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USeeMa CbfmMe 4 Sentinel
010 SERIES—VOL Hill.
■EW SERIES—VOL XXXVIII.
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Address WALSH k WRIGHT,
Chronicle anti .Srofiml.
fftSDNESDAY. NOVEMBER 25,1874.
MINOR TOPICS.
Ka h day it becomes more ovideut that, with
the Jlejinblican party, it is neck or nothing.
They taunt swallow Grant, third term and all.
With hie pliant Cabinet and the immense pat
ronage at hie command, he has the intide track
on all rival*, Even if he should choose to step
down and out, he v.oil'll have the naming and
making of the next Kadical candidate for the
Presidency.
The cloning hours of the Oregon Legislature
seem to have been enlivened by scenes almoat
as interesting as those at the adjournment of
Boss Shepherd's legislative conclave. Some
body stole the marble slab on the Speaker's
desk, placed there to catch the gavel. A large
inkstand was also taken, and it is feared that
several members ruav have mistaken spittoons
for perquisites.
Jteiontlv a telegraph clerk in France re
fused to transmit a message in these wor Is:
"Third epistle of John, verses 13 and 14,” un
der the law which forbids the transmission of
dispatches not written in plaiu language. lie
ferouce to the text indicates that the dispatch
was merely an economy of words: "I have
many things to write, but I will not with ink
and pen write unto thee; but X trust I shall
shortly see thee, and we shall speak face to
face.”
The New York Herald says: “Gen. Grant
and Col. Mosby understand each other, and
when the despairing office seeker finds himself
shut out by a failure to pass the civil service
reform examiners let him ge home, make a pub
lic speech or two in favor of Gen. Grant for a
third term, and then return to the White
House and ask and ho will receive his appoint
ment. To Gen. Grant the third term may be a
delusion and a snare, but to Col. Mosby it ap
pears as profitable in its dividends as the
Credit Mobilier.”
Avery ingenious counterfeit five dollar bill,
purporting to be the issue of the First National
of Chicago, has boon detocted. The text and
signature of the bill are complete imitations
of the five dollar bills of the Tradors' National
of Chicago, with the words “ First National"
substituted. The general appearance of the
counterfeit is rather darker than the genuine
and the vignettes not so well finished. The
Treasury Heal is, to all appearances, perfect.
Altogether we have seldom seen a counterfeit
so well calculated to deceive the public.
Peru is just and gracious to its women. A
young lady desirous of entoring the law school
at Cuzco, an institution supported by the State,
wrote to the Government to inquire if her sex
were a bar to her admission. The Minister of
Justice promptly replied that all Peruvian citi
zens should enjoy equal rights; that women
woro considered by tlio law as on the same
footing with men, as far as the privileges to be
accorded by the Republic wore concerned: add
ing that it naH a matter of peculiar pleasure to
the Administration to improve the opportunity
of giving publicity to such a declaration.
The ladies of Washington are taking active
measures to aid tho Centennial movement. At
the toa party to be given in the rotundo of the
Capitol on December 16 the thirteen original
States are to be represented by thirteon tables,
presided over by ladies clothed in the costumcß
of 1776, and cups made of the pattern of those
used at tho table of Benjamin Franklin will be
sold as mementoes. Tho Centennial Committee,
with the wives and daughters of Congressmen,
will have the tea party in charge, atul poems
and addresses, with music, will form features
of the oceaaioH. Invitations are signed by the
committee, headed with tho name of Mrs.
President Grant.
Tho question now is, “Shall John Chinaman
vote ?" It lias been discovered in San Francis
co that the revised statutes of the last Con
gress have authorized the naturalization of the
Chinese, and any othor of tho adult males of
tho yellow races. The old law of 1802 declares
that “any alien, being a freo white person,”
may be admitted to become a citizen, Ac. In
1870 tho provision was extended to cover
“aliens of Afrioau nativity and persons of Afri
oan descent.” Tho revision uses tho words of
tho law of 1802, omitting “being a free white
person,” and inserts the law of 1870 about
Africans. It is claimed that the law, as now
standing, breaks down all barriers of race or
desoeut which California has hitherto success
fully opposed.
The Board of Managers of the New York
Cotton Exchange have adopted an amendment
to tho by-laws, absolutely prohibiting betting
among its members. The Floor Committee
are also instructed to enforce the rule. Tho
penalty is a fine not less than S3O and not over
SSOO, at the discretion of the Board. A repeti
tion of the offense ontailß suspension. There
was an urgent necessity for some such rule as
this. Tho floor of the Exchange, as well as
the lobbies, preceding aud during tho recent
election, was at times converted into a mere
gambling saloon, to the annoyance of people
doing regular busiuess. Other kinds of bet
ting as well as the political kii and, however, are
to be subject to the now arrangement.
Whether the officers of the Exchange have
the firmness to enforce it remains to be seen.
A curious superstition prevails on tho Isle of
Man. It is to the effect that children may be
preserved from the whooping cough by being
placed in the hopper of a mill. "Whooping
cough," says the Manx Times, “is at the pre
sent time exceedingly prevalent in the south of
the island, and recently a largo number of tho
children were taken to the Grenaby 31 ill. in
the parish of Malew, three miles from Castle
town, in order to be subjected to tho ‘charm.’
