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About Weekly chronicle & sentinel. (Augusta, Ga.) 1866-1877 | View Entire Issue (Nov. 18, 1874)
OLO SERIES -VOL LHII. NEW SERIES—VOL XXXVIII. TERMS. THE DAILY CHRONICLE k SENTINEL, the oldert new|per in the Sooth, u published d*lly, ex cept Monday. Term* : Per year,slo; six months, IS; three months, $2 SO. THE TRI-WEEKLY CITROVICLE A SENTINEL is pnh!ieh~l every Tuesday, Thursday and Satur day. Term -: One y.ar, $5 ; six months, $2 50. THE WEEKLY CHRONICLE A SENTINEL is pub lish i every Wednesday. Tms : Ooe year, $2- ■ix months, ft. SUBSCRIPTIONS in a’l cases in advance, and no paper -oattnced after the expiration of the time paid for. BAT id OF ADVERTISING IN DAILY.—A!! tran sient advertisements will be charged at the rate of $1 p r a i nar - fo- each insertion for the first week. Adv-rtiecment. in the Tri-Weekly, twre th.rds of the rates in the Daiiy; and in the Weekly, ODe half the Daily ates. Ma-riag- ar.d Fouera! Notices, $1 each. Sjiecia Notices, $1 per square for the first puniicatioo. Special rates all he ma ie for advertisements running for a month or longer. REMITTANCES should be made by Post Office Money Orders or Express. If this cannot be done, pr- tection against losses by mail may be secured by forwarding a dr ft payable to the Proprietors of the Cmiosici.it k Slßini, or by sending the money in a rcgisiered letter. ALL COMMUNICATION-* announcing candidates for office—from County Const -hie to Member of (pingress—will be charged for at the rate of twenty cents per line. All announcements must be paid for in advance. Address WALSH k WRIGHT, Cnnovtci.r. k Sf.stivu . Augusta, <\i, (tfjromelc anD Sentinel. WEDNESDAY. .NOVEMBER 18,1874. MINOR TOPICS. A Dubnqne boy has exploited great glory by bis skill in charming venomous serpents. Master Maurice Yallandingham— for such is his name —permits the reptiles to twine about him, and their fangs he fears not. He began about a year ago with a rattlesnake, and lias since made a I.aocoon of himself with all the dif ferent serpents of the region. He has also set up as a professor, and has a large class of other boys to whom he imparts his secret. Some fine day there will boa funeral in Dubuque, rnd it will not he a snake's funeral either. In his recent address before the Harvard Medical School. Oiiver Wendell Holmes said that it was the duty of the phy-ician to make dying for his patient as nearly as possible like the closing of the eyes in sleep. When, says ho, the end is evidently near, “it remains for the physician to claim for his art the right of procuring a painless passage out of the world, so far as is practicable, for the patient whom he can keep’no longer in it, ami without doing violence to the proprieties of the closing scene, to consider the physical process as one which should be under his exlclusive direction. - ’ This is a strange story, not to he used in Hurjday School. An Albauy man out of work and nearly starving, turned for comfort in his extremity to his sainted mother’s Bible, for the first time since her dea'h in 1857. To his sur prise aud delight he found a ten dollar hill be tween the leaves and immediately fell on his knees for the first time since 1810. With a light hoart and glittering eye he prayerfully started for the baker’s to obtain a loaf of bread. TUoro he found that the bill was a counterfeit, when he swore bittorly for the first time in threo hours. A citizen of Philadelphia, owning property in New Orleans, makes the statement that in 1862 ho paid $250 12 taxes on this properly, then valued at $18,000; in 1867 ho paid $lO6 75 on it, valued at $25,000; in 1871, valuation $22,- 000, he paid $1,090 taxes on it; in 1872, $1,035; iu 1873, $1,058 —the valuation for the latter year being $20,000. The three years last named wore under the administration of War mouth and Kellogg. These figures suffice to show the oppressive character of the bogus government in Louisiana. Pennsylvania scores a larger Democratic Congressional gain than auy other State in the Union. She holds her strength in the Forty third Congress and contributes twelve addi tional Democratic members to the Forty-fourth Congress, besides securing a United States Senator. In counting the trophies of victory the Koystone State may fairly claim the mas ter sliaro. Her gains have been made in spite of serious adverse influence from the friends of high pLoteotive tariffs and in the face of a gerrymander as atrocious as the ingeuuity of llepublicau officials could devise. Petite moskeetaro, your time ho havo come ! Ze frost ho have call for yon—go you now home; All of your buz-ze-bnz into my car, Now I am rid of it, skeotare, my dear. * Yen to my bed in my garret I go, Zen viz your raoosic you bozaro me so; Viz your tin trumpet you siug all ze night, M. le Jack Frost now lie freozes you tight. Ah 1 vat a blessing ze cole vint&r he, Yen he kill ail ze skeotare and flea; Zen till ze Spring time varin vedder shall bring; Monsieur Moskeetare, no more you vill siug. Six yearn ago, in the town of Eaat Lyme, Conn., a mau went to'bed. Others went to bed at the same time, but, though they oc casionally get up and dress themselves, this odd character doesn't. His reasons are satis factory, so far as they go. He was hurt in his heart. Ho was crossed in that love the course of which always did run rough. So the disap pointed. broken-spirited and despairing swain groaus upon his pillow, writhes between the sheets, and is fed by his old mother. We do not mako any pretens.on to medical knowledge, but we venture the opinion that a little Oil of Birch (Oleum Betuia) might be prescribed in this case with great success. , Henry Hutton, formerly of Knoxville, Teun., lately a sewing machine agent, tr&voling in Mexico, recently departed this life sdddenly a! Monterey. He was sitting at a hotel table taking his dinner, when a mau came up be hind him with what is known as a Mexican pirate knife, and inserting the knife just be low Huttou's left shoulder blade, caused it to pass clear through the chest and tho point to glitter on his breast. Thus carved, he was "a dish fit for tho gods," and the carving knife was sent with him. Hutton had been at Sal tillo, and had sold a Mexican woman a sewing machino—terms private. The woman's hus band not approving of tho transaction had followed the agent seventy-five miles to enter his protest against the system of sewing ma chine agents. The murderer stole out of the dining-room as silently as he stolo in. and left his opinion of his victim sunk in his heart as a warning to the whole class. About this time the organ of tho period be gins its leader by stating with great solemnity that “the timo for argument has passed." The irreverent reader will be apt to ask when it began. We own we have seen none too much of what can l>e called argument this year. As sertion in plenty we have met with. We have been told on the one rido that no Republican's life is safe in the South if Mr. Tilden is elect ed, and on the other we have heard not alto gether harmonious screams about the country going to the dogs if the Democracy scratch their tickets. But few of hysteric parti sans have wasted much time in argument. In fact there is so little avowed difference of principles between the parties that argument is a more awkward matter this year than usual. The time for argument, or the whole, is not yet come, but we are all rather glad that the time for beatiug the big drum and ringing the peripatetic bell is passing away. An official statement, prepared for tho forth coming report of the Postmaster-General, shows that the free delivery system was ex tended to thirty-nine additional offices during the last fiscal year, and is now in operation in eighty-seven cities. Two thousand and forty nine carriers were employed, who during the year, delivered 211,199.065 letters, together with about 20,000,000 postal cards, and 56.500.- 000 nowspapers. The total number of pieces handled, including collections, exceeded 500,- 000,000, at an average cost of about three and one-half mills per piece. The average cost la-t year was three and four-fifths mills per piece. The per centage of increase in the to tal cost of service, as compared with the pre vious year, is twenty-six and one-half, but the receipts from local postage have, during the same period, increased forty-five per cent. This branch of the postal service therefore continues to be more than self-sustaining. Dr. Kenealy having been disbarred and hav ing lost the Tichborne case, and being con sidered generally disreputable, has started a paper with a grievance. He calls it the Eng- UshiAan. The contents of this strange publi cation consist of four separate kinds of arti cles : those which are written to show that Anthur Orton is Roger Tichborne : those that are designed to expose the wickedness of the Jesuits; those that hold up the judges and bar of England to the righteous contempt and wrath of every free and independent English man. and those that are inspired by a desire to prove that Dr. Kenealy is a much abused man. It appeals to the lowest of the mob, and its support is not very formidable, but is enough to show how deep the ignorance and credulity of the “cad” and the “costermonger” can go.