obtained by special legislation. The taxes paid by all the roads in the State during the past yearamounted to $8,371 73. Should Mr. McDaniel’s bill become a law, the amount from railroad taxes would ag gregate over SIOO,OOO into the State j Treasury every year. Thsre will be j very little opposition to the bill in the House, but it is probable that the measure i will be opposed in the Se»ate, where the i railroads have some influential friends. The Legislature having in the charters I of the several companies granted exemp tion from taxation for a certain number 'of years, it is questionable faith on | the part of the State to repeal the ex j emptions granted and enjoyed by the j several companies until the expiration | of the time for which the franchise is i granted. Perpetual exemptions to cor porations are contrary to the spirit of the age, and their is neither justice nor right iu discriminations which operate j against an equitable distribution of the j expense of the government. The ob j ject of the author of this bill is to ; repeal all exemptions, and leave the 1 question of their chartered immunity from taxation to be decided by the Courts. Judge Beesb b a3 introduced some measures of general interest in the | Senate. The lien and usury laws have ; received his attention. Bepresenting an agricultural constituency and being per- j fectly familiar with the necessities and requirements of the people, he favors that no liens shall be created on an-1 nual crops after the first of November, j 1874, except liens in favor of landlords , for supplies and rent, and of laborers for labor. He also favors limiting the [ rate of interest to ten per cent., and has ; introduced a bill to this effect. Bills of similar import have been introduced in the House. Mr. Willingham, of Ogle thorpe, has introduced an act to repeal liens for guano and all crop liens after j the first of January, 1875. Mr. Turn bull, of Banks, has introduced a bill to 1 re-enact the usury laws and fix the rate ' of interest at seven per cent. The lien laws will be repealed. There will be opposition, however, from the large class of poor farmers who, with out means, have no other way of obtain ; ing credit except by giving liens on their crop. rich planter is not af fected by it, and he, therefore, favors the immediate repeal of the law; but those who work their farms exclusively on a credit require time to prepare for the trial before their only basis of credit is gone. The bill, if passed, will not go into operation until nine or ten months hence. In reference to usury laws, it is folly to enact them. The Legislature did a wise act last year iu wiping them from the statute books, and it would be folly i to undo that which has been so well done. It would be simply puerile on I the part of members to repeal at one session that which was enacted at the ; preceding, unless some good reason or i public policy should require it. Money is worth what it will command, and no | legislation can increase or reduce the rate of interest. Money, like merchan j disc, is regulated by the laws of supply and demand, and a State Legislature has about the same right to set a limit to the price of a bushel of corn as it has to ; fix the rate of interest on money at ! seven per cent, or at any other rate. 1 There is no use in passing a law when it will remain a dead let ter on the statute books. When money is worth from 13 to 20 per cent, no man is fool enough to lend it at 7, and it is perfectly absurd to waste the time of the people and the money of the State in debating such clap-trap non sense. If the Legislature could make capitalists lend money at 7 per cent., there would be something in it; but this caunot be done. Should the usury laws be re-enacted no respect will be paid them. It would therefore be the part of wisdom to let this matter remain as it is. Usury laws are a relic of that past which, because of its age, is neither re spectable nor commendable—they have been buried and their resurrection will frighten no man into compliance. Mr. Foster, of Richmond, has intro duced a bill which does away with the inspection of fertilizers, except at the pleasure of dealers. This bill has been referred to the Judiciary Committee.— The effect is to abolish the office of In spector. He also introduced a bill to day, a copy of which I send you, in re ference to the Augusta and Summerville Street Railroad Company, which repeals the acts of 1866, confirming the contract made and preventing the City Council of Augusta from repealing certain ordi nances of said Council relative to said corporation. W. CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION. Letter From Hon. Jno. J. Jones,’of Burke. Waynesboro, Ga., January 14, 1873. To the Editors of the Chronicle and Sentinel : Gentlemen —Your letter of the 10th of December last came safe to hand, asking my views upon the propriety “of calling a Convention for the purpose of remodeling our present State Constitu tion. ” I have delayed an answer, hop ing I would get time from my profes sional engagements to give my