Two hoppers of the mill were crammed full of
children, and as soon as they were comfortably
aud safely settled, tho miller caused the wheel
to revolve three times, the parents of tho chil
dren being present at the time. In order to be
efficacious, the ceremony must be gone through
at a time when tho ministers of the district are
engaged in preaching in their pulpit. For this
reason about noon on Suudays is generally the
time chosen for the performance of this ca
rious rite.”
Soma industrious statistician pretends to
liavo discovered that the average weight of all
hnmanitv is a round hundred pounds. In this
computation is included men and women, boys
and girls and babies of all nations, kindreds,
tongues and peoples. The same indefatigable
cipherer finds out that the average weight of
boys at birth is a Uttle more than seven pounds
and of girls a Uttle less. There is very Uttle
difference in the weight of the sexes until the
twentieth year is passed, and then the boys
begin to preponderate and take the lead. —
Young men of 20 average 135 pounds, and
voung women 110. Men are heaviest at 40
years—sav 140 pounds avoirdupois. Women
increase in weight until 50, when they puU
down 130. But bodily weight has nothing to
do with the woman question in any of its bear
ings. The relative merits of beauty and the
beast will be decided by another standard.
The matter of meat involved in these figures
is entirely foreign to the real weight of men
and women.
It was at WUUamsviUe. lowa, that six young
men recently went out to serenade the belle of
the town. They had practiced for weeks on the
violin, the flute, the majestic guitar, the soul
stirring accord eon, and the plaintive banjo.
They waited until late at night, so that the fair
one might be wrapped in dreams when the
sound of their music should break upon her
ear. When they reached the house, the hour
'Wing late, they were tired, and they dis
coursed their concord of sweet sounds while
Sitting on the sidewalk with their feet in the
gutter. They played until flowers were thrown
to them from the window, and they then un
dertook to rise and go jhomeward. Curiously
enough, no man rose up: bat each looked at
his neighbor with a countenance of silent hor
ror. Then one by one they broke into sub
dued blasphemy, and presently a sound of
rending garments was heard, and the young
men fled madly away. Next morning those
who passed that nay beheld the wrecks of six
pairs of trowsers adhering to the sidewalk, and
felt anew respect for the inventor of tar
pavements.
THE BOOUB BONDS AND A CON
STITUTIONAL CONTENTION.
Last Saturday we published the pre
sentments of the grand jury of Lincoln
i county on the subject of the bogus
j bonds and a Constitutional Convention.
! The grand jury of Lincoln opposes the
| recognition, in any shape or form, di
| rectly or indirectly, of the fraudulent
bonds issued or endorsed by Bullock,
and they favor the holding of a Con
stitutional Convention. They instruct
their Representative and Senator in the
Legislature to vote for a Convention.
The grand jnry of Lincoln is right in
joining these two important propo
sitions together. The fate of one neces
sarily and inevitably involves the fate of
the other. If a Convention is held the
bonds will be gotten rid of forever. If
the Convention is not held the bonds
will eventually be paid, either in whole
or in part.
There is bnt one effectual bar to the
operations of the Ring—that is a
constitutional inhibition against the
payment or recognition, under any
consideration, directly or indirectly,
in whole or in part, of any of the bonds
issued or endorsed by Rufus B. Bul
lock, and which were declared invalid by
the Legislature of 1871-’72. When such an
inhibition becomes a part of the organic
law of the State then the people may
feel safe, and not until then. Any
proposition looking to the payment of
these spurious obligations or to a com
promise with their holders must then
run the gauntlet of a popular vote and
can easily be defeated. Any other
scheme of settlement will prove imper
fect and unavailing and will leave the
State constantly exposed to the assaults
of the Ring. It would be better to nego
tiate a compromise at once with Clews,
Russell Saoe and Company than to
have such a sword suspended above
the heads of the people. Payment
might be defeated or deferred for ten or
fifteen years and then perhaps a Legisla
ture could be induced to recognize this
mass of fraudulent indebtedness, to
gether with its immense accumulations
of interest. We must have done with it
at once and forever.
There are bnt two ways in which a
constitutional inhibition can be secured:
by legislative amendment of the organic
law, or by the adoption of anew or
ganic law by a free parliament of the
people. The futility of the first method
has just been strikingly demonstrated.
Two years and a half have elapsed since
the Legislature of 1872 discovered and
exposed these frauds, and declared that
they should not be binding upon the
State, yet to-day nothing stands between
their recognition save a simple act of the
General Assembly. A constitutional
amendment prohibiting the payment of
the bonds which had been disowned was
proposed in the same Legislature which
had declared them invalid, and was lost
for want of the time necessary to get it
through both Houses. The prolonga
tion of the session for a week, at a cost
of seven or eight thousand dollars,
would have enabled the first step to
be taken towards the repudiation
of as many millions. But this
was not done, and there was an
adjournment without action. When
the Legislature of 1873-74 met the
Ring had rallied in such force that its
power was at first thought formidable.