— There is a substantial foundation of justice in the attacks by Dr. Kenealy upon the English jndges. They did behave badly. But scurril ous articles are not fit weapons with which to right the wrong, and Dr. Kenealy is coming out a demagogue of the worst character. UNION POINT. A special telegram to the Chronicle and Sentinel gives a full account of the recent disturbances at Union Point. The condnct of the colored men implicated in this violent demonstration against the whites admits of no justification, and should be investigated by the Courts. The whites have acted with commenda ble vigor and prudence, and there is no reason to apprehend rny further trouble. THANKSGIVING. In onr advertising columns this morn ing will be found a proclamation by Governor Smith, proclaiming Thursday, the 19th inst., a day of thanksgiving. Governor Smith's action will receive the | hearty approval of all Georgians. It is eminently fit 1 hat we should give thanks to God for the great victory which He has been pleased to give to the cause of free government, and it is bnt right that our acknowledgment of the Divine mercy should be made in the face of the world. The language of the proclamation is as happy and well chosen as the proclama tion itself is appropriate. We know that the recommendation of the Governor will find ready observance in the city of Augusta. GEORGIA STATE COLLEGE OF AGRICULTURE AND THE ME CHANIC ARTS. The following counties are represented by students in this College at the pres ent time ; Baldwin, Bartow, Bibb, Butts, Ca toosa, Chattooga, Clark, Clay, Clayton, Cobb, Coweta, DeKalb, Dooly, Elbert, Franklin, Fulton, Greene, Gwinnett, Hall, Harris, Heard, Henry, Houston, Jones, Lee, McDuffie, Merriwether, Mitchell, Monroe, Morgan, Muscogee, Oglethorpe, Polk, Putnam, Pulaski, Randolph, Richmond, Schley, Spauld ing, Talbot, Terrell, Thomas, Twiggs, Walker, Ware, Warren, Washington, Worth. Vacancies exist in the counties of the State not named in the above list. Young men desirous of a thorough scientific education, free of charge for tuition fees, should communicate with the President of the College. CLEWS AND THE BULLOCK BONDS. When the bond compromise seemed to have some vitality iu it the advocates of that measure were wont to assert that Henry Clews owned none of the fraudu lent securities ; that they were in the hands of innocent holders for value without notice. In fact, the bond men were very severe upon Clews, and be labored “poor Henry” unmercifully. But Clf.ws now comes to the fore, and declares that he owns more Georgia bonds (so-called) than he can count. We take the following from the published report of his examination : Q. What other bonds ?. A. Alabama State bonds—l would not undertake to say how many ; State of Georgia bonds —I could not approximate the number ; Cartersville and Van Wert Railroad bonds—a good many of them ; North Carolina State bonds—l could not tell how many of them—a large quantity of them—and Florida bonds. There were many others, and more than sufficient to satisfy your claims, if you can get them from the assignee; I mean to say that our old firm on the 20th of October, 1874, had at their banking house prop erty, consisting of stocks, bonds aud choses in action, more than sufficient to satisfy these claims. So Mr. Clews i3 really one of the in nocent bondholders, and a pretty large owner of that species of property if we may believe his own statement. SOUTH CAROLINA. The Charleston News and Courier publishes returns which show beyond a doubt the election of the Chamberlain ticket, and the defeat of the Fusion tick et put in the field by the Democrats and Independent Republicans. It is true that the majority is small, and shows a Conservative gain on the last Presi dential vote of nearly forty-five thou sand, bnt the majority, small as it is, implies that the Ring lias not only elec ted the Governor, but will also have con trol of the General Assembly. And it is in this fact that the full force of the dis aster sustained by the Conservatives is experienced. With au honest Legisla ture the Executive would be powerless for evil. With a Ring Governor and a Ring Legislature the perpetration of any and every species of villiany is made possible. However, the indica tions are that, though in a minority, the Independents and Conservatives will have an appreciable strength in the General Assembly, and may be able to do something in defense of the tax payers. At all events, the astonishing result of the recent election may strike terror even into the hearts of South Carolina carpet-baggers and put them upon their good behavior. They see that the North lias set her face firmly against the spoliation and oppression of the South ; they are aware also that they can expect no further assistance from Congress; and they may be afraid to venture upon the monstrous swindles which they perpetrated with impunity under the rule of Soott and Moses. What we hoped with most confidence from this fusion movement in South Carolina was that through it the people would be able to send Generals Ker shaw and McGowan to Congress from the Fourth and Third Districts. This hope has been disappointed. The indi cations are that both of them have been defeated by considerable majorities, and that a brace of political adventurers will be returned to the House from those Districts. The defeat of McGowan and Kershaw is a disgrace to the manhood of the people whose suffrage* they claimed. We believe they could have been elected if they had been properly supported—if the good men of their Districts had determined to have them as their representatives in Congress. In Kershaw’s District the majority against him was only seventeen hundred, while in 1868 the Democrats carried Mc- Gowan’s by three thousand votes— though subsequently the Republicans have been successful by large majorities. In 1870 the Eighth Congressional Dis trict of Georgia had a Republican majority of at least five thousand; there was a ring administration in power, and the election was held un der a special law which opened wide the avenues for fraud and intimidation; yet General Dttßose, the Democratic candidate, was elected by over sis thou sand majority. Similar work in South Carolina for Kershaw and McGowan would have accomplished similar results. The election of Mackey to Congress from the Charleston District may be claimed as afusionist victory; but it isnot one of which the Conservatives can feel very proud. Mackey may be an im provement upon Bowen and Blitz, but he is still far from being snch a man as the wealth, respectability and refine ment of Charleston would like to have for a representative in the National Legislature. Two years hence we shall hope for better things; for as complete a victory in South Carolina as was ever won in Georgia. Young man, go West, and if yon can find nothing else to do yon may run for Contingent Congressman. Time is incalculably long, and every day is a vessel into which may be pour ed if one will really fill it,— Goethe. GAINS IN THE POPULAR VOTE. Figure work is a favorite pastime now with Democratic editors. We have gone a little into the business ourselves, and the party shall sustain no injury at our hands which arithemetic is able to pre vent. We have had a whack at Con gressional and Electoral gains. We pro pose now to say something of the pop ular vote given at the recent elections. The following table we know will prove balm to the Democratic heart : States. Maj. 72. Maj. 74. D. Gain. Alabama 11.000 B 10.000 D 21.000 Arkansas 3.000 It 75.000 D 78,000 Connecticut 5.000 B 5.000 D 10.000' Delaware 900 B 10,000 D 10.900 Georgia 20.000 D 75.000 D 55,000 Illinois 56.000 It 5.000 B 51.000 Indiana 22.000 It 17.' 00 IJ 33.000 Kan- as 32.000 B 5.000 K 27.000 Massachusetts.. .. 