reasons at length in favor of calling a Convention. I find I shall never have the desired leisure. Hence, I must content myself with a hasty and brief presentation of my views. lam now, and have been ever since the ascendancy of the Demo cratic party in the State, in favor of calling a Convention. It is no new idea with me. For some time past I have been urging it upon the attention of our legislators as I would casually meet them. I deem the calling a Con vention a matter of the utmost im portance to our. people. Our material wealth and future prosperity, socially, politically and financially, largely de pend upon it. Many reasons might be presented. I have time only to say: Ist. We shall never have a better and more opportune time for calling a Con vention. The masses of the intelligent people of the State are thoroughly united —I may say, almost a unit at this time. The Democratic party now has entire control of the Legislative and Executive Departments of the State goverement. We have no assurance how long such a state of things will last. In a few years the intelligent masses may be divided among themselves. The Democratic party may lose its supremacy, and then it will be out of our power to command sufficient unanimity to call a Conven tion. Let us, then, by all means act at once—call a Convention while we have it so completely in our power to do so. 2d. As has already been suggested by sojne of your correspondents, the pres ent State Constitution is not of our mak ing or adoption. It is the offspring of corruption and usurpation—forced upon us by the bayonet. No intelligent man in the State has ever regarded it as our Constitution—made of our own free will and choice. * Let us have the manhood to demand that tve have a Constitution made by ourselves—made by the repre sentative men of the country. 3d. The present State Constitution needs alteration and amendment in many important particulars. I have not time to enter into details. I shall only men tion one. Our judiciary systemneeds remodeling in many respects. Let us get back as near as practicable to the old judiciary system of 1799, under •which the coun try so long prospered. I am one of those, so old-fashioned in my notions, as to believe that all our recent efforts of improvement and tinkering upon our noble old judiciary system has proven a miserable failure. The right of appeal from a petif to a special jury was de stroyed by our new law-makers upon the idea that litigation would be les sened and shortened. A few years ex perience has proven otherwise. Litiga tion has increased. Our Supreme Court now sits twice as long as it used to sit. Let us get back to the “old landmarks.” Restore the right of appeal in your Su perior Courts —restore the right of hold ing a party to bail—restore the old or ganization of the Inferior Courts in your respective counties—under that or some other name—for county purposes —restore the usury laws—give greater se curity to the collection of debts. Make these improvements and many others I might suggest, and anew era will dawn upon the country —litigation will be les sened—your Supreme Court will sit half the time it now sits—confidence will be restored and general prosperity once more smile upon the country. At least, such is my humble judgment. Pardon, Messrs. Editors, this hasty letter. Ido not know that my views will be of any importance to tho country. You, how ever, ask me for them. I give them briefly for what they are worth. I am, with great respect, your obedient ser vant, John J. Jones. CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS. Editors Chronicle and Sentinel : The proposition of Col. Harris to amend our Constitution by the Legisla ture in compliance with its provisions seems to meet with some favor. Allow me to make some suggestions on tho subject. Have we now a State Constitution? If so, which is it, and who made it for us ? The present Constitution was made by a mongrel convention, in which neither the brains, the property or honesty of the people were represented. Not one per cent, of the intelligent voters of the State participated in the ; election. They felt that they could not self-respect in so doing. A dirty, dishonorable programme had been laid down for our people in the recon- I struction laws, and they choose not to ; touch it. The motley crowd assembled, made a Constitution, it was referred to the peo ple to vote upon—not seperately upon its merits, but in its totality—and the voters were required at the same time to vote for a Governor—Rufus Bullock was the nominee of the Radicals, General Gordon, the candidate of the white people. A much larger nnmber of the people voted at this elec tion. Some of the white people voted for the Constitution because they wanted their friend General Gordon for Gover nor. A much- larger number of white people voted for it because of the relief measures in it. It is very generally be lieved, by the best informed, that Gene ral Gordon and No Ratification got a majority of the votes. But the counting out of the votes given at that election was referred