Taking advantage of the depletion of
the treasury occasioned by the thefts of
Bullock and his accomplices, they en
deavored to force a “compromise” by
promises of immediate and liberal relief
if accepted, and by threats of financial
ruin if rejected. In some way they
managed to have their claims sup
ported by a number of the journals of
the State and endorsed by several dis
tinguished citizens. In the effort to
crush this iniquitous scheme every other
consideration was lost sight of and for
gotten. The newspapers which had not
been deceived by the promises oralarmed
by the threats of the Ring fought the
proposition vigorously and effectively.
The people wero everywhere aroused to
a sense of their danger. Some of the
public men discovered their mistake
and retracted their steps. Appeals were
made to the Legislature not to sacrifice
their constituents to the cormorants of
Wall street. That body—composed in the
main of honest and true men—de
clined to act upon the compromise. It
adjourned without yielding to the in
solent demands of the Ring; and it ad
journed also without adopting an amend
ment to the Constitution which would
prevent a renewal of these demands. At
tho next session an amendment was of
fered and adopted apparently without
investigation or discussion, and a few
weeks ago it was discovered that if Henry
Clews’ own attorney had drawn the bill
it could not have suited the bondholders
better. Through the most egregious
negligence the amendment did not in
clude a single one of the many millions
of fraudulently endorsed bonds which
were left open for payment whenever a
Legislature could be properly manipu
lated for the purpose. The next Legis
lature cannot amend this amendment.
The work must be commenced dc novo.
The cmendmentjto be adopted by the Leg
islature just elected must also be passed
by the General Assembly to be elected
two years hence e’er it can come be
fore the people for final ratification.
There is too much at stake to risk a fur
ther delay of more than two years and
another election. The recognition and
payment of these fraudulent obligations
would come very near bankrupting the
State and would certainly cause the im
position of heavy aud burdensome taxa
tion, which would depress and crush
every species of industry and injure
every class of population. We cannot
afford to even risk such a direful con
tingency. We mast have speedy ac
tion. Our only hope lies in the as
sembling of a Constitutional Convention.
Such a body can decide the question at
once, and from its decision when ratified
by the people there can be no appeal,
save to the people. Abandoning all
minor issues let our people unite in the
advocacy of this great measure. In its
success all of us—Republicans and
Democrats, white men and black men—
are vitally interested. The most ac
ceptable boon which the Legislature
can present to its constituents is a bill
permitting them to vote for or against a
Constitutional Convention.
It is announced that General Grant
has no idea of acceding to the request of ’
the people of Louisiana, to have Mkr
xiili, and his marauders removed. On
the contrary, it seems highly probable
that the number of troops in Louisiana
and all the other Southern States will be
augmented- The policy of the Admin
istration is to force a third term in 1876
by means of disturbances in the Sonth,
and we may depend upon it that nothing
will be left nndone tending to the ac
complishment of this nefarious pur
pose.
Our Concord Philosopher Ralph
Waldo Emerson though defeated,
made a very handsome race against the
Prime Minister of England for the Rec
torship of the University of Glasgow.
The objection of the Tory students to
Mr. Emerson —that he is a foreigner—is
a singular one. We had thought that
there were no nationalities in literature.
THE BOGUS BONDS.
“The failure of the States of Georgia
and Alabama to meet their liabilities as
principals or as guarantors has been al
most fatal to State credit. The German
cannot see how a State of the wealth of
those States, and with powers of taxa
tion, can fail to pay its liabilities. He
fails to realize the shock of war that has
so paralyzed energy and profitable pro
duction in those regions. Fortunately,
however, for the convenience and credit
of the States, they are, with few excep
tions, borrowers abroad.”— Philadel
phia Inquirer.
The State of Georgia has never failed
to meet a single liability and her credit
is as good to-day as that of almost any
State in the Union. Those who think
that her credit has sustained any injury
have only to examine the financial col
umns of a New York or Georgia paper
and look at the quotations of State
bonds. The State of Georgia refused
to recognize bonds which had been
issued without authority of law and the
invalidity of which was clearly shown by a
careful and protracted investigation; but
this is kll she has done. She has never
refused to pay a single just claim except
those which she was compelled to re
pudiate in 1865 at the bidding of the
United States Congress.
THE HERALD’S HOAX.
Man is certainly the most credulous
of all animals. A few days since the
New York ller.ald contained a seven
column account, garnished with appro
priate headings, of the escape of the
wild beasts from the Zoological Gardens
in Central Park and the fearful slaugh
ter done by them in the streets of the
city. Among the killed was General
Butler; among the wounded was John
Morrissey. Governor Dix was repre
sented as shooting down the ferocious
Bengal tiger. The whole thing was
absurd upon its very face. The incidents
were improper in the extreme; and to
prevent any probability of deception
the writer concluded the article by
stating that there was not a word of truth
in what had been written ; that it was
only a hoax, intended to show what
might take place unless more care was
taken to prevent the escape of the Cen
tral Park monsters. One would have
thought that with this moral appended
no man outside of an idiotic asylum
would have been deceived. No one
would have imagined that the people of
New York themselves would have swal
lowed such a story. Strange to say it
was in New York only that the hoax
proved a success. There the news-boys
cried the “awful news from Central
Park.” The people bought the paper,
read only the head lines, and went wild
with terror. Especially was this the case
with those whose children or other rela
tives had gone to the Park. One lady
declares that she paid a hack driver $25
to take her home in twenty minutes,
that she might be assured of the safety
of her darlings. Others rushed
frantically to their houses and
barred tho doors and windows in
order to keep out the rhinoceros,
the African lion and the boa-constrictor.
