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About Weekly chronicle & sentinel. (Augusta, Ga.) 1866-1877 | View Entire Issue (Nov. 4, 1874)
OLO SERIES—VOL LHXI. NEW SERIES—VOL mvill. TERMS. THE DAILY CHRONICLE k SENTINEL, the oldest oewapeper lo toe S >titb, U paolUUed 'inly, ex cept M ’Q'ley. Term*: Per year, $10; ix month*, $3; three month*, $2 SO. THE TRI-WEEKLY CHRONICLE k SENTINEL ia p'lblUh and er. ry TaeetUjr, Thursday end Satur day. Term.: One year, $5; >tx month*, $2 60. THE WEEKLY CHRONICLE It SENTINEL i pnb- Itohed every Wednesday. Term*: One year, $2 six months, sl. SUBSCRIPTIONS in all cane* in advance, and no paper coutinsed after the expiration of the time paid for. BATES OF ADVERTISING IN DAILY.—AI! tran si-nt adrertiaemeata will be chanted at the rate of $1 per * jnare for oach insertion for tiie first tree*. Advertisement* in the Tri-Weekly, two thirds of the rates in tbe Dally; and in the Weekly, one-half the Daily stes. Marriage and Fttneral Notices, (1 each. Special Notices, $1 per square for the first publication. Special rates will be made for advertisements running for a month or longer. REMITTANCES should be made by Post Office Money Orders or Express. If this cannot be done, pr taction against liases by mail may be secured by forwarding a draft payable to tbe Proprietors of tbe Off bokktuc k Sxxnm, or by sending the money in s registered letter. ALL COMMUNICATIONS announcing candidates for office—from County Constable to Member of Congress—will be charged for at the rate of twenty cents per line. All announcements most l>e paid for in advance. Address WALSH k WRIGHT, Cuitomcng k Sektiset,, Augusta, G*. Cijromcle anti jsenrtnel. WEDNESDAY.. .NOVEMBER 4,1874. MINOR TOPICS. The predicted revolt of Senator Morton has come. Hie Indianapolis Journal denounces the President’* adherence to the notion of a third term, declare* he could not be re-elected, and fuithormore, that it would not be a good thing for pure polities if he could be. All tho girls, aay Jennie Juno, now wear their hair combed back plain and tied in a Chinese pig tail, or old-fashioned queue at the back. This is a revolution no completo after the puffs and braids, and chignons and waterfalls, that it detract* much from their apttearance m wi (use. and makes all women appear suddenly to have grown smaller and plainer. For dull imes some people seem to have the eapacity of consuming a vast amount of mer chandise. The goods imported so far this year have amounted to 4332,000,(100, which is 44,- 000,000 more than was consumed last year up to the same date, and largely in excess of any year, excepting 1872. The exports of produce this year have been 4230,100,000, against423o,- 670,000, a difference of only 4470,000, and an excess of 452,000,000 over 1872. We ought to ho doing a prosperous business. Ohio used to give Republican majorities from 40,000 to nearly 100.000, of which Hamil ton county contributed about 5,500; but it now gives a majority# the other way of 34.000, of which Hamilton county contributes 4,500. — Bearing this change in mind there is something pathetic in the meekly rcproachfn! remark of the Cincinnati (iiuettc that the Democratic ma jority in Hamilton county last Tuesday was only 4,550 —‘ a Republican gain of 318; had the rest of tbe State done as well, tbe Republicans of Ohio would have carried the State by a ■weeping mJority.“ “I shall insist upon a quiet and very unos tentatious wedding, ” said Miss Wriggle to her future mother-in-law. ''Mi has ordered 1,500 cards for the church and only half as many for our reception at Delmonico's. Tiffany’s man will boo that the presents are arranged whore all can see them, and I think Bernstein’s is the best orchestra we can hire. I shall wear white silk, and my six bridesmaids white tulle. Pa says a bishop and two clergymen will be ample to perform the ceremony, and—.” She paused, for tbe mother-in-law elect had left the room to search for her sou. There is a rumor that an engagement is “off.” The Chicago Tribune (Rep.) thinks that the recent elections out Wost show "that the sins of the present Administration are too grievous to bo borne, and that, unless there is a speody aud radical reformation in that quarter, the people will even vote for an old-lino Democrat for President in order to liavo a change. That the Administration of General Grant has been the most profligate, reckless and corrupt, aud the one most indifferent to public opinion, that has over borne sway in Washington, is tho pri vate opinion of hundreds of Republican load ers who have not the courage to givo tongue to their thoughts." And now Bristow is accused of weakening.— Tho Washington correspondent to the Cincinnati Commercial states that he is beginning to be a cause of dissatisfaction to many of his friends They complain that while he started in very vigorously, aud promised to boa first class re former, he has suddenly lot down, aud beyond the pushing of his determination to have no more than one member of a family borne on the rolls, he is doing nothing. They say a change lias come over him in some way, aud they are inclined to think that the White House influence has had something to do with It. The New York Chamber of Commerce, Thurs day, for the first time put in motiou the ma ehiuery of the l>oanl of arbitration, erected by an act of the last New York Legislature. It is presided over by a grand arbitrator, who holds his appointment from the Governor. Tho de cisions of the board are to be equally binding with those of the Coiuts. Tho expected ad vantages are a saving of time and money, and the facilitating of,commercial tiansactions generally. Such institutions have beeu in operation for a long while in Germany, and having worked well there it is reasonable to suppose that, if polities are carefully avoided, they will be attended here with like satisfac tory results. Tweed’s counsel have agaiu beon foiled iu their attempt to show that tho statesman of Blackwell’s Island was really convicted of but ono misdemeanor, and that his term of impris onment should therefore expire with the first year. Judge Brady deoliued to order the ‘'cor rection’’ of record of conviction, for the following, among other reasons : The entries made by the Clerk of the Court on the minutes of any trial do not absolutely determine the phraseology of the record of judgment. They may be supervised and corrected by the pre aiding Judge, and when the record has been drawn up and signed by tbe Judge, the minutes of the Clerk cease to be proof of the inteution of the Court. Judge Dans’ departure from the terms employed in tho minutes was, therefore, not only perfectly admissible, but the question having been raised before him and decided by him in settling the form of the record, it cau not be re-opened by any Judge of the same Court. That absurd person, tho Lord Mayor <f London, wears a peculiar collar. Col. Forney writes of it: "The collar ia of pure gold, com posed of a series of links, each formed of a letter S; a united York and Lancaster or Henry VII. rose, and a massive knot The ends of the chain are joined by a portcullis, from the points of which, suspended by a ring of di*- monds, hangs the jewol. The entire collar contains twenty-eight Ss, fourteen roses and thirteen knot*, and measures sixty-four inches. The jewel contains in the center the city arms, cat in cameo of a delicate bljte. on an olive ground. Surrounding this, a garter of bright blue, edged with white and gold, bearing the city motto. ‘Pontine dirige nos,’ in gold letters. The whole is encircled wiili a costly border of gold Ss. alternating with rosettes of diamonds set in silver. The jewel is suspended from the collar by a portcullis; but when worn without the collar, is suspended by a bi oad, blue rib bon. The investiture is by a massive gold chain : and when the Lord Mayor is re-elected by two chains.” The Enforcement act is the most po tent instrument for controlling elections which has ever been framed. Its sweep ing provisions have received such sweep ing constructions by the Administration that they can be made to cover almost any case, or to accomplish almost any purpose. Hundreds of citizens in Louis iana and Alabama have been arrested and dragged in irons hundreds of miles from their homes on charges which, even if true, would deprive the infamous statute of all jurisdiction. But true or false, right or wrong, every purpose is answered. The Democrats are intimi dated and kept away from the polls, and the Republicans are at liberty to employ everv species of fraud which will insure the triumph of their party. The Conservatives of Aiken eountv, South Carolina, are reported hard at work and as the majority against them is not very large we may hope that they will be successful in their fight next Tuesday. It will be a great triumph for the cause of honest government if Elli ott is defeated in his candidacy for the Legislature. He is a bad man, able, unscrupulous, thoroughly devoted to the C hamberlain ring, and if