to one Hulburt, called sharp and quick, and he reported the result so as to conform to the wishes of those who appointed him. Whether his report was right or not no one knows, and he is the only witness. It cannot be said and proven that it was ratified. The most that can be said on the subject is that Hurlbut so said, hut he cannot prove it. It was no time for witnesses or close investigation; we were under a pressure, and all were satisfied to have I a change of rulers. ’Tis thus this gov | ernment of Georgia was formed. If a | majority of the voters was in favor of l the Constitution, they were composed of ! the negroes, who were controlled by the | carpet-baggers, and forced thus to vote, I and a portion of the white people, who ; were deluded into its support by the re lief clauses in it. They were iu debt, and did not want to pay them. Can anj 1 one of any race or color assert that this Constitution would have been ratined bst for these relief measures, aud Congress would not allow “these pet measures” to remain as a part of it, and thus placed it where it was not ki any sense the act of the people. It is the creature of Congress, and has never re ceived the sanction of any part of the people. -In its present status it has never been referred to the people. It is not the Constitution of the people; it is a cross between carpet-baggers and unen franchised negroes—delivered by Dr. Hulburt, in the dark, christened bv a military usurper, swaddled by Bullock, circumcised by Congress, and akin to nobody. It was basely borne, badly cradled, and unlawfully circumcised.— i But who voted for it ? 'Shall it be said the citizens and voters of Georgia so did ? The negroes wero not then citizen voters of Georgia. The Reconstruction acts conferred suffrage on them for the ' first time in order to use them as voters in consummating their vile scheme of fraud upon our people. Where did Congress get the power to enfranchise a single voter? Itwas withoutlaw, against law, and absolutely and wholly void. It was then in every sense tho creation of Con gress. It appointed the negroes to make it; tools wero sent out to free them aud do the dirty work—it was done—and the same Congress emas culated it of all its beauty and charms. Can it then be denied by any one but that Congress made it ? Can Congress make a Constitution for a State ? If so, where did it get its power from ? If it needs amending, changing or re casting, let it be referred to Congress. It is no work of ours. It is not the Constitution of the people. Some serious and most perplexing questions will arise some day, growing out of this anomalous state of things. The mat ter can, and ought be carried. Wo ought to have a Constitution emanating from the people. There ought to bo no doubt of its paternity or legality ? How can this be done ? Only by a Con vention of the people. Is Atlanta afraid that she will loose the seat of government ? If it is] right for it to re main, the people can, aud will so or der. Let none be afraid to trust the people. “Dougherty.” AUGUSTA TO CHICAGO. Indianapolis, Ind., January 1, 1874. Dr. H. R. Casey, Waverly Hall, Co lumbia County, Oa.: Mr Dear Sir— The Chicago Conven tion was hold last Oetober, when the great financial malestrome had just be gun its awful gyrations, which embraced the whole land and engulfed or weak ened every house or corporation which was not founded upon an everlasting rock; that crippled. Col. Thomas Scott and his mighty corporation, the Penn sylvania Central Railroad Company. It certainly was not a time favorable for considering new railroad enterprises, as it was alleged that the Northern Pacific “had done the work” for Jay Cooke, and that a road of as mucji promise as the Chesapeake and Ohio was a financial failure and likely to prove such for a number of years, until they could reach out and form some connection with other roads in Western Ohio or Central Kentucky. Railroad men regarded the future with suspicion. Mr. Ingalls, President of the Indianapolis, Cincin nati and LaFayetto Railroad, whom we expected to be present at that conven tion and whose line we expect to make a part of ours, wrote to me after the storm had broken forth in its fury, saying, “I shall not attend your convention; the times are too dark and uncertain to talk about, to even think of new railroad schemes.” But the undoubted success of that convention under such circum stances showed very plainly what a firm, hold our grand scheme had taken on the minds of the people and the wonder ful effect our agitation of the subject through the previous ten months had had. It was anew gospel to the people of both our sections and its preaching went directly to their hearts. The- peo ple have too long suffered from the ex tortions and unavoidable delays oc casioned by trying to effect exchanges over long and tortuous lines, built with the design of accommodating a different section altogether. A sweet poet said “We need good and evil to see good.” The evil we have had so long that oar perceptions of the good have become very keen, and hence I urge