When they were at last convinced that
they had been the victims of a sell
fear gave place to indignation, and the
Herald has paid dearly for its unlucky
joke. The columns of its rivals have
teemed with angry letters from “the
people.” “Outraged Women” “Wife
and Mother” and indignant “Citizen”
have heaped upon it such adjectives as
disgraceful, diabolical, shameful, atro
cious, cold-blooded, heartless, demo
niacal, etc.; the District Attorney has
been consulted to know whether Mr.
James Gordon Bennett may not be sub
jected to a criminal prosecution and
holds the matter under advisement; and
Mr. Thomas Nast has made Mr. Ben
nett the subject of a caricature in Har
per's Weekly, representing him as the
Man who Laughs, with the legend: “Hur
rah boys! Csesarism’s dead. Turn the
animals in Central Park loose. Lets
give ’em hell.” All of which goes to
show that newspaper jokes don’t pay. A
good one isn’t seen, and a poor one
overwhelms you with an avalanche of
inquiries or abuse. If we have received
one letter making anxious inquiry for
Mr. Hyack Bellyminger, Soap Floating
Springs, Florida, and his condemned
Asiatic Orange Cotton we have gotten
at least a basketful. We solemnly warn
our youthful cotemporary, the Herald,
to eschew hoaxes as it would poison, or
au afternoon siesta under the upas tree.
REPUBLICAN HOPES.
The Republican party has just sus
tained a crushing defeat. The Demo
cracy have gained a brilliant victory,
which, if properly followed up, will
enable them to complete the overthrow
of the enemy two years bence, and to
wrest the government of the country
from a faction which has had unbroken
control of it for the past fifteen years.
The Republicans themselves feel the full
force of their disaster and they recog
nize its legitimate sequel. They have
confessedly but one hope of averting the
final consummation of their ruin. That
hope is based upon the anticipated stu
pidity and folly of their opponents.—
They hope that the mistakes committed
by the Democratic House of Represen
tatives and by the Democratic party
throughout the country between -this
time and 1876 will enable them to re
cover their lost ground and turn defeat
into victory. Thus warned the Demo
crats will be very foolish if they allow the
fruits of their conquests to be snatched
from them by means of their own impru
dence. They must not be over-elated
or intoxicated by success. On the con
trary, they must be more guarded and
prudent than ever. There must be
neither intemperance of action or
speech. The enemy’s scheme is to pro
voke the Democrats—especially those of
the South—into doing cr saying some
thing which can be used to their disad
vantage. They should be disappointed.
The Southern people must not suffer
themselves to be provoked to their de
triment. They must submit to odious
laws, animated by the hope of their
speedy repeal. The Radicals expect to
see the Democrats stranded on the rock
of finance; to see the party divided and
disintegrated by the opposing theories
of inflation and specie payments; to hear
inflammatory speeches upon the floor of
the next House which they can exhibit
to the North as evidences of anew re
bellion. We must give them no such
advantages over ns. It will be time
enough to quarrel over the character and
quantity of the circulating medium when
the lives and liberties of the people have
been secured from danger; it will be
time enough to adopt a system of finance
when we have a majority in both
branches of Congress and a President
who will not kill it with his veto. It will be
time enough for the fiery and untamed
orators to explode their rhetorical pyro
technics when there is no danger of in
juring friends by this species of
amusement. Party spirit mnst be kept
up. Party discipline must be maintain
ed at every hazard. Unity of purpose
and action most be preserved at every
sacrifice. The game is now in our own
hands, to win or loose as we may deem
fit. We know what the enemy expects
of us, and if we play into his hands we
shall commit an act of folly for which
we shall not only sustain but deserve
defeat If the Republican party is not
put out of power in 1876 and the Gov-
AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 25, 1874.
ernment placed in the hands of the De
mocracy, we shall have only ourselves
to blame.
A THIRD TERM.
General Grant has not, by any means,
given up the idea of a third term. On
the contrary, he seems to be intriguing
for it as energetically as if the recent
elections were really the good hope
which he pretends to think them. The
Washington correspondent of the Louis
ville Courier-Journal declares that the
difficulty of managing the President is
now the great concern of the Republi
can managers. So far from abandoning
the third term idea, he clings to it more
firmly than ever. It was only the other
day that, in conversation on the subject,
he declared that no one could foresee
what would happen in the next two
years; that the White Leagues might be
making war on the Government, and
thus make his re-election a necessity.
Believing, as he evidently does, that his
only pathway to power lies through sec
tional conflict, he will, of course, do all
he can to bring it about by his oppres
sions of the South, as he has just done
in the late canvass.
If this be the President’s policy the
result will show to him that it will not
win. There are no White Leagues in
the South except in Louisiana, and they
have shown very conclusively that they
entertain no hostility to the Government
or the negro, and were only organized
to protect the people against thieves and
usurpers. Neither will General Grant
be able to bring on any sectional con
flict. The people of the South desire
none, aud will have none. They will
submit to bad laws, cruelly and rigidly
enforced, knowing that the day of their
deliverance is near at hand.