74.000 It 8,000 D 82.000 Michigan 59.000 B 3.000 It 56.000 Minnesota 20.0,0 It 4.000 P. 16.0*30 Missouri 40,00 j D 10,000 Maryland 2.000 B 10.000 D 12,000 Sew York 53.060 B 40.000 D 93.000 | New Jersey 15.000 B 10.000 D 25.000 North Carolina 20.C00 D 20,000 Ohio 40.000 B 18.000 D 58.000 Pennsylvania 137.000 B 5.000 D 142.000 South Carolina 50.000 B 5,000 K 45.090 Tennessee 30,600 D 20,000 Virginia 5.000 B 20.000 D 25,000 West Virginia 2.530 R 2,500 D 5,000 Wisconsin 18,000 E 6,000 It 12,000 Total Democratic gain 912,000 From the above table it will be seen that the Democratic gains during the past year amount to nine hundred and twelve thousand votes. We could have made them a round million had we not been restrained by respect for the truth of history. Besides, people have no re spect for round numbers; they like to see the odd figures on a balance sheet. As Grant two years ago had only the small majority of seven hundred thou sand, it is evident that we can overcome the Radical majority in 1876 and have a couple of hundred thousand votes to spare. Or we might work it this way : If the Democrats gain nine hundred and twelve thousand votes in two years, how many votes will they gain in four ? Political arithmetic is simple and eminently satisfactory in its results. GRANT ON THE RESULT. In another column we publish the views of the President upon the result of Tuesday’s elections. The Silent Man —the Sphynx—has spoken, and from his utterances it will be seen that his opin ions differ widely from those already ex pressed by the press and politicians of his party. Republicans generally have ascribed the crushing defeat which they have sustained to the mal-administra tioa of the Executive branch of the Government. They have declared that the election returns proclaim not so much the overthrow of Republicanism as the downfall of Grantism. They say that it was the President’s desire to per petuate his power, the sordid nature of the man, his openly professed friendship for men so notoriously dishonest and cor rupt, the character of his appointments to office, the military dragonades, order ed in the interest of Grantism, in the South, which brought the Republican party into contempt and covered it with ignominy and defeat. Gen. Grant denies the impeachment, denies that he is the author of the ruin which has come upon his party. “He does not for one mo ment sanction the idea that his policy or his personal acts have contributed in any degree to the party defeat.” Gen. Grant places the responsibility upon a Republican Congress and (of course) upon Mr. Sumner, who has been in his grave for many months. The attempt to force upon the people the “ impracti cable and Utopian theories” of Mr. Sum ner has done all the mischief. The President evidently alludes to the Civil Rights bill, forgetting that he himself had recommended such legislation to Congress just as he recommended the Ku-Klux act. He scouts the suggestion that the third term idea had anything to do with the disaster, and relies upon the result in South Carolina to prove the truth of his assertion. If the vote in South Carolina means anything in dela tion to a third term—which most people, in view of the anomalous condition of politics and parties in that unhappy State will deny—it means that the third term plank in the South Carolina platform injured the party which adopted it. Two years ago General Grant carried the State by fifty thousand majority. This year a Repub lican candidate for Governor, running on a third term platform, is elected by only five thousand majority—showing a loss of forty-five thousand votes. Gen eral Grant plucks up courage enough to say that he is not despondent ; that he believes the Republican party lias a glorious future before it, and that it may retrieve the errors of the past “ in time to march to the music of a triumph in 1876 as significant and as decisive as that of 1872.” Without pretending to criticise the President’s rhetoric we are inclined to think that he is mistaken in his conclusions. There will be no triumphs for the Republican party in 1876. Death-bed repent ance will not save the party which has misgoverned the country for so many years, nor do we think that it will bear fruits meet for repentance. It has been weighed in the balance and found wanting. The people have given it a fair trial. They will trust it no longer. Aud neither General Grant nor any other leader can reverse the verdict of Tuesday’s elections. After all the conflicting reports and returns it seems to be pretty well set tled that the Seventh District has gone for the Independent candidate and that Felton has been elected by a small ma jority. We can only say now what we have said before, that we desired a dif ferent result; not that we doubt Dr. Felton’s Democracy or his ability, but because he has set an example of insub ordination which may prove fruitful of evil in the future. In the Seventh Dis trict the white majority is so large that, no matter how many candidates there may be in the field, a Democrat is cer tain to be elected. But what would have been the result if talented and popu lar Democrats had been running this year against the party nominees in the First, the Second, the Third and the Fifth Dis tricts ? We would, beyond a doubt, have four Radicals returned to Congress instead of the solidly Democratic dele gation which has been secured by party organization and party discipline. Usually election news has opened well for the Democrats, and then grown rapidly worse, as the official returns came in. The contests of this year have proven an exception to the rule. Day after day the news gets better. At first the Democrats had only fifteen majoritv in the House of Representatives, then twenty-five, then fifty-four, and now, af ter all the returns are in, the telegraph puts it at seventy-seven. Better still, the States which have gone Democratic will elect Senators enough to reduce the Radical majority in the Senate to eight, possibly six. At this rate it wont take long to get a two-thirds majority in the House and a good working majority in the Senate. The returns in the Third and Fourlh Congressional Districts of South Caro lina show palpable signs of fraud, and should not go undisputed. We hope that Gen. Kershaw and Gen. McGowan will contest the election and appeal to the House of Representatives for redress. AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 18, 1574. IRISH OPINION, We publish in another column this morning an article from the Dublin Universe, entitled “Black Rule of the Whites in America.” There are several errors in the statement of facts, but these will be easily recognized by every American reader as the somewhat natural mistakes of those who live at a distance from ns. As an index of Irish opinion of the treatment of the South by the North it will be read with interest. CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS. At the recent election in South Caro lina there were three amendments to the Constitution voted on. The indications are that ell three of them were carried by considerable majorities, as they re ceived the support of both political par ties. The first only changed one of the boundary lines between the counties of Pickens and Oconee. The second amends the Constitution so as to make the term of office of the Conmtroller- General, Secretary of State, Treasurer, Attorney-General, Adjutant and Inspec tor-General and Superintendent of Ed ucation two years instead of four, as at present. The third is of a more impor tant nature, and exhibits the grow ing tendency to limit the power of mu nicipalities in the matter of taxation and loans of credit to public enterprises. It provides that the General Assembly shall not authorize any county, city, town or village to become a stockholder in or to loan its credit to any company association or corporation, for any amount in excess of five per centum of the assessed value of the taxable prop erty of such county, city, town or - vil lage, nor without the approval of a ma jority of the legal voters of such county, city, town or village, expressed at an election duly held according to law. COUNTY REFORMS. A correspondent of the Savannah News suggests that from twelve hundred to twenty-four liuudred dollars per annum can be saved by a repeal of the present jury compensation system and the re enactment of the old law in force before and during the war, which required a fee of three dollars to be paid by the plaintiff and charged in the bill of costs against the losing party. The writer states that these fees were promptly paid to the Clerk of the Court, and con stituted the only fund out of which juries received pay. In most of the Courts they were handsomely remu nerated for their services, receiving from two to three dollars per diem. While the Legislature is engaged in the work of reform it might go a step further and put a s+op to the substitute busi ness, which every right-thinking man must see is doing much harm. Let us have no more substitutes, and let us have the best men in the State for jury men. The position of juror is one of the most responsible which a citizen can hold, and juries should be composed of the very best available material. Some legislation should also be en acted in the interest of the officers of Court, who at present lose a large portion of the money due them for services rendered. Why not require the plaintiff in each case to deposit with the clerk at the time of tli'e filing of the writ a small sum, sufficient at least to pay for the copy and service by the sheriff. Such a law would work no hardship, and would be an act of simple justice to hard-worked and under-paid officials. THE CRIES OE THE WOUNDED. Piteous indeed are the shrieks of the wounded, doleful indeed the cries of the dying. The rabid Radicals of the South have now but one organ—the New York Republic, Grant’s paper—and through it they make their moans. Special after special from Georgia is published, charging all sorts of perfidy upon the “devilish Democracy.” The agent of the slander mill in Savannah sends plenty of grist to be ground. He swears that “Col. John E. Bryant is undoubt edly elected in the First District,” but the frauds perpetrated are so great that Hartridoe will be counted in. “Col.” Bryant will contest the election and “thoroughly expose the Demo cratic villainy,” 