the un daunted enthusiasm of the people, both North and South, for our much loved project. Here our graneries are bursting with the gathered fruits of the bountiful harvest of the past year. This commands in our markets such a price as leaves but a small margin for profit to the pro ducer, while the same articles in your market are not to be had at twice, and in some cases, at five times the price they bring here. We are large consumers of your cotton and rice, but this wo obtain at a greatly enhanced price over what you get for it. Could we make these exchanges direct I doubt not that the purchasing power of our commodities in exchange for what one section would need of that produced by the other would be increased three-fold. This en hanced value should be placed to the side of profits. A moment’s reflection as to the way our exchanges are at present effected must make this truth apparent. Your cotton is taken to New England, a thousand miles from where it was raised and a thousand miles from its consumers, for manufacture. You wish to buy our wheat and corn. If you make your purchases in our markets, perhaps you must ship it to Baltimore by rail road; there load it into vessels, by sea six or seven hundred miles, on to the cars again, and two or three hundred miles into the interior, one-third of the way back to Chicago before it reaches its consumers. Who pays this extra freightage ? The extra interest that must be paid on the money employed from fifteen to sixty days more than is neces sary to effect exchanges by these long and circuitous routes? Massachusetts has become relatively the richest State in the Union, not from anything that her sterile soil or belak hills has pro duced, but from the tribute we have permitted her to lay upon that which grows upon our more fertile acres and in our more genial climes. I have left myself but little space to speak of President Haymond, but I can assure you he is doing his whole duty, and that he will spare no effort to accom plish the work according to the original design of the series of letters I shall write. I shall speak in future numbers of the great and almost boundless resources of the Northwest and its marvellous growth. I shall try and show the mutual benefits to be derived by twelve millions of peo ple inhabiting both sides of the Alle ghany Mountains from the building of the Chicago and South Atlantic Railway. I shall show the advantages of Port Royal as a point for carrying on our trade with the West Indies and the South American States. Indiana. Matbicide. —The horrible crime of matricide, which, happily, is an exceed ing rare one, was committed in Jersey City, N. J., on Wednesday evening, the %ictim being Mrs. Mary E. Freeman, the wealthy widow of a coffee and cake saloon keeper of that place. She was shot dead by her son, Joseph, under the following ciroumstanoes: The father had left his entire property to his wife, and much dissension was produced in the family by her not parting with it to her sons, who frequently demanded sums to further their business views. Joseph, Wednesday evening, urged her to give him $2,000, with which to start a busi ness, but she refused on the ground that her funds were tied up in real es tate. In a fury he drew a pistol and threatened to shoot himseif. The mother and younger sister rose to leave the room, while Mrs. Frank, the elder sis ter, remained. As the mother opened the door, young Freeman fired, and she fell dead. He then threw the pistol be hind the door and left the house. He did not attempt to leave the city and was soon arrested.' He told the justice that the shooting was accidental, and that he had no statement to make. The Hartford 'Pime* ol Saturday says : Farmers in Connecticut are plowing. Bobins are heard. Pansies are reported to be in bloom in the grass. On hardy shrubs the buds are swelling. The rivers are all open, as far north as Massa chusetts at least; and the floods are abroad in the land. What a Winter! FROM ATLANTA. PROCEEDINGS OF THE GENERAL assembly. ! Business In the Senate—Bills Intro duced—Civil Rights—Another Pro ! test—What Was Done In the House- Constitutional Convention—lts Oon , sideration Postponed. [special to chronicle and sentinel. J Atlanta, Ga., January 19,1874. I In the Senate, a number of local bills were introduced on a first read ing, among which were the fol lowing ; By Mr. Nioholls : To transfer to the Atlantic and Gulf Rail j road the stock subscribed by tho State; to incorporate the Buffalo and Turtle j River Canal Company; to change the j lines between the- counties of Pierce and j Wayne and Pierce aud Appling. By I Mr. Simmons: To provide for a more | economical and a speedier mode for dis tributing tho laws, journals and other documents in the State; to amend ar ticle 12 of the Constitution. By Mr. Winn: To abolish the office of Tax Re ceiver, and that tho office of Tax As sessor bo established for the several counties of tho State. By Mr. Trammell: To abolish tho legal distinction between the principal iu the first and tho princi pal in the second degree in the