THE SPEAKERSHIP OF THE
HOUSE.
The election for Speaker of the
House of Representatives of the Forty
fourth Congress will not, in all proba
bility, take place until a year from next
December. Some of the newspapers are
already discussing the qualifications of
the different candidates whose friends
have placed them in nomination for the
position. Among the gentlemen whose
names have been proposed are Messrs.
Fernando Wood, of New York; N. P.
Banks, of Massachusetts; D. W. Vor
hees, M. C. Kerr and W. S. Holman,
of Indiana. The friends of Mr. Wood
think he has some claims upon the
honor because he was the Democratic
nominee last year against Mr. Blaine.
While conceding that Mr. Wood has
been an able and consistent Democrat,
and has rendered valuable assistance to
the party, we do not see that his be
ing an unsuccessful candidate for Speaker
of the Forty-third Congress entitles
him to the Speakership of the Forty
fourth. He doubtless knew very well
that his nomination was simply a com
pliment and if there could have been
any mortification in defeat under
such circumstances it was amply
compensated by the position upon
the Ways and Means Committee which
he would not have obtained but for his
candidacy. There are also reports con
cerning Mr. Wood and the salary grab
which, if true, would not render it de
sirable that he should be the candi
date of the Democracy. The same ob
jection, it is saia, applies to air. -roii
hees. Mr. Banks claims to be an inde
pendent and though acting with the
Democrats will hardly expect them to
make him their standard bearer. Of
those mentioned, Mr. Kerr seems to us
the best and most available man. He is
an old and experienced member, and a
man of very decided talent. He has
been the unwavering friend of the
South, and is popular with the South
ern people. His hard-money views,
though financial theories should not be
made a test in such an election, will win
him the support of the North and East.
The West seems entitled to tho position
and we hope that it will be given to some
man from that section. The South has
two members, either of whom would do
honor to the office—we allude to
Messrs. Stephens, of Georgia, and La
mar, of Mississippi—but we presume
that neither of these desire the Speaker
ship, nor would their physical infirmi
ties allow them to discharge its arduous
duties. However, the election is a year
off, and we do not think that the Demo
crats will experience any difficulty in
selecting a suitable candidate from the
ranks of their party.
THE CIVIL RIGHTS BILL,
Congress failed at its last session to
pass the Civil Rights bill because it
reached the House of Representatives
at so late a day that it required a two
thirds majority td take it from the
Speaker’s table and put it upon its pass
age. This vote the Republicans were
unable to command, and hence the bill
was not sent to the President. It went
over, we believe, as unfinished business
and will come up at an early day in the
next session. The question now is,
first : what will the Radicals do with it?
and, second, in the event that it does
become a law what should be the policy
of the Democratic party ?
There can be no doubt that the Re
publicans have the power to pass the
bill. It was carried in the Senat9
by an overwhelming majority. Every
vote in the House on the motion to
suspend the rules, so as to take it from
the table, showed a large—almost a two
thirds—majority in its favor. The com
plexion of the two houses has not been
changed. The recently elected mem
bers will not take their seats until De
cember, 1875. Unquestionably, then, if
they have the inclination to do so, the
Republicans can pass the bill within two
weeks after the commencement of the
next session. The question then arises,
will tho President give it bis sanction,
or will ho interpose a veto in order to
prevent it from going upon the statute
book? We have never believed that
the President would refuse to give it his
approval. We did not see how he could
veto a measure which he had persistent
ly recommended to Congress, nor
did we think that he would op
pose the almost unanimous Republican
vote upon a strictly party question,
knowing the peculiar views which he
has repeatedly expressed upon the
exercise of the veto power. Af
ter the recent disaster which his party
has sustained we certainly do not think
he will attempt to thwart any plan which
the leaders of that party may adopt for
the purpose of retreiving its shattered
fortunes. If, however, contrary to these
expectations he should think proper to
refuse his signature to the bill, there is
a Republican majority in the House and
in the Senate large enough to over-ride
the veto. A few members in the House
kicked over the traces when this meas
ure cam, up last Summer, bnt the pres
ent danger is so great as to prevent
any divisions this Winter, and the crack
of the party whip will be promptly and
cheerfully obeyed. There is, then, no
doubt as to the power of the Republi
cans to pass this obnoxious measure;
but will they think it good policy to
force it upon the people ?
We believe that they will. Their
party has jnst sustained a crushing re
verse. The popular verdict has been
I against them. They must either recover
their lost ground in the next election, or
else every department of government,
save the judicial, will be wrested from
their control. A passive policy will not
answer their purposes. If they do noth
ing their defeat in 1876 is inevitable.