'and the “Colonel” has been so badly treated that even a Democratic Congress will give him his seat. Gen. MoLaws, the Collector of Internal Revenue for the Savannah District, is charged with supporting Wimberly, the independent Republican, doubtless with tho intention of calling the attention of the Administration to the fact that an office-holder has dared to have an opinion for himself in politi cal affairs. Another dispatch from Sa vannah states that both Whitely and Bryant will contest the election of their opponents in the Second and First Dis tricts. It says that the Democracy of Georgia “have surpassed all their former exploits in the way of commit ting frauds—they have reduced it to a science and gone to work like me chanics.” Mr. J. G. W. Mills also has the effrontery to say that he will contest the election in the Fifth District, and that if he can have the vote cast in Fulton, Houston and half a dozen other counties thrown out he will obtain the seat. Poor souls ! Do they not know that the day for this sort of thing has gone by ? Do they not know that the next House of Congress will refuse to “throw out” the vote of whole counties and seat minority candi dates upon baseless charges of fraud ? From 1868 to 1872 contests could be made with impunity. It was not at all necessary that the contestant should have a majority of the votes cast. It was only necessary that he should be a Southern Radical with a Democrat for his opponent, and the partisan majority of a partisan House never failed to giveßim tho seat. No matter how large the majori ty against him was, enough votes were thrown out to count him in. There is one case on record where a Democrat who was elected from a South Carolina District by over three thousand majority was turned out and a carpet-bagger seat ed. But, as we have said before, there will be no more such scandalous de cisions, no more such monstrous perver sions of justice, and Messrs. Bryant, Whiteley and Mills had just as well i possess their souls in patience. They , will make no contest, and if they do will | have only their pains for their trouble.— \ They were fairly beaten, they were bad ; ly beaten, and they had jnst as well at ; tempt to make an honest living ontside j the halls of Congress. Major Lewls Merrill declared just before the election in Louisiana that if the Kellogg ticket should be elected he would “give the white people helL” Well, the Kellogg ticket has] been de feated and the donation of hell conse quently postponed. We may rest as sured, however, that Maj. Merrill would not have performed the work for nothing, bat would have demanded and received a good round sum for his servi ces. As his bill in South Carolina ran “the State Dr. to Major Lewis Merrill, to arresting two thousand Ku-Klux at $lO per K.-K., $20,000;” so it would run in Louisiana: to giving the people hell at so much per head, so many thousand dollars. Thrifty ruffian, Major Mutkhtt.t,, KELLOGG’S LAST OUTRAGE, Editors Chronice and Sentinel: In discussing the Louisiana question the press seems to have omitted notice of one very gross outrage of the Kellogg government—the attempted disfranchise ment at the recent election of some 6,000 naturalized citizens in New Orleans. These citizens having determined to cast their votes against Grant and his Kellogg government, a conspiracy was entered into to exclude them from the polls. On the 20th nit. the Radical Btate Register of Votes addressed the Kellogg Attorney-General to know if one of the Courts in New Orleans had authority to naturalize foreigners, and on the 24th ult. the Attorney-General replied that this Court had no such au thority, and had not had it since 1864. This nullified the papers of all the naturalized citizens who had been natu ralized in that Court for ten years back, and the Register proceeded to strike their names to the number of between 5,000 and 6,000 from the list of quali fied voters. The Democratic Executive Committee at once interfered, and after showing that these citizens had been naturalized “ upon the advice of the best legal talent in the State, said ad vice being based upon previous de cisions upon said question and ac quiesced in for many years,” charged that the attempt to disfranchise them was a “conspiracy between the Gov ernor and Federal officials,” and then adopted this resolution: “ Resolved, That we denounce in un measured terms this movement to de prive said foreign-born citizens of their right of citizenship.” Following this an indignation meet ing was held, which is thus reported in the dispatches: “New Orleans, October 28.—A mass meeting of foreign-born citizens to-night passed resolutions de nouncing the attempt making by the State officials to deprive them of the right of suffrage, calling upon their brethren throughout the United States to hold to a strict accountability the po litical party which . thus disfranchises them, aud stating that, they intend to cast their ballots on the 2d November in the same box as other American citi zens.” This purpose was carried out, and in defiance of the attempt made to rob them of their ballots the foreign born citizens of New Orleans voted against Grant and the Kellogg govern ment, and gloriously helped to redeem Louisiana. STRABISMUS. [Now York Tribune.] Opinions vary. Some say it was of one thing and some of another, but there is a prevalent belief that it was a complication of diseases which did the business in the late elections. There may be a spice of personal feeling in the treatment of the subject by the press; indeed we think we do detect traces of unkindness toward the leading states man, who described the press as a forty jackass mud-throwing power, and possi bly this accounts for the disposition to include so conspicuously among the causes the cross-eyed man of the period. That there is such a disposition cannot be doubted by any one who reads the newspapers with half a thought. Organs and semi-organs and semi-so-so-organs all agree, as they look over the returns and foot the fearful figures, that it was very largely strabismus. The figures themselves have a sort of cross-eyed look, and in some of them there’s the puckery flavor of persimmons. Well, there may be much truth in the diagnosis. Should the disease prove fatal and the party be carried off by it, its epitaph might be, if not “Died of a cross-eyed man,” at least, “Died of mental and moral strabismus.” It has somehow happened during the past five or six years that whatever lias been said or suggested or done by the party in power that was bad or corrupt or dis honest, or that left a bad influence upon the party and the country, and for which the late Administration party was made to suffer, has had somewhere about it this baleful sign. Did the party promise Civil Service Reform in its platforms, and jeer at it as a humbug through its chosen representatives, it was a states man “born on Wednesday” who stood in front and flouted it most largely. Did speculating Congressmen take a flyer in Credit Mobilier, they were defended at the bar of the House and of public opinion by a man with twisted vision. Was there a hack pay grab, he led with a leer the hungry procession. Was there an attempt to cheat the public creditor by the payment of one promise with an other, it was he who tried to make the nation look at its obligations cross eyed. Did an incompetent and a blun derer sit in the Treasury, he put him there and used him. Were merchants put at the mercy of informers, and the revenue farmed out under a shameful contract, it was he who arranged the de tails, perfected the plans, and sweated the plunder. Over all the questionable transactions for which the party has been held re sponsible, over all the crookedness of its policy, its weakness, willfulness and wickedness, you may see the two queer eyes of its evil genius. The man who urges an inflation of our irredeemable currency as a remedy for financial dis tress has something the matter with his intellectual vision. The man who be lieves the people will not object to any policy so long as it puts dollars in their pockets, has the same confusion in his moral perceptions, and he who holds these strange beliefs discloses the na ture of his moral and mental disease so soon as he stands up to avow them. He has had his way with the Administration and the party now for a long time. He has infected the whole concern. It came at last to be that the whole party was looking all ways and no one could tell which way. It ranted in platforms and roared in conventions, and swaggered and bullied wherever it had the power, and when any one protested it said in the genuine Tweed style, “Well, what are you going to do about it ?” And it didn’t look anybody in the face or an swer civil questions, but blustered and strutted and made large pretensions. And those people, looking at this strange figure that led the leading statesmen, said, “Why, the whole party has got it. It must be contagious.” And then last Tuesday they got up quietly and an swered the inquiry of the Hon. Roscoe Conkling and others as to what they were going to do about it, and looking next morning