code re lative to accessories in crime. By Mr. Knight: To allow Burd and Moore to open the Allapaha river for the purpose of rafting timber. The rules were sus pended and the House resolutions, cdu demningthe Civil Rights bill, wero taken up. Mr. Brown moved to umeml by in serting that the effect of the passage of the Civil Rights bill would be to destroy 7 the. public school system of Georgia, which was agreed to, and the resolutions passed by a vote of yeas, 24; nays, 4. Mr. Deveaux (col.) offered a protest, which he desired spread upon the Jour nal, but it was laid upon the table for the present. Mr. Payne offered resolu tions declaring tne State’s endorsement of- the Alabama and Chattanooga Rail road bonds, by act of March 20,1869, be declared valid aud binding. Resolutions were adopted congratulating Texas upon the result of the recent election, aud thank ing Gov. Smith for his manly protest to Col. Swain against military interference in this State. The following bills wero put on a third reading: An act to amend the lien laws in reference to yearly crops —made the special order for Wednesday. To change the time of holding the Su perior Courts of the Western Circuits— passed. The committee recommended a substitute for Judge Reese’s bill to amend the garnishment laws, which passed. Adjourned. In the House the following bills came up on a first reading: By Sir. Smith, of Telfair: To compensate maimed sol diers, in place of the artificial limbs prodded for under the act approved 1868. By Mr. Fort: To repeal an act re lative to the giving in and payment of tax on wild land. By Mr. Dell: To change the time of holding Screven Su perior Court from April to May. By Mr. Brantley: To organize a County Court for Washington county.” By Mr. Foster: To repeal an act con firming a contract between the city of Augusta and the Augusta & Summer ville Street Railway Company, and pre venting the City Council of said city from repealing the ordinance” passod in reference to said Street Railway. •By Mr. Jenkins, of Putnam: To make false representations touching certain con tracts for services a misdemeanor, and to prescribe a punishment for tho same. By Mr. Culver : To provide for the cor rect assessment of taxable property in the State. By Mr. Newton : To vest the jurisdiction of tho County Court of Jasper in the Ordinary. By Mr. Rich ardson : To strengthen landlord’s liens; to prevent the burning of gin houses; to regulate freight charges by rail roads. By. Mr. Watt : To require dealers in fertilizers to furnish a printed analysis ; to make it penal to sell spirit uous liquors within three miles of a church, academy or meeting house. By Mr. Twitty : To authorize the Commis sioners of Roads and Revenues in Mi tchell county to issue bonds to pay off their indebtedness. By Mr. Lyon : To amend an act establishing a County Court in Dougherty and Lee. By Mr. Jackson : To provide for the collection anil publi cation of the agricultural products aud resources of the State. By Mr. Carl ton To create the office of State Geologist, and provide for a geological, minerolagical, and physical survey of the State; to prevent fraud in the safe of fertilizers. By Mr. Glisson : To render certain property uow exempt subject to levy and sale. By Mr. DeLoach : To amend section 4,528 of tho code in re ference to carrying deadly weapons, giving one-half of the fine to the inform er; to regulate the tolls on toll bridges on the Ogechee, between Bryan aud Bullock. By Mr. Smith : To compel parties engaged in getting timber to keep the public roads in repair; to pre vent the sale of deadly weapons to minors. By Mr. Mercer: To amend the act incorporating the Savannah and Thunderbolt Railroad; to amend file act incorporating the Savannah,Skidaway and Seaboard Railroad; to prescribe the manner of taking criminal cases to tho Supreme Court; for .the relief of tho Savannah, Skidaway and Seaboard Rail road Company; to confirm the action of the City Council of Savannah in build ing wharves at tire foot of Abercrombie and other streets, and to authorize them to close as many Jocks as necessary; for relief of the Ladies’ Memorial Associa tion of Savannah—appropriates $1,000; to confer upon the City Court of Savan nah power to grunt new trials; to amend the act amending an act to protect planters from imposition in The sale of fertilizers; to regulate the fees of Justices of the Peace and Constables in Chatham county. By Mr. Dell : To amend an act creating a County Court in each county in the State, except cer tain counties therein named. By Mr. Hudson : To regulate charges on freight by transportation companies. By Mr. McArthur : To better secure tho public safety and protect the traveling public from accident on railroads and steam boats ; to amend an act to protect the people in the sale of kerosine oil. By Mr. Mills : To define the powers of the Judge of the Superior Court in Chatham county in casescoming up from the City Court. Mr. Carlton introduced a resolution authorizing the Gover nor to issue arms to the State Agricultural College, which . was referred to the Military Committee.