elected will do much mischief. Judge Lawrence directs the proceed ings against Henry Clews’ assignment to proceed. HOW ARK THE MIGHTY FALLEN. The Cincinnati Gazette —the leading Radical organ of the West—describes the Commanding General of the Army as a soldies who in the coarse of a long war, in which he was favored with great opportunities and abundant means, never commanded in a battle which gave him victory; never attacked the enemy witbont a repulse; never met an enemy without getting hurt; never ordered a movement, either tactical or strategic, against the enemy which accomplished what was designed; never brought the enemy to battle when the enemy wished to avoid it, and whose great fame rests on his marching away from an enemy J whom, in a five months’ campaign, with greatly superior forces, he had failed to bring to action, save in the enemy’s own position and choice. Lord ! Lord ! how are the mighty fallen ! The man who broke the back bone of the rebellion and has for years been trumpeted as the greatest soldier of the continent is now discovered to have been as great a failure as Jno. C. Fremont —the pathfinder who always lost his way, the general who never fought a battle and the millionaire who wasn’t worth a- continental damn. If this kind of iconoclasmc ontinues we may reasonably expect within a twelve months to hear that Sheridan was only a reckless marauder and Grant a blund ering butcher. How long will a man lie i’ the earth ere he rot ? Faith if he be not rotten before h? die he will last you some eight years, or nine years; a tanner will last you nine years. The fame of the other Northern heroes has decayed and the tanner’s time is al most up. GEORGIA. As' for the excellence of the govern ment of Georgia, of which we read so much in the reactionary journals, it consists in having driven many thou sands of freedmen out of the State with their families, and in proscribing every Northern white man or woman not taint ed with the rebellion or the reaction. The only other exploit by which it has distinguished itself is tho repudiation of several millions of the State debt. The Philadelphia North American, from which the above extract is taken, is determined to find nothing good in a Democratic State government. No fic tion is too monstrous for that paper to invent concerning the affairs of a South ern State which has shaken off the rule of carpet-baggers and scalawags. It is hardly necessary to say, except for the benefit of those who may believe four Philadelphia contemporary, that the three statements made in the paragraph which we have quoted are three pal pable falsehoods. The colored people who have emigrated from Georgia, and all of whom have come from the South western portion of the State, which is now represented in Congress by a Re publican, were induced to go by the same reason which takes thousands of population yearly from the State of Pennsylvania—a desire to better their condition. They wished to go where land was cheap and labor high. The political condition of the State had nothing to do with the migration. The Republican leaders of the State opposed the exodous, which is very good proof of the truth of our assertion. There is no Northern white man or woman “tainted or proscribed in Georgia” unless they have done something which would bring proscription upou them in Pennsylvania or any other section of the country. There are thousands of Northern men in Georgia who will bear witness to the slanders of the North American aud to the kindness of the treatment which they have received. The State of Geor gia has never but once repudiated a debt and then the act was done at the dictation of a Northern Congress and a Federal Executive. We mean the war debt of Georgia. The Legislature of 1871-’2 refused to recognize several mil lions of bonds which purported to have been issued under the authority of the Constitution and laws of Georgia, but which in truth were not so authorized, and of the illegality of which the world received notice before they were put upon the market by Bullock, Kimball and Clews. These bouds the people of Georgia never will pay; but they have never voluntarily declined nor will they ever refuse to pay a single just debt. IN A STRAIT. The South Carolina Radical papers are evidently pressed for an argument against the election of Judge Greene. The Chamberlain organ in Charleston thinks that the comments of the Chroni cle and Sentinel npon the action of the Warren county grand jury recom mending the calling of a Constitutional Convention should prevent any colored man in South Carolina from voting the Independent Republican ticket. In its comments upon this recommendation the Chronicle said : “A Convention is desired, a Convention is needed, and a Convention will be held. There will be no more deception practiced by cries of ‘expediency,’ ‘expense’ and ‘legislative amendment.’” The Charleston organ makes the paragraph a pretext for sound ing the political tom tom in grand style: Tho cry for reform in this State by the Democrats has for its meaning just what is plainly set forth by the Augusta Chronicle. Now that Democracy is in power the Democrats say they have no need to deceive longer by cries of “ex pediency, expense and legislative amend ment.” Cost what it may, the Democrats once iu power in South Carolina will follow the example of the Georgia Democracy. It solemnly asks the Republicans of South Carolina a nAmber of questions which have abont as much to do with the issues involved in the present can vass as the partition of Poland or the the identity of the Man in the Iron Mask. It wishes to know if “they are ready to have the Constitution of the State overturned;” the “right to vote without owning property taken away;” if they wish to “become serfs,” or de sire the “inauguration of a reign of terror.” We had no idea that an appa rently harmless little paragraph could do so much damage. The Charleston organ does not seem to be aware of the fact, but the Democracy have been in power in Georgia for the past four years. The organ apparently imagines that the last election gave the Democrats the State, whereas it only confirmed them in possession two years longer. Our amiable remarks concerning the cries of expediency, etc., were intended for the Democratic brethren who fought the holding of a Convention so hard last Winter, and used as arguments against the measure that the time was inoppor tune, and that the expense would be heavy. Simply this and nothing more. We know of no Democratic paper nor politi cian in Georgia desirous of depriving the colored man of a single legal right. On the contrary, as a general thing, the best of feeling prevails in the State between i the races, and they are both working harmoniously and vigorously together to increase the prosperity and power of the Commonwealth. If a Convention were held here to-morrow we feel very well assured that no attempt would be made to restrict the right of suffrage or any other right or privilege now enjoyed by the colored people of the State. One of the objects of the Convention is to give protection to the colored as well as the white man ; to secure the property which honest industry may accumulate from unjust or onerous taxation. The colored man in Georgia is a citizen, and is recognized and treated as a citizen. THE AGE WE LIVE IN. The New York Herald has discovered that the country is on the high road to perdition, and bewails the immorality of the age. It ascribes the laxness of morals and the diseased condition of society principally to the unhealthy tone of enrrent literature and asserts that there must come either a change or rain. It declares that an exaggerated and morbid sensationalism is found every where; that it pervades theology, litera ture, science and art; and that the printing press js poisoning the minds of the people. Sensationalism is found in the pulpit, the newspaper, the romance, the drama, and even in the works of the scientists. No one will, perhaps, take issue with the Herald in its statement of facts, but there are many who will not assent to its conclusions. The Her ald.' condemnation of gefigatibnallsin will excite a smile where the history of that journal is known. It has made its money and its fame by working up sensations, and it has at the present mo ment at least half a dozen on hand with which to stimulate the jaded palates of its numerous readers. But this has nothing to do with the questions which it presents: do the writers cause all the mischief ? and are we any worse than our fathers ? In the first place we do not see how authors can be rightly held responsible for the fault and fol lies of the age in which they live. A writer does not originate; he reflects. He does not form public sentiment; he gives it voice and expression. He is not the maker of his age; but its pro duct. Does any one believe that the li centiousness of De Kock or the nasti ness of Wycherly would have been tolerated, would have found applauders and admirers had not the mind of