at what they had done, they said it was “mostly strabismus.” SENATOR EATON. A Rinsrir/x Speech from the Connecti cut Senator—Free Men Better than Free Trade. Gentlemen of the Manhattan Club: I return you my most sincere thanks for inviting me to be present with yon on this joyful occasion. It is not the time to make a speech, and I do not pro pose to make one. Yon have met here to rejoice'-*-.to Rejoice that Massachusetts and Connecticut, and New York and Pennsylvania, and New Jersey and Dela ware, and old Virginia—God bless her —[applause]—and North Carolina stand shoulder to shoulder. All along on this sea-board from New Hampshire to South Carolina the Liberal Democratic party now govern. We rejoice. We must rejoice; we, here in New York; we of the Empire State cast thirty-three votes, and where New York casts its thirty-three Liberal Democratic votes it elects the next President of the United States. [Applause.] I feel rejoiced, Mr. President, because once more in this land men are free. Money is a good thing, hard money is a very good thing —[long applause]—and free trade and a revenue tariff are very good things, but free men are better than all these. I think it is this man, who is now dignified with the name of Centennial Dix— [laughter]—who told us on another oc casion, when referring to that old flag, that if any man attempt to pull it down shoot him on the spot, because it is the emblem of American sovereignty, and here not ten years ago my friend, who has jnst been honored with the election of Governor in this State, was arrested and locked up in his own house, and by this same military official, who, when asked where his authority was for any such proceeding, said, in an insolent and despotic manner,! “Here it i3— here,” clapping his hand upon his sword. I think it is time when such a man can carry on such transactions that he had better be shot down on the spot. [Applause.] To honor God that now there will not be any more of it here. It is amusing to go back a short time and see how they did shake that bloody shirt at us. [Laughter.] New Jersey has gotten over it, Connecticut never did see it—[laughter]—and altogether that old rag has been somewhat of a failure this time. [Laughter.] But now victory is onrs.not alone the Democratic party, bat the Liberal Republican ele- ment of the country have joined with ns in the elections of Connecticut and New York. The Government is ours. I say the Government, because after the fourth day of March next that part of the legislative power that has control of the purse is in the hands of the Demo cratic party. All that is necessary to do is to be as wise as serpents, but not as harmless as doves. All the members of the House of Representatives, and they have a year to do it, should begin to day—mature their bills, and when they go in at that first Monday in March, 1875, pass them on to the Senate, where there will he a majority of six in the Ad ministration favor, and have the respon sibility rest there. Will everything that is done by the Liberal Democratic party be wise and prudent ? If they are wise we have before us thirty years of power. I am well aware of the great responsi bility that will fall upon the Democratic party, but I desire to say one thing here before I leave. If I live I will demon strate it. Under the Democratic party in this country every dollar of the debt can be paid and taxes reduced each year. I cannot show you this to-night. There have been expended for the last ten more than eighty millions over the excess of the interest of the national debt, and more than bail been expended before the country was in the hands of the present wasteful, corrupt horde. Place ths country in the hands of men who will cut down all expenses in the army and tlu navy, and of the 80,000 blood suck ers who have fattened upon the body politic. I desire to be personally re sponsible for that opinion, because I have examined the question and have no doubt about it. I propose the Govern ment shall pay its debts in legal cur rency, and iu full; that there shall be one constitutional law for the Govern ment and the same for the people. Hard money as the basis, and every step an advance towards specie payments. [Ap plause.] No man of sense would say that we should go to specie payments to-morrow or next week, but every piece of legislation should look towards specie payments. Every act of Congress should point straight to speedy specie payments. The expenses of this country can be cut down $100,000,000 per year. No man can fail to see this. I love to honor the Democracy and the Liberal Republicans of this Commonwealth. I honor the man who has been elected as your Chief Magistrate. Asa man once said when your speaker was running for a local office in his own State, but what was his warrecord? Another said ; "I don’t care for his war record, hut I don’t believe he will steal, and that is enough.” [Laughter and applause.] I will say in regard to the man you have placed at the head of the Empire State, that he is honest, a gentleman of integrity, and you have every reason to place every confidence in him. Ido not intend to hint, nor to be understood to say, that the old gentleman who is going out has stolen. He is a very respectable gentle man, but New York has no further use for him. [Long laughter and applause, during which Senator Eaton left the stand. ] COMMENTS OF LONDON JOURN ALS. The Democratic Majority in Congress A Cause for Anxiety—Distrust for Republican Leaders—Grant Might Have Averted the Result* London, November 6, 1874.—The Times, commenting editorially upon the recent Democratic victory in the United States, says: It is fortunate that at present there is no serious issue raised between the parties on Union or State affairs as revealed by the elections. It gives occasion for some anxiety to know that when Congress meets in March the new House will be controlled by a large Democratic majority. Yet in spite of all this General Grant will remain in office till 1877. There is no power in the Constitution to change a single mem ber of the Administration. Such a situation is not possible here where we have an amenable government, rather than the approval of particular men or a spirit of opposition. The discredited Ministers would retire from office before the meeting of Parliament. An attempt to maintain a similar state of affairs would be passionately resented in France; yet it is borne in America with out remonstrance, the victors patiently waiting the fruits to be found in their succession to the Federal Government. The events of the week betoken the con demnation of Grant. The rejection of General Butler is, perhaps, attributable to his resentment against the President when using his influence at last year’s election to secure the Governorship of Massachusetts. The Pall Mall Gazette says : There is no doubt but a profound distrust of men such as Cameron, Conkling, Mor ton and Butler had taken hold of the mind of the people, who were otherwise contented to vote with their party. The most important result of the contest is the complete success of the Democratic party.' The Democratic reaction in the South wrecked the prospects of the Re publicans south of Mason and Dixon’s line, and seriously injured it elsewhere. The fact is clear that the majority given in favor of the Democratic candidates constitutes a serious warning for the next Presidential contest. The attitude of tho Republicans resembles very much that which was assumed by the Liberal leaders in England in the month of February last, viz., to accept the politi cal success of tbeir opponents with for titude, disbelieving that there is a per manent change in the sentiment or principles of the people. Tho verdict of the country is a protest against a third term for Grant; against the policy of the Administration toward the South ; against the management of the finances; against the salaries bill, and the failure of the frauds investigation. Some of Grant’s blunders are irreparable; others retrievable. THE EUFAULA ELECTION RIOT. Fuller Details of the Beating of the Democratic Negro and the Subse quent Sanguinary Fight. [New York Herald’s Eufaula (Ala.) Special, November 3.] While the vote?