They are compelled to act and to act
promptly. They must assume the ag
gressive and throw their enemies upon
the defensive. Their hope is in the
South. The Northern people have
grown incredulous concerning Kn-Klux
and White League outrages. They are
beginning to believe that the South
ern people are not the barbarians
and ruffians which they have been repre
sented. They have commenced to think
that the war is over, and that the whole
country will thrive better by the adop
tion of a just and liberal policy towards
the section “lately in rebellion.” The
policy of the Republicans is to destroy
this belief —to convince them that in the
perpetuation of the power of that party
lies the only safety of the life and prop
erty of the negro, the only hspe for the
preservation of the Union. f Fictitious
outrages will not answer ; "they wish
something real. Their policy is to force
the Southern people into outbreaks, into
resistance to the laws. The Civil Rights
bill enacted a law they think will accom
plish their purpose. They know how
revolting and abhorrent its features are
to the Southern people. They know
what mischief it would everywhere occa
sion. They wish resistance offered to
the enforcement of its provisions in or
der that the Republican party may go
into the next campaign upon a war
platform. They wish to proclaim anew
rebellion and array under their banner
the loyal masses of the country. They
wish to retain power by exciting the
fears of the people for the safety of the
Union. We shall not be at all surprised
if they determine to use the Civil Rights
bill for the accomplishment of their
purposes. We shall not be at all sur
prised if that bill becomes a law, either
with or without the President’s consent,
before the fourth of March ? Should
it become a law, what will be the duty
of the Southern people? Shall they,
knowing the game, play into the hands
of their enemies ? or shall they attempt
to defeat their machinations ? We
think they should refuse to be caught
in the snare laid for them—that they
should not enter a trap so poorly con
cealed. If the bill becomes a law its
enforcement should not be resisted, save
iu a legal manner. There should be no
outbreaks, no violence. Let us fight it
as three-quarters of a century ago the
Democracy of the Union fought the in
famous alien and sedition laws. Let us
fight it in the Courts and at thattribunal
even higher than the Courts, the ballot
box. But let no other species of war be
waged upon it. We know that even if
the Courts should fail to declare it un
constitutional a Democratic Senate and
a Democratic House and a Democratic
President will hasten to blot it from the
statute book. Our indignation should
be concentrated upon the authors of the
wrong and all our efforts should be di
rected toward hurling them from power.
By the adoption of such a policy we can
turn the enemy’s guns upon their own
ranks and they will fall victims to the
artifice which was designed for our de
struction.
THE EXPORT TRADE OF CHARLES
TON.
The News and Courier, of Monday,
mak es a detailed and very gratifying ex
hibit of the increase in the export trade
of Charleston. During the heaviest
week of 1866 the exports of cotton were
as follows :
Sea Island 440
Upland 6,952
Total 7,392
For the week ending November 13th,
1874, the exports of cotton were as fol
lows :
Sea Island 493
Upland 34,149
.Total 34,642
This shows an increase of twenty
seven thousand bales, which is a very
heavy gain even after making every al
lowance for the difference in the crops
of the two years. We are glad to note
the prosperity of Charleston, and hope
soon to see her as wealthy and as
thriving as any of the cities of the
South. Her merchants stand among the
first in the country, her commercial fa
cilities are great and are used to advan
tage, and there is no reason why she
should not prosper.
The Supreme Court has squelched the
Street Railway Company of Macon.
When the corporation was apparently on
its last legs the City Council and the
citizens came to the rescue and consented
to endorse its bonds to the amount, we
believe, of twenty thousand dollars.
But some of the flinty-hearted tax payers
opposed this loan of credit and carried
the case to the Supreme Court. That
tribunal has decided that the City Coun
cil has no authority to make the en
dorsement, the proprietor of a stable
has levied on the horses of the company
“for their feed,” the cars have stopped
running and the corporation is appar
ently “busted.” We are sorry that the
road has failed, but when the legitimate
business of a company fails to pay its
expenses it is useless to attempt to keep
it up by public contributions.
The Savannah News figures it out in
this way : The great Democratic States
of the Union are conspicuously shown in
their choice of members of Congress.
For instance, we will give a few of them:
Dem. Bep.
Georgia 9
Texas 6
Kentucky 9
Missouri 11 2
Tennessee 7 2
0hi0... 13 7
Indiana 8 5
Totals 63 16
Democratic majority, 47. All Western
and Southwestern States ! All needing
more money, and determined to have it!
The Savannah Advertiser says that
the recent Congressional election cost
Chatham county nearly nine hundred
dollars. When it is remembered that
four elections occur this year in the
cities it is easy seen that the elective
franchise is rapidly becoming a costly
luxury. Among the items in the Chat
ham bill of expenses is one for one hun
dred and fifty meals. There were a good
many officials on the ground, or else
those present must have eat like boa
constrictors after a twelve months’ fast.
Spain has settled with England on ac
count of the massacre of the English
men who were among the crew of the
Virginius. Now that England has
shown that there is no danger in de
manding justice at the hands of the
Madrid Government perhaps the Wash
ington Administration will display a
little more vigor in its negotiations with
Spain. The blood of the murdered Fry
and his brave comrades still calls to
Heaven for vengeance upon Burrikl
and his band of butchers.
St. Louis is now trying two notable
experiments in the street-car line—the
fireless engine and the two-story car.
The last Democratic Speaker of the
House of Representatives was the late
Jas. L. Orr, of South Carolina, who be
came reconstructed aud succeeded Gov
ernor Curtin as Minister to Russia,
THE LOUISIANA QUESTION.