the public been as debauched as the mind of the writer ? The author is not the oause, but the effect. We may be sure that their age formed the coarse writers of the restoration, and not that they made the age. The versifiers and play wrights of that period did not cause laxness of morals among the people; it was the licentiousness of the people which corrupted poetry and defiled the drama. We may rest assured that the debasement of society must precede, not follow, the debasement of letters. When the people are bad the press is bad. Morality among the masses con duces to a healthier tone in literature. This always has been and always will be the case. We do not agree with the Herald when it makes the present race of men any worse than their ancestors or worse than any other generation. It has al ways been the fashion to decry the present and exalt the past without any regard to the truth of the comparison or the justice of the decision which makes the fathers saints and the chil dren sinners. Distance has always “lent enchantment to the view,” and there is no well regulated gentleman forty years old and upwards who does not speak with mingled pride and regret of the days when he was a boy, albeit those days in reality were hard and unhappy. For ourselves we are inclined to think that the world is about as good now as it has been since the fall of man, and that the present generation will compare favorably with any which it has followed. We see nothing in the past which should conduce to regret or despair. Its beau ties are for the most part mythical and its superiority imaginary. To go back to the beginning, it will not be found that any very high state of morals prevailed. In a family of six we find three who were not above falsehood, theft, blasphemy and fratri cide. The per centage of criminals in our population is soarcely larger. The state of society among the ancient nations of the earth, as revealed in the pages of Holy Writ, is not calculated to cause many blushes for the frailty of nineteenth century humanity. The evil passions existed then as now and bore such fruit as dishonesty, violence, mur der and licentiousness as plentifully as they do to-day. The morals of Greece and Rome are scarcely worthy of admi ration or imitation, and the best of the ancients cannot be termed exemplary either in their teachings or prac tices. Poetry and romance have pic tured the men of the feudal ages as heroes who passed their lives in protect ing the liberties of men and defending the honor of women; but history, hold ing a more faithful though less flatter ing pencil, has shown us that these bold kuights were coarse, ignorant and brutal soldiers, who made their living by de spoiling weaker neighbors ; who in their hurry to get possession of a rich heiress did not always wait for the damsel’s consent, but carried her off by the strong hand; who employed their limited knowledge of cliirographyin signing the names of peo ple who were abundantly able to do their own writing; who persecuted still farther those whom persecution had driven to their shores ; and the boldest and most chivalrous of whom were not above raising money by entirely un necessary operations upon the grinders of helpless infidels. The succeeding ages were a little different but not a whit better, and there is not a single epoch of European history, from the abdication of Charles the Fifth to the coronation of Victoria, in which society was not as bad, if not worse, as it is at the present time. Those who find so much evil among us will do well to think of the morality of the Regenoy in France and of the Restoration in England. The days of Puritanism, which some point to as a golden age of godliness, were no better than those which they preceded. Libertinism, it is true, of every descrip tion was checked, but the laws of com pensation caused the stream which was stopped at one outlet to flow with redou- bled violence from the others. Drinking and gaming and licentiousness were sup pressed under the rule of the Long Parliament and of Cbomwell, but there was a plentiful harvest of hatred, re venge, of persecution, of battle and bloodshed and blasphemy. The de bauchery of the courtiers of Charles and Louis was scarcely worse than the wild bigotry and vindictive fury of the anabaptists and fifth monarchy men who persecuted under cover of religion and murdered in the name of the Most Hioh. If the reign of Queen Anne was any better than that of Victoria we fail to find evidence of the fact in the literature of that day, and the profligacy of George IV. and the history of the England of his time does not reveal a very gratify ing state of morals or manners. The nineteenth century is bad enough, Heaven knows—bad enough to enlist all the energies of the pnlpit and the press in defense of religion and society—but it is not a whit worse than the eighteenth or the seventeenth, or the tenth, or the first, or the second. Vice may take dif ferent shapes in different epochs, but it will never disappear so long as the sons of Adam people the earth. Grant and a Third Term. Washington, October 28. —There is no authority whatever for stating that Grant has opened his head about a third term in the Cabinet or elsewhere. AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 4, 1874. MORE MISREPRESENTATION. The Philadelphia North American professes to think that what it is pleased to term “the conflict of races at the South” will result in an increase of the emigration to Liberia. It declares that in Georgia the blacks have been perse cuted nntil they are anxious to get away and that all over the South the colored people are treated in such a way that they look npon emigration as their only hope. To prove the truth of this asser tion concerning bad treatment the editor instances the vote of Richmond county in the last election. He qnotes the Re publican vote in former contests, com pares it with that cast in the last elec tion, and argues that in this county the negroes have been kept from the polls by violence. Of course all these state ments and conjectures are false, but what difference does this make to our Radical contemporary. No colored man in Augusta, we think, will say that in timidation has ever been practiced here. There are very few colored men in the State who wish to go to Liberia or would exchange citizenship in the Empire State of the South for a home in a bar barous country. SOUTHERN SUCCESS. All Georgia and all of the South refer frequently to the success of the Augusta, Atlanta, and other cotton factories. The recent report of the first shows that 51,856,000 have been paid in dividends since the war, on $60,000 paid up capi tal ; that there is $260,000 surplus in bank, and the property is worth $1,200,- 000. We have no recent statements from •ther mills and factories, but this recalls the very favorable exhibits made at a number of places in January. The num ber of such establishments was not and is not great. They assumed the exist ence of special advantages at the begin ning, and have proved them. Other ef forts have been stimulated by these, and it is interesting to notice that so many of such various kinds have been made in so brief a period, under so many diffieul- Cies and discouragements, and with such good results. An immediate consequence of the work and its profit has been to awaken in many of the Southern States that re gard for American industry that was previously unknown. Not very long ago Louisiana thought its great end was to raise sugar and conduct the foreign trade of the Mississippi. Texas aimed to introduce and increase cotton until it should rival all of the Atlantic litoral. Charleston and Savannah hoped for direct trade with Europe, and the old commercial conventions sought no other end pertinent to their title than a greater volume of European business. The tendency is not destroyed, but weakened and weakening. Georgia has found that it can manufacture the cot ton it grows; Tennessee has learned that its marble quarries and iron mines dis tribute more wealth when the product is wrought at home; Alabama saws and planes and prepares the lumber brought from the interior; Texas has completed great salt works; Carolina has hundreds of thousands profitably invested in util izing the deposits of phosphates. And this commencement grows constantly, and grows in appreciation and influence with growing dividends. The same fact is as notable in California and along the whole Pacific litoral. The facts come up in close connection with all that is reported of British diffi culty and apprehension; with all that is announced of more rapid communication with South America and larger ex changes in every portion of the Pacific. It is indisputably true that the popula tion the South now has cannot grow enough cotton to control the world’s crop; cannot supply that proportion of sugar, rice and tobacco that is within its power, and at the same time manufac ture its cotton and iron; raise its own beef and mutton, meet its own consump tion of corn and wheat, and build and manage its own ships. There is nothing needed but that the several abilities should be exercised wisely as well as developed vigorously and harmoniously, to endow them all with the fullest mea sure of value, and conduct the country along a more wonderful path than it has trod. This knowledge is encouraging the whole South when it needed en couragement and incentive. It has co operated with other influences to pro mote peace, it will co-operate more pow erfully to maintain that and Union and patriotism; and the future policy of this Government—the future place of this among and in the van of leading empires—will draw no inappreciable help from these very facts.