— Mr. Towers’ resolution authorizing the auditing of the change bills of the Western Atlantic Railroad was, referred to the Finance Committee. Mr. Mills offered a joint resolution to investigate the appropriation of eight thousand dol lars to the Atlanta University, and to in quire into the expediency of eonteming said appropriation, and to -investigate the charge of H. M. Turner, that the Governor had not paid said appro priation. The rules were suspended and the resolution paSsed. Messrs. Mills, Peabody, and Felton were appointed on the committee'. The Speaker announced the following •committee on the part of the House on amendments to the Constitution : Messrs. Pierce, Hoge, Williamson, Mer cer, Tutt, Hudson and Bake., On mo tion of Mr. Williamson, the bill provid ing for a Constitutional Convention was made the special order for Tuesday week, instead of Wednesday next, as the Georgia State Grange meets here on that day, and many members of the House will be absent. It3 opponents also asked a postponement as an accom modation on account of the absence try innvitation of Col. George Hillyer. . The entire Senate . sups to-night at Pease and his Wife’s W. Proceedings of tho General Assembly —Cruelty to Convicts State Aid Killed in the Senate—The Tax for 1874—N0 Increase—.M aeon an and Brunswick Bonds Recognized-The Usury Law's Reported Against—The Grangers in Council Lien Law . Played Out. [special telegram to the chronicle and sentinel.] Atlanta, January 20, 1874. In the Senate t«-day Mr. Deveaux’s protest, presented yesterday, against the passage of the House resolutions, con demnatory of the Civil Rights bill, was taken up and spread upon the journals by a vote of yeas, 23 ; nays, 14. Mr. Harris moved that as charges of cruelty to penitentiary oonvicts had been made, the matter should receive special atten tion by investigation on the part of a committee. Mr. Hillyer moved that the NUMBER 4. committee of both Houses on the peni> tentiary be made a joint committee, em powered to appoint a sub-committee, and said jointcommitteebedireoted to report on the charges and condition of con victs. Mr. Van Estes moved to lay the resolution on the table- lost. On mo tion of Mr. Simmons, the matter was referred to the Penitentiary Committee. Mr. Hillyer offered a resolution that the Stato waive its claims of priority against the Georgia National Bank referred to the Judiciary Committee. Mr. W. P. Matthew’s bill repealing State aid in all railroad charters, where vested' rights have not been obtained, was taken up and discussed. Messrs. Matthews and Reese favored the repeal. Messrs. Hester and Brown opposed. It passed by a vote of yeas, 26; nays, 18. Adjourned. In tli6 House the rules wore suspend ed for the introduction of bills, among which were the following: By Mr. Baker: To change the time of holding the election of members of Congress to the first Wednesday in October, 1874, and every second year thereafter. By Mr. Tumlin: To exempt from municipal taxation land used. for agricultural pur poses. By Mr. Turnbull: To repeal au act providing for the annual collection and publication of statistics of the agri cultural products and resources of the State. By Mr. Williamson: To amend section one of the Constitution so as to remove the capital to Milledgeville. Mr. Lamkin offered a resolution tendering the use of the Hull to the Patrons of Husbandry, who meet in Con vention Wednesday. after some debase the resolution was adop ted. The Finance Committee, through the Chairman, Mr. Nutting, re ported the tax and appropriation acts, which were read the first time and order ed printed. The State tax will l>e about the same as last year—four mills. The speoific taxes are generally the same as last'year, exoept as to circus companies, which nro taxed S2OO per day in cities of over 10,000 population. The tax ou railroad, insurance, express and tele graph companies is the same as last year. The presidents of banks aud manu facturing companies are required to make returns to the tax receivers of the county where the same are located to be taxed as other property. A former provision exempting S2OO worth of property from taxation was repealed. In the appropriation act the committee recommends extra, compensation to Treasurer Jones. The mileage of mem bers is reduced from twenty-five cents per mile to ten cents going and tenceuts returning. $15,000 are appropriated to defray the expenses and keep in re pair the Academy for the Blind; $13,500 to the Deaf and Dumb Asylum. The act appropriates $228,000 to*pay the in terest on bonds of the Macon and Brunswick Railroad, endorsed by the State under an act of the Gen eral Assembly, approved December 3d, 1866, and $33,600 to pay interest on the bonds of the North and South Railroad Company endorsed by the State. For legal services in the case of the Stato vs. the Brunswick and Albany Railroad, Clifford Anderson and Rich ard K. Hines are to receive $1,500 each. Under a suspension of the rules, the Senate resolutions congratulating Texas aud returning thanks to Governor