A Final Letter from Mr. George Tick
nor Curtis—He Differs Materially
from Mr. Reverdy Johnson—Presi
dent Grant’s False Position—The Ex
ecutive Not Bound to Acknowledge
Kellogg in 1874.
New Nork, November 10, 1874.
To the Editor of the Herald :
When, a few weeks ago, I responded
to your request to give my views of the
action in the Louisiana cae, I did not
write with any purpose of controversy
with Mr. Reverdy Johnson or any one
else. I formed my opinions upon the
historical facts and upon constitutional
principles which I supposed to be set
tled. I had not then attentively read
Mr. Johnson’s first letter; but, upon a re
examination of his view of the Presi
dent’s course, I am constrained to ad
here to my own opinion, as expressed in
my letter of October 12. Ido so with
the utmost re-pect for Mr. Johnson, for
whom I have the strongest personal re
gard, dating back for a period of twen
ty years.
I do not know that the further con
tinuance of this discussion, so far as I
am concerned in it, can be very profit
able to your readers, and I propose,
therefore, to leave it with a brief restate
ment of my position. Mr. Johnson
concedes that the President’s original
act in enforcing Judge Dure'l’s decrees
in 1872, by the operation of which Kel
logg became the de facto Governor of
Louisiana, was illegal; but he considers
that when this de facto Governor, who
had no legqj title to the office, applied
to the President, in 1873 and again in
1874, to be protected aDd maintained in
the office by the power of the United
States, the President had only to con
sider that ho was the actual Governor.
There is just where I have the misfor
tune to differ from my excellent and dis
tinguished friend. As I understand the
President’s constitutional duty, when
applications of this kind are made to
him, he is bound to do two things; first,
to receive the application and consider
it; second, to decide whether the per
son making the application is the lawful
Governor of the State. In ordinary
cases, and probably in all that are with
in the intent of the Constitution, this
latter inquiry will require no investiga
tion and cause no delay; but it is always
to be presumed that the decision that
the applicant is lawfully entitled to hold
the office is involved in the considera
tion of his prayer, for it is clear that the
Constitution never intended that any
one who was not lawfully entitled to
hold the office should have the aid .of
the United States to maintain him in it.
This, however, was no ordinary case. It
was the case of a person who had be
come de facto Governoi through an un
lawful act performed by the very Presi
dent to whom he applied for further
forcible interference to enable him to
keep possession; and if lam right in
my proposition that the constitutional
duty of the President, when an applica
tion is made to him for the protection of
the guarantee pledged by the Constitu
tion, is to decide on tho legality of that
person’s title, then I am right in saying
that President Grant was bound to know
officially in 1873 and 1874 that Mr. Kel
logg was not the lawful Governor of
Louisiana, and therefore could not have
the aid he asked for.
definite language of the constitu
tion.
Why, then, do I say that the Presi
dent must always decide that the person
applying as Governor is the lawful Gov
ernor of the State? I assert it first
upon principle; secondly upon prece
dent. Upon principle it seems to me
impossible to suppose that when the
Constitution speaks of the Legislature
of a State (when in session), or of the
Governor when the Legislature is not in
session, as the organ by which the State
is to apply to the United States to be
guaranteed against domestic violence, it
means anything but the dejure Legisla
ture or the de jure Governor. And in
this respect this constitutional duty dif
fers widely from the practice that pre-
:i„ Kotnmo- recognition
of de facto governments. That inter
national practice is to recognize as the
organ of the foreign State any power
that seems for the time being to have
control of the State. It is not a prac
tice that is governed by fixed rules,
which confine the recognition to any
particular organ known to the law of
the foreign State as previously under
stood. The organ may be one utterly
revolutionary and unknown to all the
previous laws and traditions of the
foreign State, and yet if it practically
wields the political power of that State
it may be recognized and dealt with
by other nations as the representa
tive of the foreign State. It is not
so that the guarantee clause of our
Federal Constitution deals with the
States of this Union. It uses definite
terms known to our republican forms of
government and to our constitutional
law. It names the organs through whom
the State is to apply for protection
against domestic violence, and conse
quently, by a familiar rule of interpre
tation, it excludes all other organs.—
They are the Legislature aud the Gov
ernor, and they are the lawful Legisla
ture and the lawful Governor, because
any other bodies, although assuming
those official names, are just as much
excluded as if thejucalled themselves a
Directory, or a Council of Five Hun
dred, or a Committee of Vigilance.
Their right to be regarded as the organs
of the State, for the purpose of obtain
ing this constitutional guarantee, does
not depend upon their present actual
control of the State, but it depends
upon their being the Legislature and
the Governor; functionaries known to
our Republican system, and incapable
of existing in point of law excepting
when they exist lawfully. For this rea
son, and also for others that I have not
space to detail, I think that the interna
tional recognition of foreign de facto
governments affords no analogy that will
assist us in determining how this con
stitutional duty of the United States to
ward the several States of this Union is
to be discharged.
THE RHODE ISLAND CASE REVIEWED.