— Philadelphia North American. THE TRADE OUTLOOK. We publish in another column this morning an article on the commercial situation, which we commend to the carefnl consideration of our readers. We feel confident that it will be read with a great deal of interest by both merchants and planters. It is from the pen of W. F. Herring, Esq., one of the leading business men of the State and a mem ber of the widely known firm of Clag horn, Herring & Cos. The writer finds the condition of the European grain market a source of encouragement to the South and the country generally, as the correctness of the axiom of cheap bread and dear cotton has been established by the observation and experience of many years. Tables are given which show that when England has had a plen tiful supply of grain and low prices raled that cotton went up in value; that when grain was scarce and prices high cotton declined. Applying this maxim of trade to the present condition and prospects of the "English grain market there seems good reason for believ ing that there will be an advance in the price of the Southern staple. While heavy stocks on hand of raw and manu factured material and the dullness in trade produced by the financial troubles of last year have hitherto and np to the present time exerted a depressing in fluence npon the market, it may be hoped, and with some show of reason, that this condition of affairs will not long continue to exist, and that South ern planters will get a price which will yield a fair profit on the cost of produc tion. Mr. Herring's explanation of the causes which produce hard times and dull trade is simple, logical and un doubtedly correct; and his advice to the planters eminently sound. With unim paired credit, comparative freedom from debt and fair prices for surplus cotton, the planters may be able to commence the next season with brighter prospects than they have had since the adoption of free labor. The friends of honest government in South Carolina seem thoroughly aroused to the importance of the struggle in which they are now engaged, and a hard fight, if not a complete reform victory, may be looked for next Tuesday. Geor gia gives her warmest sympathy to her sister and fervently hopes that the dawn will not long delay its coming. Barnwell county, South Carolina, should see to it that the land thief Leslie is not permitted to go back to the Legislature. He has returned from the North for the purpose of again filing his carpet-bag at the expense of the people, and he must be disappointed in his expectations of plunder. THE RICHMOND RESOLUTIONS. The county of Richmond has always exercised great influence upon the poli tics of the State. “As goes Richmond so goes Georgia” is not an empty boast. She has never acted with precipitation, nor has she, on the other hand, waited to be led. She has reflected and rea soned coolly upon the great questions which have arisen in public affairs, and then acted with judgment and vigor— promptly and decisively. For this rea son an importance attaches to her ac tion which is felt and recognized all over the State. The resolutions passed last Monday night by the unanimons vote of one of the largest public meet ings ever held in the county are invest ed with unusual significance. Two of the most important question?! now be fore the country are the Louisiana em broglio and the Third Term. On both of these Richmond has spoken boldly and unequivocally, aud, we think, wisely and well, -it a meeting composed of the best citizens of the county and city, presided over by a representative man of hi3 people, resolutions embodying tho views of the people upon these issues were presented by a representative man, seconded by a representative man, and passed with the greatest enthusiasm and without a single dissenting voice. "We reproduce them in order that they may again be read and considered. Here they are: Resolved, That remitting the final adjudication of all legal questionsarising out of the Louisiana embroglio to the Supreme Court of the United States, and willing as law-abiding citizens to respect, conform to and obey such adju dication, we desire as respects the po litical aspects of the question to express our regret that the President of the United States has seen fit, without war rant of law,, and in violation of every principle of constitutional liberty, to overthrow the lawfully elected State government of Louisiana, and erect in the stead thereof a government of his own. Resolved, That in so arbitrary and lawless aproeedure we recognize aoourse of action unfit for any free government, and calculated only for the meridian of a despotic power. Resolved, That, pretermitting all past differences, and speaking only as Ameri can citizens, we appeal to all classes of our countrymen, North and South—Re publican or Democrat—to unite in set ting the seal of their disapprobation on so flagrant an attempt to erect a one-man despotism in this Republic. Resolved, That in 1874 we reaffirm the declaration of the people of New York, as made in Convention upon the 26th day of July, in the year 1788, when ratifying the Constitution of the United States, that the intent and spirit of that instrument require “ that no person shall be eligible to the office of President of the United States a third time.” Are they not wise and truthful, and do they not faithfully reflect the views of tho Southern people? The people say that to the legally constituted judi cial tribunals they remit the final adjudi cation of the legal questions arising out of the attempt of Kellogg, Casey and Company to maintain the ascendancy of the Republican party in Louisiana in defiance of the wishes of the people as expressed at the ballot box. But while they do this they do not’propose to keep sileDt upon the political questions in volved. They have neither silence nor apology for the course of the Administra tion. On the contrary, they censure in the strongest terms an act which overthrew a lawfully chosen government in order that a usurpation might be erected iu its stead, which made virtually a conquered province of a State by right free and in dependent. This act was the act of the Administration and the Administration must take all the responsibility and suf fer all the consequences of its crime against constitutional government. The resolutions put the responsibility where it belongs, and visit censure upon par ties shown to be guilty. Can the state ments of the second resolution be re futed ? How long can free institutions exist in America if it be conceded that the President of the United States has the power at will to overthrow one State government and erect another ? If he may do it in one State he may in another, and the same power which could estab lish Kellogg in New Orleans would be sufficient to impose rulers upon Penn sylvania or Ohio. The cause of Louisi ana is the cause of us all. All our rights, all our liberties are involved in a com mon peril, are threatened with a common danger. Upon the success of the efforts now being made to have the peo ple of the United States place the seal of their condemnation upon this usurping act depends the prosperity and welfare of the country and the preser vation of Republican institutions.