* of both parties were being quietly polled here to to-day, a negro who had voted the Democratic ticket was attacked by a mob of Radical negroes, and a terrible and bloody riot was at once precipitated. Chief among the party who set upon the negro Demo crat was one of a very desperate and bad character named Milas Long, who seemed to be the leader. As soon as the victim of their rage seemed to be get ting severely beaten, a number of whites who were present rushed to the rescue, bnt were unable, for a while, to aid him, and were partially driven back. Upon this the mob began to punish the negro Democrat, when the whites, who had been reinforced, boldly broke in and ordered them to desist. Nothing daunt ed, but rather enraged by this interfer ence, Milas Long, the leader, attempted to draw a pistol on one of the whites. As he did so he was told if he produced the weapon in that crowd he would be killed. Long, becoming savagely irri tated, pulled out the weapon, and, with a foul oath threatening the whites, dared them to come on, striking, at the same time, an attitude of offense. Before a movement could be made to disarm him he fired his pistol, which it is supposed took effect, and this was the signal for a bloody riot. Both whites and blacks in stantly drew their weapons, and a gene ral and indiscriminate fire was begun, which the negroes did not stand for more than a few moments before they broke and ran down the street in one of the wildest stampedes ever wit nessed. There were probably, during the few moments which the fight lasted, over five hundred shots fired by both sides—a majority by the whites—and the execution was terribly effective. The negroes mostly had come in from the country, and, in anticipation of a row, were armed with pistols, guns, heavy clubs and wheel spokes, with which it was their intention to make war upon any of their own color who dared to vote the Democratic ticket. In the stampede their wounded and killed were trodden upon, and they threw away their weapons in the streets without regard to anything but safety in flight, and the scene re sembled a battle field of no small di mensions. The result of the riot was startling, considering the brief period it lasted. Six whites were wounded, one of them, William Keith, mortally; three negroes were killed outright, and, as far as heard from, seventy-four negroes were wounded, ten or fifteen of that number, it is supposed, mortally. Since the riot five more have died, and three or four more will die daring the night. It is impossible, just now, to give the names of the killed and wounded, and those of the negroes cannot be ascer tained. Among the whites wounded are T. F. Nance, May Shorter, Silas Jones, John Hudlist-on, Sandy Engram and Thomas Stovall, For a few moments a^ er fhe riot was over the negroes halt ed at the end of the street and made an attempt to rally and renew the fight. The whites, however, then armed them selves with guns, and as soon as the ne groes saw this they broke and scattered, and order was soon again restored. The voting was resumed,, and progressed quietly until the polls closed. PUBLIC OPINION. The Republican Press on the Results of the Elections, And until all opposition to equal civil rights for all citizens in all parts of the land has died out, until the heresies of repudiation and inflation are buried out of sight, until the theory that American artisans should compete on equal terms with the pauper labor of Europe—not until these errors, of which the Demo cratic party is now the champion, are all finally and forever laid, will the Repub lican party have performed its mission. —Daily Saratogian. No accurate estimate can be made un til the full returns are received. But, however the November elections may have gone, however they may have af fected the next Congress, it is not de nied by any one that the Republican party has still the majority of the coun try, and that if it shall he led as it ought to be led, its victories in the future will surpass any that it has won in the past. In the defeats which we fear we liave met we see the omen of future victory. The Republican party is still the party of the country, and it cannot be defeat ed, and the Republic lives. —National Republican. What- does this mean? will be the universal question, and to it various answers will be given. Politicians of all sorts may ponder this inquiry with advantage. For ourselves we have no hesitation in saying it does not mean that the people of Massachusetts have turned their backs on the principles of the Republican party. Massachusetts is still a Republican State, and will prove herself so when she has an oppor tunity. In the meantime, the Republi cans must compose their differences, correct their errors, seek wise counsel ors, and faithful and able leaderp, and be prepared to move forward with re newed zeal and with unbroken front against the enemy when the hour comes for renewing the conflict.— Worcester Spy. We have the most unfounded faith in Democratic folly and fatuity and stu pidity. For the first time in several years that party is now likely to share some of the responsibility in the gov ernment of the nation, and this will put it to the test. It has no coherent prin ciples upon any public questions. It has no defined and intelligent policy. It has nothing but indiscriminate opposi tion and vicious tendencies. Imagine it dealing with the currency ! Fancy its probable treatment of the Southern question ! Think of all the evils which will start into new life, like snakes lurk ing in the grass, at this revival of the unpatriotic party ! Democracy gains an ephemeral success ; it comes out for the time from behind the clouds, but only soon to undergo another eclipse.—Alba ny Journal. The defeat which the Republican par ty has sustained is the result cf several causes. The panic of a year ago cast its shadow across the canvass which has just closed, and disheartened thousands of Republicans. Stagnation in business, lack of employment, hard times, these have liad tlieir weight in determining the action of very many, who do not pause to place the responsibility for their misfortunes where it belongs, but charge it directly to the party in power, and vote for a change without consider ing whether that change will bring the needed relief. Moreover, the Republi can party in this State, while effecting the government reforms to which it pledged itself three years ago, has had a tremendous burden to carry in meeting the Democratic deficiency of nearly seven millions which was the legacy of the Tweed-Hoffman administration. — Syracuse Journal. The business pressure and the inter ruption of industry have produced dis satisfaction and a desire for change. However unreasonable it may be, the people hold the Administration respon sible, and require amelioration in affairs at its hands. Because prosperity does not return, the Republican party is punished. The Republican party has been working out great reforms in the past two years, and ought to be stronger for them. Bnt in some quarters the idea of reform has been scouted, the plea has been made for covering up faults and spuming the demand for self purification. Asa consequence reform ers have been denounced as meddlers, and the speculators and jobbers insist ed on the mastery. Only one effect was possible. The popular confidence was repelled and disaster was invited —Utica (N. I.) Herald. One thing in certain. The campaign of 1874 will not be decisive upon the campaign of 1876. It looks as if the Democracy would have control of the Forty-fourth Congress, and a number of State Legislatures, in which they have rarely had majorities. By its mistakes we shall profit. We shall, in turn, play the part of the critic, and it will be sin gular if the party of Bourbon instincts and repudiation doctrines does not it self proclaim disaster in the hour of success. The Republican party still maintains its hold upon the intelligence of the people. It begins to-day the bat tle of 1876—a battle which will be earn estly fought, but whose issue, we be lieve, under the new inspiration it will receive, cannot be doubtful. For the present let Democracy shout itself hoarse over its spasmodic triumph, while Republicans, profiting by the se vere, and perhaps needed, lesson it has received, begin to perfect the plans for the contest before. We lose no heart, and we shall give no quarter.—Roches ter Democrat. The great and powerful Republican party has been taught a severe lesson, by which it can hardly fail to profit. It discovers that it is not invincible. It will see that dissensions in the ranks, quarreling among the leaders, unfound ed distrust, captious envy and unmer ited denunciation of the successful men are fatal elements of weakness. A bet ter spirit will soon prevail. Leaving out of the calculation the great probability that the Democrats will make the very worst possible use of their victory, and thus unwittingly labor for the coming Republican restoration, we hold it to be all but certain that the glorious old party will carry the day in 1876, as the result of its purification under this or deal of fire, and just as surely as the Centennial of American Independence must come ! We acknowledge the stun ning effect of this Democratic “thunder all round the sky !” We admit that the Republican party has been struck by lightning. But we never expect to see lightning strike twice in the same place! Buffalo Commercial Advertiser. Over the future of the country a veil has been thrown by the result of yester day’s election. So long as the Govern ment was held and controlled by the Republican party no one in this country or in Europe feared for the honest pay ment of the national d9bt or for the just treatment of the freedmen of the South. No man has ever alleged or suspected that there was danger of our being called upon to pay to the Southern people en ormous claims growing out of the war, or of compensating them for their emancipated slaves under a Republican administration. But just as soon as the Democracy