Smith were taken up and passed. In the after noon bills were read a second time, when the House adjourned till 10 o’clock on' Thursday. There will be full attendance at the meeting of the Patrons of Husbandry to-morrow. A large number of mem bers of the Legislature are delegates. It is thought that several important measures will be put in shape for legis lative action. The Finance Committee, at a meeting this afternoon, decided to report ad verse to the re-enactment of the usury laws. Several bills introduced repeal ing the lien laws will be compared by the Agricultural-Committee, and a bill prepared repealing liens, except as to landlords and for labor, operative at least ten months hence. W. The Lien Law in the Senate—-Repeal Carried by a Large Majority—What the House l)id—The Grungers’ Meet ing-Educational Unification. [special telegram to the chronicle AND SENTINEL.] Atlanta, Ga., January 21.—1a the Senate, the Committee on the Judioiary recommended a substitute, which is al most substantially the same as the bill introduced by Judge Reese, and hereto fore telegraphed, repealing sections 11)78 of the code, which repeals all lions on annual crops, except landlords' liens which remain, to take effect next No vember. This bill, being the special order, caused an excited and animated debate. Messrs. Blance, Hudson, Jones, Peavey, W. P. Mathews nnd Reese ad vocated the repeal, and Messrs. Winn, Gilmore, Hester and Wofford opposed the repeal. Mr. Wofford offered a sub stitute repealing all liens, without ex ception, but the bill recommended by the committee passed by a vote of— yeas, 30 ; nays, 13. Adjourned. Iu the House the Finance Committee will recommend an act legalizing the is sue of twenty-five thousand dollars of bonds by the city of Athens to the State University to bo exempt from State, county and municipal taxation. The tax on which was smug gled Into the tax act last ses sion, will be repealed and the suspen sion of the collection of'the tax author ized by the Governor approved. A bill for this purpose was rend the second time in the Senate. The committee ap pointed by the Governor for considering the unification of the State University and denominational colleges has been in session to-day. * . The Georgia State Grange met, in con vention to-day, Master Smith presiding, with clcsed doors. The morning ses-. sion was occupied in organization. About three hundred delegates are present, and it is understood that the Grange will recommend the Legislature to pass stringent laws suppressing traffic in, agricultural products after dark. Final action has not been taken on the lien law, but it is believed that the Grange Will concur in the bill passed by the Senate to-day. There are four hun dred and sixty Granges in the State, with a membership of fifteen thousand. Rev. J. O. A. Clark submitted an elaborate and able paper ou the unifica tion of all the State colleges to the spe cial committee appointed to memorial ize the Legislature on tjie subject. The joint committee of both houses had under consideration the condition of the Macon and Brunswick Railroad, but nothing definite was arrived at. A BOLD AND BRILLIANT GAME. Two Trays of Diamonds Coppered—A Jeweller Minus $7,000. Cincinnati, January IT.—There was a most daring and successful robbery of Duhme & Cos., jewellers, at 6 o’clock this evening, by which the robber got away with $7,000 worth of diamonds, being 48 cluster diamond rings, two full trays. The young man who did it bought a ring of Duhme yesterday for $27. This evening he returned and asked to look at diamonds. Mr. Duhme placed two trays of cluster rings before him.— The youi g man talked like a man of bu siness, took off the ring bought yester day, said Mr. Dulime had forgotten to give him a box to keep it in. Duhme took the ring and turned to get a box for it, leaving tho two trays of diamonds on the counter. Hearing the door, which was only ten feet away, uiam, he turned to the counter and found the man and his diamonds gone. Ho gave the alarm and pursuit was made, but with no result except to learn from a boy that a young man came out of the store in a great hurry, ran down the middle of Vine street, and turned west on Baker alley. It was dark, and no clue has been obtained to the man. A reward of $2,000 has been offered for him and the goods. He had been seen in several jewelry stores during the day, and is described as about the medium height, dark complexion, hair atid eyes, light build, brisk manner and pleasant address. He was not suspected at any store he visited. Tho only train he had to get away on early was to Louisville, and he may be captured yet to-night in the city. Anassiz. Washington, Jauvary 21.—Informa tion has been received that the House of Delegates, Grosse Rath, of the Canton of Neuchatel, resolved, at one of its last meetings, to have a large picture painted of the late Professor Agassiz, the great citizen of two hemispheres, and to have it suspended, when finished, in the new council chamber of the city of Neuoha tel, where Agassiz first made his name famous.