— Every honest man of the Republican party North and South—every opponent of Centralism, whether he be in the ranks of the great Democratio party or not—every friend of local self-govern- | ment and every lover of constitutional liberty—is vitally interested in the re sult of this great struggle, and we ap peal to them to rally under the banner of the only party which is fighting the battles of freedom. With regard to the third term there is but one opinion in the South. The Southern people are opposed to the election of any Repub lican to the Presidency of the United States. They are opposed to the per petuation of the power of the Repub lican party. That party has been in power for fourteen years, and the fruits of its rule are misgovernment, consoli dation aud threatened ruin. It has loaded the people with taxes, while de priving them of their rights and striking deadly blows at their liberties. It has produced anarchy in the South, which it seeks to maintain. They op pose the election of any candidate of that party—they certainly oppose the election of a man whom they justly hold responsible for a great portion of their misfortunes. With good reason while opposing Centralism, do they op pose a measure which, if successful, would prove the greatest triumph ever achieved by the advocates of consolida tion. If a third term means anything it means consolidation. If there be danger in Centralism it certainly is in tensified when the leader of the central ists is made for a third time Presi dent of the United States in violation of all precedent and of the spirit if not the letter of the Constitution. They believe that a re-election of General Grant would bring about the inauguration of the one-man power which they are striv ing so vigorously to avert. This is the in terpretation of the Richmond Resolu tions. We believe that the Richmond Resolu tions constitute a platform on which the war against Radicalism and against Cen tralism can be snccesfully waged. The questions with which they deal are already before the public. They were discussed in the Ohio and Indiana campaigns, and the position of the Democracy upon them contributed largely to the glorious victories in those States. They enter largely into the canvass in New York and that State will give its answer upon the third term scheme next Tuesday.— We are glad that the people of this county have placed themselves right npon the record. We congratulate them npon the adoption of what will be known as the Richmond Resolutions. Some Turnips.—We received yester day from J udge Noah Smith, of Burke county, two of the largest turnips that we have ever seen. One—globe variety —weighs nine pounds and measures two feet in circumference. The other—a rata baga—is a little smaller, THE RICHMOND RESOLUTIONS. LETTER FROM HON. ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS. Messrs. Editors Chronicle and Sentinel : Gentlemen—l notice in the issue of your paper of this morning the proceed ings of a Democratio meeting of the citizens of Richmond county, held last night at Girardey’s Opera House, and your comments npon the same. In these comments you say : “In order that there may be no mistake about the matter we will state what we believe to have been the object of the people in the adoption of these resolu tions: It is well known that Hon. A. H. Stephens is the Democratic nominee for Congress iu this District; it is equally well known that Mr. Stepheus entertains views upon the Louisiana question which are not shared by his constituents. To prevent misconstruc tion and misrepresentation, the people of Richmond county give voice to their own opinion npon this subject. They support Mr. Stephens as the nominee of their party, bnt they do it with the distinct understanding that on this ques tion his views are not in accordance with theirs. In these resolutions, without the slightest unkind feeling, they simply define their position as Mr. Stephens in his speeches has defined his.” This is all well enough. I have not the slightest reason to complain of it. In all free representative governments differences of opinion almost necessarily exist upon many questions of policy be’- tween the most devoted friends of pub lic liberty. In a previous editorial you were kind enough to accord to me per fect sincerity in the views I entertain npon this matter of difference between me and my Democratic constituents of Richmond county. For this you will please accept my thanks. It is doing me that justice which I wish to mete out to all others. However much I may differ with any friends upon any matter of public policy, I think all who know me will feel the perfect assurance for themselves of what you affirm for your selves. In reference to one of the resolutions passed at the meeting, or a part of one of them, I have only a word or two to say. That part is in these words: “We desire as respects the political aspects of the questions to express our regret that the President of the United States has seen fit, without warrant of law, and in violation of every principle of consti tutional liberty, to overthrow the law fully elected State government of Louis iana, and erect in the stead thereof a government of his own. ” Now you need not bo assured, I feel confident, that if I took the same view of the subject as this meeting did, I should be in full accord in their senti ments thus expressed. No one breathes who has a greater abhorrence for usur pations of any kind, by rulers or offi cers, in any sphere or grade, than I have. My life has been devoted to the maintenance and preservation of con stitutional liberty, and the rights of the people as well as those of the States. I have read carefully the proceedings of the meeting, in full, speeches and all, as they appear in both the papers of the city, and you will allow me to say that, in none of them do I perceive any as sailment, by proof, of a single fact stated by me in my address at the Opera House, the 15th instant, touching the history of these Louisiana troubles, and the course of General Grant in regard to them. I stated in that address that if I was in error as to the facts, I was desir ous of being corrected; my object was simply to defend the truth, and to keep the friends of constitutional liberty from weakening their cause by making an un tenable issue, as I understood the facts. I do not see, in any of the speeches or proceedings on the occasion, as reported in your paper, any direct issue with me on any of the facts stated by me as I un terstood them. There is in them a good eal of declamation against usurpations, in which I heartily concur, but I see no denial that Kellogg instituted his suit under the Enforcement act, with the view of having his rights to the Govern orship established under that act. I see no denial that the Federal Court, under the Enforcement act, so-called, had jurisdiction of the case so brought. To :ny mind it is clear that Judge Durell did have jurisdiction over the case. As many disagree with me on that point, I give you the words of the act on the subject: Section 23. “That whenever any person shall be defeated or deprived of his election to any office, except Elector,or President, or Vice-President, Representative or Delegate in Congress, or member of a State Legislature, by reason of the denial, to any citizen or citizens, who shall offer to vote, of the right to vote, on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude, his right to hold and eDjoy such office, and the emoluments thereof, shall not be impaired by such denial; and such person may bring any appropriate suit or proceeding to recover possession of such office, and in cases where it shall appear that the sole question touching the title to such office arises out of the denial of the right to vote to citizens who so offered to vote, on account of race, color or previous conditiou of servitude, such suit or pro ceeding may be instituted in the Circuit or District Court of the United States of the Circuit or District in which such person resides. And said Circuit or District Court shall have, concurrently with State Courts, jurisdiction thereof so far as to determine the rights of the parties to such office by reason of the denial of the right guaranteed by the XVth Article of Amendment to the Con stitution of the United States, and se cured by this act.” The italics in the above quotation are mine. But from that section of the act I cannot see how any one can question the jurisdiction of the Court over the suit so instituted by Kellogg for the establishment of his rights to the Governor ship of Louisiana, as that office is not within the exceptions of the act. In that case, Durell, the Federal Judge, issued an order which was resisted by Warmoth, and General Grant authorized the Marshal to call to his aid Federal troops as a posse comi tatus to aid in the execution of this legal process. So far as relates to the judg ment or order of Durell, suffice it to say that I have no hesitation in declaring it as my opinion, as a lawyer, that it was wrong. I also declare, as I have often done, that this whole act is utterly unconstitutional. Bat both sides, Kel logg and McEnery, the contestants for the office of Governor, admitted by their counsel that the act was constitutional, and also admitted the jurisdiction of the Court. It is said that McEnery was elected by a clear majority of ten thou sand. How this really is Ido not know. That was the question for legal adjudi cation before the Court, under the act, and all that Gen. Grant did was to see that the decree of the Court was executed, as I understand the facts of the case. He did not undertake to decide who was duly elected Gov ernor of Louisiana. That, in his opin ion, was a judicial question under the act. The whole matter was submitted to a committee of the Senate. The question came up in that body, under a contest for seats therein, by persons claiming to have been duly elected thereto by the Kellogg and McEnery Legislatures respectively, each claim ing to be the rightful government of the State. This committee reported, con