assume the offices and be come the legislators of the country, these questions, ominous with danger to the nation’s integrity and the cause of justice, confront us with their sinis ter faces. It is true we have a Senate that will not concur with a Democratic House in such dangerous schemes, and a President who would certainly veto them, but the attaining of a majority in the Lower House, if they have a ma jority, is a great step gained by the Democrats in the direction of repudia tion and proscription. —Rochester Ex press. It seems certain that the reverses of Tuesday’s elections are sufficient to give the Democrats a strong majority in the next Congress. Admitting this to be the case, there is no reason why Repub licans should despair of their party, or good citizens of the Republic. Some times a temporary defeat is the ultimate salvation of an army, and there is cer tainly abundant reason why the Repub lican party should be benefitted by the afflictions of the present moment. Un doubtedly the party has erred and strayed into by and forbidden paths. It has had the fortune of all successful par ties, to be preyed upon by the camp fol lowers and booty seekers—the political rats who always join the winning side. The great mass of the party is and al ways has been sound to the core, but the rascality and venality of the adven turers, who have a way of getting into office, have damaged the party’s good name. But its record, nevertheless, is a glorious one, equaled by that of no party since the nation was formed, and it still contains the purest and best men in the land. The Republican party may “stand in the eclipse of a mad aud pass ing hour,” but the eclipse will pass and the party will shine all the brighter. It has saved the life of the nation, it has freed and enfranchised a race, it has rescued the nation’s credit. What has its opponent done but fight it in the dark days of rebellion, and growl at and impede every step of progress since ? Hartford Journal. BLACK RULE OF THK WHITES IN AMERICA. • [Universe.] When the four years’ secession war in the United States was ended in 1865, by the surrender of Gen. Lee’s army at Dan ville Roads, the reconstruction of the Southern States became the great prob lem to be dealt with by American states men. There was at that time but one man in the United States who saw clear ly by what means the pacific return of the Sonth to the fold could be achieved; and that man was Andrew Johnson, himself a Southerner, who, having sac rificed his all by remaining loyal when his own State, Tennessee, seceded,'.was elected to the Vice-Presidency in No vember, 1864, and became President at the very moment of the downfall of the Sonth, after his colleague, Lincoln, had been murdered by the fanatic Booth. President Johnson’s reconstruction plan simply consisted in re-admitting each of the Southern States to the Union upon three conditions, viz : that they should rescind their secession ordinances, repu diate their war loans, and agree to the fourteenth constitutional amendment, providing for the emancipation of the negroes. This plan was not acceded to by the United States Congress, the vast majority of which, headed by the notorious Thaddeus Stevens, belonged to the ultra-Radical party. These, so far from wishing for the pacification of the South, aimed at nothing but the perpetuation of their party rule; and, as the means most conductive to this end, determined upon the unconditional en franchisement of all the negroes and the disfranchisement of all those who had joined in the rebellion, the latter being full four-fifths of the white population of the South. Having paved the way to this final consummation by the Civil Rights and Freedmen’s Bureau bills, they passed the three reconstruction acts of 1867 over the President’s veto; and, in the end, most of the States of the ex-Confederacy were reincorporated in the Union by the Omnibus bill of June, 1868. Although the Radical party, being always certain of a two-thirds ma jority, could in each instance override the veto of President Johnson, they were yet obliged to relax to some ex tent the rule by which all the ex rebels were to be deprived of the electoral franchise; still a majority of votes was definitely secured to the ne groes in the ten reconstructed States, the aggregate number of voters under the Reconstruction acts in the ten Southern States being 650,000 whites and 712,000 negroes. The measures adopted by Congress had neither for their object nor for their effect the real pacification of the South, but only aim ed at securing the supremacy of the Re publican party in these States, and in this the legislators fully succeeded. Ever since the Reconstruction acts were passed the Republican “ticket” has al ways been supported by the vast bulk of the black voters, as well as by the in terlopers from the North, called carpet baggers, and the handful of original Southern loyalists, known by the name of scalawags; whilst the Democratic or Conservative party, counting none but the old white population in its ranks, has never been able to secure a majority in the State Legislatures, and still less so in the delegations to Congress. Negro rule has thus become so absolute in sev eral of the Southern States, more particularly in South Carolina and Louisiana, where the black popu tion is nearly twice as numerous as the white; and having in re ality no ‘stake in the hedge,’the black rulers have turned the little brief au thority in which they are dressed to such good advantage, and played such fantastic tricks before high Heaven, as to bring those two States to the verge of bankruptcy, ruin social order, and dis turb the whole organization of the body politic. So great has been the abuse of power on their part as to compel the white people, in sheer self-defense, to form secret associations, such as the Ku-Klux-Klan and the White League, the former in the Northern, the latter in the Southern States of the ex-Confed eracy; and hundreds of negroes have fallen victims to the exasperation of the oppressed white population. Of late the complication, both in Louisiana and in South Carolina, has been brought to a head by the excesses of the ruling party. In Louisiana, more particularly, where the negroes want to reduce the State to the condition of Hayti, they had succeeded by fraudulent means in securing the election of their own candidate, Kellogg, as Governor, and passing numerous measures for their own benefit and to the prejudice of the whites. A fortnight ago the latter, having lost all patience, over turned the Kellogg government by a coup de main in less than twenty-four hours throughout the State and installed the Governor of their own choice, Mc- Enery, in the State House of New Or leans. At the same time they turned all the State officers out and put nominees of theirs in their places. It was impos sible for the Washington Government to allow any party in one of the States to take the law into their own hands. Troops were dispatched to Louisiana at once, and the new Governor, not wish ing to precipitate a conflict, gave way, and Kellogg and his adherents were re instated. The storm has thus once more blown over without doing any serious injury, no more than about twenty lives having been sacrificed on the occasion, which is not much in American party conflicts. Still, it is to be hoped that the Republicans, who have ruled su preme in the United States since 1860, will take the lesson to heart and henceforth pay some regard to the feelings, and especially the interests, of the minority. If the black rule is to continue in the States south of Mason and Dixon’s line, most of them are sure to be reduced below the level of Mexico or Venezuela. A re vival of the secession movement of 1861 has become impossible since the aboli tion of the ‘peculiar institution’ of negro slavery . If there be any members of the ruling party in the United States Congress who lay claim to the designa tion of statesmen, let them propose measures conducive to the conciliation of the white people of the South, and calculated to rid the country of the ex isting tyranny of negro government. By this means alone the South can be paci fied, and its former prosperity restored; and this object being achieved, the Southern States may become again what they were prior to 1860, the mainstay of true Conservatism, and their inhabitants the firmest upholders of the fundament al institutions of the United States. A Fatal Fieby Okdeal. —A corres pondent of the Iroquis Times, writing from Papineau, in this county, relates a most fearful catastrophe which took place there, to one Peter Lane, his wife, two children and a little hired girl. When they retired they left a strong fire in the kitchen. From this fire the house caught. Mrs. Lane being awakened by the smoke, rushed into the kitchen and took out the child that Was sleeping there. After she left the house Mr. Lane awoke, and, not knowing where his wife was, rushed into the kitchen to save the child. By this time the floor of the kitchen was so badly burned that Lane, on entering it, fell through into the cellar, and remained there roasting, while his wife took out the other child, the little assistant, and some goods, wondering all the time where her hus band was. How he ever got out of the cellar is not known, but he was seen later sitting on the steps with nothing on but a shirt, the back of that blazing. His wife rushed up to him and put out the fire. Lane then went to the stable, let out the horses, and ran some twenty rods to a neighbor’s, where he fell down helpless. His tracks were marked by pieces of flesh that had fallen off his body, and on ths halters of the horses were large pieces of skin. He was im mediately taken up by the neighbors and placed in bed, and died next morn ing. His face was scarred most horri bly, and on his body, in many places, the bones were exposed, and the flesh, in some places, black and crisp.