cluding with a resolution that neither the Kellogg nor the McEnery set of of ficers had been duly and properly elect ed. The language of their resolutions is as follows: “1. Resolved, That there is no State government at present existing in the State of Louisiana. “2. Resolved, That neither John Ray nor Wm. McMillan” (the contestants on the respective sides) “is entitled to a seat in the Senate, neither having been elected by the Legislature of the State of Louisiana.” They offered a bill providing for a new election. Their report was ac companied with a mass of evidence covering nearly 1,100 pages, showing an amount of fraud and corruption on both sides, in the conduct of the election, which tends more to bring Republican institutions in to disrepute than anything of a like character that has occurred in the history of our country. It is not correct that General Grant prevented the assembling of the McEuery Legisla ture, though he was urged to do it. This Legislature, as well as the Kellogg Leg islature, was permitted to assemble, or ganise, and elect their Senator to Con gress. Five (lays after the report of this Senatorial Committee upon the mon strous frauds and corruptions on both sides in the conduct of this election, to wit: on the 25th of February, General Grant sent to Congress a message upon the general subject. It is proper to state here that, in the meantime, a suit had been instituted in the State Courts for a judicial settlement of the questions in volved, and on the 23d of January the Supreme Court of the State had decided that the Kellogg government, so-called, was the rightful government of the State. As to the correctness of this de cision I have nothing more to say than that, in my opinion, it was most iniqui tonsly wrong. It was, however, at this stage of affairs that General Grant sent to Congress the message referred to, which is in these words : “ lo the Senate and House of Repre sentatives : Your attention is respectfully invited to the condition of affairs in the State of Louisiana. Grave complications have grown out of the election there on" the 6th of November last, chiefly attributa ble, it is believed, to an organized at tempt, on the part of those controlling the election of officers and returns, to defeat, in that election, the will of the majority of the electors in that State. Different persons aro claiming the ex ecutive offices. Two bodies are claim ing to be tho Legislative Assembly of the State, and the confusion and uncer tainty produced in this may fall with paralyzing effect on all its interests. A controversy arose, as soon as the election occurred, over its pro ceedings and results, but I declined to interfere until suit involving the contro versy to some extent was brought in the Circuit Court of the United States, under and by virtue of the act of May 3d, 1870, entitled “An act to enforce the right of citizens of the United States in the several States of the Union, and for other purposes.” Finding resistance was made to the judicial process in that suit, without any opportunity, and, in my judgment, without any right to re view the judgment of the Court upon the jurisdictional or other questions arising in the case, I directed the United States Marshal to enforce such process, and to use, if necessary, troops for that purpose, iu accordance with the 13th section of that act, which provides that it shall be lawful for the President of the United States to employ such part of the land and naval forces of the United States, or of the militia, as should bo necessary to aid in tbe execu tion of judicial process under this act. Two bodies of persons claim to be the returning board for the State, and the Circuit Court in that ease decided that the one to which Lynch belonged, usu ally designated by bis name, was the lawful returning board; and this decision has been repeatedly affirm ed by the District and Supreme Court of the State. Having no opportunity or power to canvass the votes; and the exigencies of the case demanding an immediate decision I conceived it to be my duty to reoognize those persons as elected who received and held their credentials to office from what then ap peared to me to be, and has since been decided by the Supreme Court of the State to be, the legal returning board. Conformably to the decisions of this board, a full set of State officers has been installed, and a legislative assem bly organized, constituting, if not a de jure, at least a de facto government, which, since some time in Deoember last, has had possession of the offices, and been exercising the usual powers of the government; but opposed to this has been another government claiming to control the affairs of the State, and which has, to some extent, been pro forma organized. Recent investigation of the said election has developed so many frauds and forgeries as to make it doubtful what candidates received a majority of the votes actually cast; and in view of these facts a variety of action has been proposed. I have no specific recommendation to make upon the sub ject, but if there is any practical way of removing these difficulties by legisla tion, then I earnestly request that such action be taken at the present session of Congress. It seems advisable that I should state now what course I shall feel bound to pursue in reference to the matter, in the event of no action by Congress at this time, sub ject to any satisfactory arrangement that may be made by the parties to the con test, which, of all things, is the most desirable. ItrWill be my duty so far as. it may be necessary for me act, to ad# here to that government .recognized by me. To j udge of tho election and quali fication of its members is the exclusive province of the Senate, as it is also the exclusive province of the House to judge of the election and qualification of its members; but as to the State offices, filled and held under State laws, the decision of the State judicial tribunal, it seems to me, ought to be respected. I am ex tremely anxious to avoid any appearance of undue interference in State affairs, and if Congress differ from me as to what ought to be done, I respectfully urge its immediate decision to that ef fect; otherwise, I shall feel obliged, as far as I can, by the exercise of legitimate authority, to put an end to the unhappy controversy which disturbs the peace and prostrates the business of Louisiana by the recognition and support of that government which is recognized and upheld by the Courts of the State. U. S. Grant.” From the facts, as I understand them, thus given, I most fraukly state that I cannot agree in that part of the resolu tion of the meeting which declares, in effect, that General Grant has, without warrant of law, and in violation of every principle of constitutional liberty, over thrown the lawfully elected State gov ernment of Louisiana, and erected in stead thereof a government of his own. This is a matter, however, of honest disagreement in opinion. The Courts of the State, as well as the Federal Court, decided that the Lynoh Return ing Board was the lawful Returning Board. Under the decisions of this Board Kellogg and his Legislature were installed into office. So far from de ciding that Kellogg was duly elected, he distinctly told Congress that the frauds and forgeries on both sides were so great as to render it doubtful what can didates received a majority of the votes actually cast. He urged upon Congress to take any action which they might think proper to remedy the evil; and in case they should take no action, he should feel bound, in the discharge of his official duty, to recognize and sup port that government in the State of Louisiana which was recognized and up held by the Courts of the State. Con gress did nothing in the matter at that session, nor have they done anything npon the subject since. General Grant, in the meantime, has done nothing in the premises, as far as I know, but np hold that government in Louisiana which was recognized and upheld by the Courts of the State. This is not, as I view it, an act of usurpation. That there have been, Messrs. Editors, many and gross usurpations of power, by which the people of Louisiana have been oppressed, wronged and robbed as badly as ever the people of Sicily were by Yerres,! freely admit; bnt.the chief of all these oppressors and robbers and usurpers was the great carpet-bagger' Warmoth, himself, with his allies, the projectors and advocates of the whole reconstruction policy, by which not only Louisiana, but nine other of the South ern States were prostrated under the heel of power. It is not necessary for me now to add anything to my denuncia tions heretofore' nttered against these iniquitous wrongs. In the proceedings of the meeting last night I see no allusion whatever to the decision of the Supreme Court of Louisi ana upon the question of the rightfnl government of that State. This I re gard as a very important matter in con sidering the conduct of Gen. Grant upon the subject, however corrupt the Court may have been. Be assured, Messrs. Editors, I am governed entirely in my opinions on this subject by principle.— Honesty in politics, as in everything else, is the best policy. He who would have justice done to himself, looking to the present as well as the fntnre, should do justice to others upon the golden rule—“As ye would have others do unto yon, do ye also likewise unto them. ” I would not have the. friends of constitu tional liberty throughout this country to hazard their great principles now at stake by resting them npon this side— and as I deem it—erroneous issue of charging usurpation against General Grant in the Louisiana complications. Yours, truly, Alexander H. Stephens. The Erie Railroad. New York, October 28. —Cpat. Tyler yesterday made his report in London on the condition of the Erie Railroad. He recommends a doable track with steel rails, and a change of gauge. The re port is favorable to the great corpora tion in which so much of the English capital has been invested. Minneapolis, October 28. —W. D. Washbnm, lumber dealer, has failed. Liabilities half a million, assets one mil lion. Washburn’s paper is held all over the State, Two hundred thousand dol lars are held here. It is feared that in the depressed state of trade the assets will not be available. THE LOUISIANA CONTROVERSY. A CRUCIAL LETTER FROM JUDGE BLACK, OF PENNSYLVANIA. The President Completely Wrong—He Had No Shadow of Right to Inter fere. To the Editor of the New York Herald: I have read with great interest, as well as admiration, the opinions of Mr. Reverdy Johnson and Mr. Charles O’Conor, on the situation of Louisiana; and I will now give you my own views on the same subject. But having no time for elaboration, I state conclusions rather than arguments. The President can lawfully use the organized physical force of the Union to control tho inter nal affairs of a State only for one pur pose—to defend it against domestic violence, that is, to suppress insurrec tion against the State government. ’This he cannot do unless called upon by the Legislature, or by the Governor when the Legislature is not in session. The Con stitution of the United States and the acts of Congress carefully confine his intervention to cases, of this kind. If he may disregard these limits, there aro no others to hold him, and his power is consequently despotic. Tho State is that which stands. Its government is “the powers that be.” Its officers are those who actually exercise its author ity. It is, therefore, the call of the de facto government that the President must respond to. This principle per vades all law, municipal and inter national, and its observance is abso lutely necessary to the preservation of our domestic tranquility, as well as the peace of the world. If the President assists a faction hostile to the existing government with intent to drive the in cumbent magistrates from the seat of power, he excites domestic violence and makes insurrection, instead of sup pressing it. The facts of the Louisiana case, as I think they are universally understood siuce the publication of Mr. Carpenter’s report, are these : A man named Kellogg aspired to be Governor, bnt wholly fail ed of the election. Nevertheless, lie claimed the office on grounds which were not only false and fraudulent, but absurd. He had no show of a case be fore the proper authorities, whose duty it was to decide contested elections ; but he laid his claims before a Federal Judge, who made an order for his in stallation. This order was as destitute of all legal force or validity as if it had been made by the first negro that Kellogg might have picked np in the street. I take it for granted that the Judge and all the Federal officers, civil and milita ry, as well as Kellggg himself, knew that it was utterly void. It would be no charity to suppose either of them igno rant enough to believe that a Judge of the United States Court had any authori ty or jurisdiction of the subject matter, or any right whatever to intermeddle with the business. Nevertheless the marshal and the commander of the Fed eral troops, acting in pursuance of pre vious instructions from Washington, and with the approbation of the Presi dent himself, undertook to execute the order, expelled the officers of the exist ing government and put the pretender and his adherents into full possession of the State. Political power unlawfully obtained is always abused. The State was insulted, oppressed and plundered until it be came “ a vexation even to hear tho re port thereof.” To gorge the rapacity of the rulers property and capital were so burdened with taxes that a general con fiscation of every honest man’s lands, goods and money would hardly have been a more grievous infliction. This was borne by the body of the people so patiently that the spirit of their fore fathers seemed dead within them. Their tameness was excusable only by two reasons. In the first place a successful resistance was impossible while the usurper was surrounded and guarded by the bayonets of tho Federal army: and spCDTTrt, ttoytnokcd forward to the elec tion as a peaceful remedy for thei” wrongs. But this last hope left them when they saw that Kellogg was arrang ing the machinery of the registration to cheat them by a false count of the votes and thus keep them in subjection for an indefinite time. Convinced that they must rise by their own unassisted strength or be forever fallen, they re sorted to the ultima ratio, threw off the shackles and placed the supreme execu tive power in the hands of the man who had been legally elected nearly two years before. Never was revolution more just or conducted with greater prudence. Its success was complete ; the baseless fabric of tyranny fell at the first rush of the popular movement; its chief absconded, his familiars slunk away from his ruined fortunes, and all over the State the official instruments of corruption yielded their places to the appointees of the lawful government. Louisiana was free, and every friend of liberty and justice in or ont of the State rejoiced over the fact. But the Presi dent wrathfully determined to put the yoke back again on the neck of the State. To that end he sought out Kellogg in his hiding place ; again expelled the true Governor and again forced the sub mission of the people, to the same ad venturer whom he had aided before. The unconstitutional character of the President’s first act, when he overthrew the then existing government and put Kellogg in the Executive Chair by mere force, is admitted both by Mr. Johnson and O’Conor. It would have been won derful, indeed, if either of them had at tempted to justify so plain and palpable a violation of the fundamental law. But they differ apparently about the Presi dent’s duty at the time of his second in tervention. I concur with Mr. Johnson in the opinion that after Kellogg was in the President could not turn him out; he was de facto Governor; and no matter whether he became so by fraud, or force, or accident, the fact of possession was all that the President could lawfully see. Of course, I dissent from Mr. O’Conor with all the cautions difference due to this great name; but if he means to say that General Grant had a right to pull down the de facto government of Kellogg whenever he repented his own act in setting it up, I venture to put in a denial. Remember, the President has no right to turn anybody out, nor even to inquire how any actual incumbent got in. To overthrow one de facto govern ment beoause he had wrongfully over thrown another would, instead of atoning for the first error, only double the blun der. He cannot play fast and loose with the liberties of a State, nor, like Pha roah, let the people go free or hold them in bondage according as the Lord har dens his heart or terrifies him with plagues. But I respectfully submit that this point on which Mr. Johnson Mr. O’Conor divide is not in the case. Gen. Grant never intervened to protect a de facto government in Louisiana. His last act, like the first one, was a war against the existing authorities. Kel logg never had any title except his naked possession. That was enough while it lasted, but every vestige of power had left him when the Federal troops took him from his hiding place in the Cus tom House arM placed him a second time in the Executive Chair. The Mc- Enery government that time as completely established as if its power had dated a century back. It was the government dejure. That did not do it much practical good while its officers were prevented by the military force of the usurper from exercising their func tions; but when the people took their business into their own hands and put their elected rulers into their proper places, then the legal title and the actual possession united in the same persons. It is mere folly to say that Kellogg was Governor an instant after that. The forcible reinstatement of him was an in surrection against the proper authority of the State as much as the first instal ment. If I am right thus far, it follows that