— Chicago Iribune. What a thing it is to be “a gentleman and a sculler,” nowadays, to be sure ! “John Park." NUMBER 47. LOAN ASSOCIATIONS. Important Decision by the Supreme Court. Ocmulgee Building and Loan Associa tion vs. Methvin S. Thompson. Fore closure of mortgage, from Bibb. McCay, J. 1. By the charter and by-laws of a loan and building association, it was in substance provided that there should be 2,000 shares; that no one stockholder should own more thau thirty shares; that each share should pay $i at each monthly meeting; that the moneys paid at each meeting should be sold to the highest bidder, as an advance to such bidder, upon his ultimate interest; that the company should wind up when each share under the workings of the associa tion should be worth S2OO, or when each member had purchased an advance on his stock. That any member ad vanced should give a note with a mort gage for the ultimate assumed value of his stock and assign his stock to the as sociation as collateral security; that each stockholder who got an advance should pay $1 extra on each advanced share, as interest; that for any default in the pay ment of dues, “as often as the same may be payable, he shall forfeit the ad ditional sum of 10 cents for every such failure, or for every dollar tints unpaid.” That if any shareholder should be in de fault for three months the association might proceed at law to collect the amount due from him. It was further provided, in' sttbstrrrriSe, that the sum to be collected was such a sum as at the rate of advances at the last monthly meeting would, if put up for sale, have brought to the company the same inter est the defaulter was paying (in no case to be less than the net amount received by him), together with all other pay ments, moneys and expenses due to the association by such stockholder : Held, that under these rules and regu lations the association is entitled to a judgment for such an amount as will place it in the same situation as though there had been no default, and that when such judgment is paid the de faulter is no longer such, but holds his stock ns a non-advanced member. 2. That this amount for each share is to be ascertained by deducting from S2OO —the ultimate assumed value—such a per cent, of the same, as advances, were sold or allotted to members at the last regular monthly meeting next before the judgment, and adding to this the dues on such share for each default up to such meeting, and any fines that may be due for such default, provided the fines be not so grossly in excess of the real loss by the default as to be penalties and not a fair measure of damages. The real damages to the association, caused by the failure of the defaulter to pay promptly his $2 per month on each share is measured by the interest the as sociation would have made on such two dollars, together with what it would have made by the sale of such $2 at the then rate, over above what it could now make by its sale at 23 per cent. 3. The law will not enforce the fines as such, because it is a settled rule that penalties agreed upon for a breach of contract are illegal. But, as in this case, the penalty of ten per cent, on the dollar, for each default, if fairly con strued, is assessable under the by-law but once for each default upon the regular dues for that month, and not ten per cent, upon the whole amount of the dues then unpaid, and as such a fine will be only slightly in excess of the real damages, we are'of the opinion that the fine fixed by the by-law, so con strued, is recoverable as stipulated damages. 4. In this case, the defendant had pur chased an advance on thirty shares. He was due to the association $49 on its books; how it does not appear. In Oc tober, 1872, he failed to pay his dues, and continued to fail. In November, 1873, the association agreed to wind up at $154, the then value of its stock, and has done no business since. At such last meeting the premium upon advances was 23 per cent, and the amount the plaintiffs were entitled to recover was as follows: S2OO less 23 percent $154 00 14 months dues, at $2 each 28 00 14 fines (10 per cent, on $2) 2 80 In all for each share $lB4 80 For thirty shares this will amount to : 30 times $lB4 80 or $5,544 00 To this add book account 49 00 And finest or that 4 90 The gross amount due $5,597 90 But as the association has quit busi ness, the defendant is entitled to a credit of the agreed value of his stock, to-wit : 39 shares at $154 per share, amounting to $46 20. So that the amount which the plaintiff is really entitled to recover is taking off this credit, only $977 90, with legal in terest from the date of the last regular meeting in November, 1873. Judgment reversed. Lanier & Anderson, for plaintiff in error. Nisbet, Bacon & Hines, for de fendant. A Bull Dog’s Mistake. A farmer near Detroit had a big bull dog which had “chawed” up several specimens of his kind, and had never yet met his match in the pit or on the road. The farmer was proud of his canine highness, and willing to wager his broad acres upon Bull’s mastership. Bull had a particular spite against stuck-up, pam pered city dogs, and all traveling curs that came his way. Those who knew him were careful to circle around the fields and strike the road again at a safe distance. Bull was the four-legged King of that highway. J. M. French’s wild animals went home to Detroit the other day, and French took them to his farm on that same road to Winter. A lively panther, in being transferred from one cage to another, broke loose from his keeper and ran. He took the road. He first look ed into a blacksmith shop and glared at the forge fire, and showed his teeth to the smith. The smith hurled a red hot horse shoe at him, at which the animal scampered off. The next sign of life on the road was the farmer’s house, for Bull evidently thought he had a soft thing in a despised city dog. He went over the fence with a bound and caught the panther. The farmer placidly watched the pro ceedings from his porch. It was a live ly fight—so lively that the combatants could not be seen through the cloud of dust they raised. The farmer became a little anxious. At length all was silent, and the dust blew away. There lay Bull, frightfully clawed and stone dead. He was pulled out of all dog shape.— The farmer saw the other dog trotting off unscratched, and thought it very strange. He soon knew all about it, though, when the menagerie men came looking for their pet. They succeeded in catching him a little way on. It would be interesting to know what Bull thought about two seconds after he had caught the panther. A Bridal Trip Without a Bbide.— Out in the town of Harrison, Calumet county, and about eleven miles from Menasha, a wedding occurred but a few weeks ago, the particulars of which we have just been told. The daughter of a prominent farmer was united in the holy bonds to a “knight of the plow and drill,” whose experience in the affairs of life had been sufficiently varied to post him on the “tricks of trade,” and, under all circumstances, allowed him to give “tit for tat.” Previous to the happy event arrangements were all made for a wedding tour of several days’ duration. In dae time the ceremony was per formed, and at a proper period the bride was conducted to her chamber and stowed away in the contemplated nuptial couch. The happy husband soon follow ed, and, having reached the door of the chamber which contained his bride, rapt gently, but listened in vain for the an ticipated welcome. He knocked again, more nervously than before, but still no answer was heard. He gently raised the latch; the door was locked. He called to the little mischief within, but she answered him not, and he was finally compelled to seek other quar ters. How he passed the night is not recorded. At an early hour in the morning the carriage which had been engaged for the wedding tour was driven to the door and our hero stole gently down stairs, entered the carriage, bade the driver apply the lash, and was soon out of sight. He did not return until after the lapse of ten days, during which he visited every place contem plated previous to his marriage. On his return he found his wife’s bed room open ! Yes, he did.— Menasha ( Wis.) Press. And now Bryant, the illustrious Skow heganite, talks of running for the May orality of Savannah,