General Grant on both occasions com mitted a grave violation of his constitu tional duty, in a matter vitally affecting the rights of the States and the liberties of the people. Of his conduct there can certainly be no decent pretense of justification, and, so far as I can per ceive, no reasonable excuse, unless he can say that his legal advisers imposed upon him by a false reading of the Constitution. Mr. O’Conor refers to Congress as the paramount authority, whose recognition of the Kellogg government would have bound the President and all others. The opinion of the Court in Luther vs. Bor den speaks of the justification which Congress has over the subject, but does not define it. I know of no power in that body except to prescribe by general rules the manner in which the President shall perform the duty assigned by the Constitution to him, and I do not think that either Mr. O’Conor or Chief Jus tice Taney could have meant anything else. It Is certain that Congress could NUMBER 45. not legislate Kellogg in or out of office, and its “recognition” would no more strengthen his title than it would add a cubit to his stature. Those Senators were wise and faithful men who refused to vote for Mr. Carpenter’s bill, because it was an unconstitutional interference with a matter which belonged to the people of the State exclusively. J. S. Black. York, Pa., October 19,1874. THE CO-OPERATIVE WAREHOUSE. Meeting of Stockholders. The stockholders of the Co-operative Warehouse and Depot (Grangers), as sembled at Girardey’s Opera House last Tuesday morning. The Executive Board appointed by the Convention of Grangers which assem bled in Augusta on the fourth Wednes day of August last, through the Chair man, Paul H. Hammond, reported that this convention of stockholders had been called under a resolution of the August Convention, which was to the effect that when SIO,OOO should be subscribed to a Co-operative Warehouse and Depot that the Executive Committee should call a meeting of stockholders after ten days notice had been given. The com mittee reported that 1,373 shares of stock had been subscribed for. The re port was received, and on motionjof P. H. Wood, the Hon. J. B. Jones, of Burke, was called to the Chair and Gen. Goode Bryan appointed Secretary. M. C. Fulton, of McDuffie, moved that Patrons attending as delegates bo allow ed to vote the stock of their Granges with or without a certificate. Adopted. On motion of Mr. Perkins, of Burke, E. H. Carter was appointed Assistant Secretary. The Convention then adjourned until 2, p. m. Afternoon Session. The Convention met pursuant to ad journment, Judge Jones in the Chair. Mr. Reese, of McDuffie, moved that each county select a man from .its dele gates, to act as director for the Co-ope rative Warehouse and Depot—nino of these to constitute a quorum for busi ness. Adopted. The following gentlemen were selected as Directors: Columbia county, J. P. Williams; Barnwell, S. C., John R. Hare; Abbe ville, S. C., Albert Guibert; Richmond county, Ga., George Robinson; Burke county, G. B. Powell; Oglethorpe, John T. Hurt; Lincoln, John Hogan; Aiken county, S. C., Jonathan Miller; Mc- Duffie county, Ga., B. T. Reese; Greene, Thomas F, Miller; Aiken county, S. C., Paul F. Hammond. John H. Hurt, of Oglethorpe, moved that all necessary authority and powers usually conferred upon a Board of Directors, be and the same is hereby conferred upon this Board for the pur pose of carrying out the objects of this Association. Adopted. Mr. Willis moved that after reading letters from merchants the Convention adjourn until Wednesday morning, at 10 o’clock. Adopted, Wednesday’s Session. The Convention met pursuant to ad journment. Judge Jones being absent, M. C. Fulton moved that the Hon. Jas. T. Shewmake, of Burke, take the Chair. Adopted. Gen. Bryan moved that the Directors proceed to collect the assessment upon the stock, resolved upon by the Conven tion, and that that body then adjourn until November 16th, at which time the assessment now called for, and any ad ditional amount that may bo assessed by the Board of Directors be collected anil paid to them at the adjourned meeting of this Convention. Adopted. The Convention then adjourned. The Directors afterwards held a meet ing and selected Dr. G. B. Powell, of Burke, as President of the Co-operative Warehouse Association. THE COTTON CROP. Report of the Augusta Exchange For The Committee of Informattion and Statistics of the Augusta Exchange has presented the following report of the condition of the cotton crop in the dis trict under its jurisdiction for the month of October. The report embraces sixty five replies from thirty-two counties : Ist. Has frost done any damage to the crop in your county ? Answer. In the lowlands there has been more or less damage throughout the entire district; but in the uplands no damage has been sustained in the middle belt, whilst in the Northern belt lowlands have suffered serious injury, and the uplands slight. 2. Has the weather, since September 20th, been favorable or unfavorable for gathering the crop? Answer. Very favorable. 3d. What proportion of the crop has been picked, and by what time do you think picking will be finished in your county ? Answer. By average, 54 per cent, of the crop has been picked, and picking will be finished by Novem ber 20th. 4th. How will the yield in your county this year compare with last ? State probable increase or decrease? Answer. In three counties the decrease will be 50 per cent.; in thirteen counties, 33 per cent.; in eleven counties, 25 per cent., and in five counties, from 10 to 20 per cent. sth. Please state any material facts regarding the yield not embraced in the above questions ? Answer. The crop thus far gathered is peculiarly free from dirt and trash, and has generally been sold so soon as ready for market. Election Supervisors. Judge Erskine has appointed the fol lowing supervisors of election for Burke county : Precinct, Waynesboro —S. Young, Republican; Thomas Berrien, Democrat. Precinct, Lawtonville—J. H. Perry, Republican; J. H. Skinner, Democrat. Precinct, Alexander—*C. H. Thompson, Republican; G. M. Ganamm, Democrat. Precinct, Frog Wallow— PhainSapp, Republican; Nathan Smith, Democrat. Precinct, Rop Towers—Geo. Walker, Republican; John Franklin, Democrat. Precinct, John McNowell’s Mingo Griffin, Republican; Washington Daniels, Democrat. Precinct, Green’s Cut—Abram Moore, Republican; John Fletcher, Democrat. Precinct, Liberty Hill—Asa Clark, Republican; Walter Moody, Democrat. Precinct, Key’s Mills—Albert Walker, Republican ; Joshua Keys, Democrat. Precinct, Sodom Wm. Gregory, Republican; Joshua Applewhite, Democrat. Precinct, Welands—Briskill Duval, Republican; John Lawson, Democrat. Precinct, Goughs—Robert Blount, Republican; Frank Brown, Democrat. Precinct, Sconyers—A. H. Sconyers, Republican; G. D. Sconyers, Democrat. Precinct, Bark Camp—Charles Warren, Republi can; Frank Jones, Democrat, Precinct, Dr. W. B. Jones’—John Anderson, Re publican; G. W. Pughsly, Democrat. Major Merrill Recklessly Raiding Through the Country. New Orleans, October 25.—Notwith standing that General Emory telegraph ed last night to Major Merrill to report whether he had made any arrests at Shreveport, Merrill has failed to answer as yet, ignores the Commander of the Department. As the regulations require that he should report through General Emory, instead of direct to the War Department, it is understood that Emo ry has telegraphed the Department on the subject. Merrill lays himself open to court martial by refusing to answer Emory; but his object evidently is to raid through the State and terrify the people before Emory can restrain him, trusting to Administration influence to shield him from punishment. Informa tion from the Red River country shows that the white males are fleeing to the woods to avoid arrest at the hands of Merrill’s caralry, as others did in Mis souri during the war, when there was much raiding about the State. General Emory says but little, but it is evident he is in no way responsible for this Fed eral jayhawker’s operations, and keenly feels the slight put upon him. Saloons Ordered Closed —Address of the Colored Republicans. New Orleans, October 28.—Mayor Wiltz orders the saloons closed on elec tion day. Five or six thousand fraudu lent negro registration has been discov ered. The Central Church Committee of fifty Republicans, colored, have issued an address, stating that they con stitute nine-tenths of the Republicans of the State, and ask an equal distribu tion of the public patronage, and de mand that colored men shall be con sulted upon all questions involving the interest which they represent and the welfare of the people of the State. They do not propose to be blindly led as they have been in the past. The Democrats refused to accept a compromise for separate boxes for questioned alien votes. At a meeting tiie bar declared the Second District Court has the power of naturalization over a hundred members. The ba? signed the declaration.