As to the precedent, I understand the
Rhode Island case to have decided that
the President’s duty requires time to
consider the legal title of a Governor be
fore he responds to an application to be
protected against an insurrection. Liv
ing at the time of this occurrence in the
neighboring State of Massachusetts, I
naturally took a strong interest in the
questions which it involved; and four
years before those questions came be
fore the Supreme Court I made myself
thoroughly acquainted with the facts. I
recollect them as if they had occurred
last week, but I speak now from the
record as well as from memory. Gov
ernor King was Governor of the State
under the charter. Thomas W. Dorr
claimed to be Governor under a Consti
tution which was (erroneously) alleged
to have been regularly adopted by the
people. Both governments were organ
ized; both had forces in the field; each
was as ranch a de facto government as
the other, for the people were about
equally divided iu their adherence to
them. The charter government, however,
was regarded out of the State, and by the
President, as the “existing” govern
ment, in the sense of being tae one
against which the other was in insurrec
tion. Now, did President Tyler receive
and act upon Governor King’s applica
tion to the President to put down an in
surrection simply upc n the ground that
Governor King was the existing or ac
tual Governor ? Certainly not. He de
cided that the existing Governor was
also the lawful Governor, because the
pretended Constitution had not been so
initiated and adopted as to displace the
charter as the fundamental law of the
State. And when this matter after
ward came before the Supreme Court of
the United States, Mr. Webster asserted
in the strongest and plainest terms that
the lawfulness oi the recognized gov
ernment was involved in the President’s
decision. He said:
“These constitutional and legal provis
ions make it the indispensable duty of
the President to decide, in cases of com
motion, which is the lawful government
of the State. He cannot avoid such de
cisions. And in this case he decided,
of course, that the existing government,
the charter government, was the right
ful government. He could not possibly
have decided otherwise.”
Chief Justice Taney, in pronouncing
the opinion of the Court, evidently took
the same view of the President’s duty,
for he said : “He (the President) is to
act upon the application of the Legisla
ture or of the Executive, and conse
quently he must determine what body
of men constitute the Legislature and
who is the Governor before he can act.
The fact that both parties claim the
right to the government cannot alter the
case, for both cannot be entitled to it.—
If there is armed conflict, like the one of
which we are speaking, it is a case of
domestic violence, and one of the parties
most be in insurrection against the law-
ful government. And the President must
of necessity decide which is the govern
ment and which is unlawfully arraved
against it before he can perform the
duty imposed upon him by the act of
Congress.” Does this language, which
I have italicized in some places in order
to show its meaning, read as if the Chief
Justice understood that the President is
only to inquire for a de facto govern
ment ? If that is true, he might in such
a case as that of which the Chief Justice
was speaking, recognize either of the
two contending governments that were
en ff a S e< l a t the moment ia an armed
conflict.
Indeed, Mr. Editor, until this discus
sion arose I never heard it suggested
that the lawfulness of the applying gov
ernment is not involved iu the Presi
dent’s action, or that it is not his duty
to consider it before he acts. It was
the very turning point on which the
Rhode Island case was disposed of, and
on principle it should be, in my opin
ion, the turning point iu every case. I
must, therefore, reaffirm my position
that the President, having, by liis own
unlawful act, made Kellogg the de facto
Governor iu 1872, was not at liberty to
recognize him in 1873 aud 1874 ns en
titled to be maintained in the office by
the power of the United States, in dis
regard of the notorious fact that he was
never elected to the office. Your obe
dient servant, Geo. Ticknor Curtis.
LOUISIANA AND A THIRD TERM.
Editors Chronicle and Sentinel :
The following views recently express
ed by Vice-President Wilson—the po
litical and personal friend of General
Grant—may enable apologisers of the
Louisiana despotism and third term as
pirations to distinguish the real from
the “side issues” of the late political
contest, and determine wliat was the
true cause of the revolution that makes
the representative branch of the Forty
fourth Congress overwhelmingly Demo
cratic:
“I don’t think that either party in
Louisiana was right or entitled to the
government. I’ll not assert whether
there should have been anew election or
not, or what was the right course to
take, but there is no doubt that the
matter has been a very heavy burden to
the party. Another cause of defeat was
the third term question, which had far
more to do with the result of the elec
tions than a good many people suppose.
* * * *
“The idea was opposed to the preju
dices—and the just convictions, too—
wishes, feelings and interests of tlie
great mass of the people, and it is no
wonder that they have thoroughly put
it down. These elections have settled
the third term question for the next
hundred years.” Democrat.
“I’LL TAKE ITi”
Heavy Betting in New York on tlie
Elections—Jolin Morrissey’s Gains
and Losses.
[From tho New York Sun.]
Some of the betting before the election
was solely for political effect. The late
John Morrissey, for example, tried to
bluff the friends of Jones in Johnson’s
pool rooms by a bet of SI,OOO even, that
Hayes would carry the city by 10,000
majority. He was astonished to find a
taker in the person of Tom Ferris, who
desired to invest some more money in
the same way. Sheridan Shook bet right
aud left on Dix, some say over $25,000,
but this great loss was made up to him
by his winnings on Jones, whom he
backed heavily from the first, and on
Archibaldi M. Bliss, who was elected in
Williamsburg. He caught John Mor
rissey heavily on Hayes, but the latter
came out about even, his losses being
made up by his winnings on Tilden and
Wickham. James McConnell, who has
the inside track for the Clerkship of the
Assembly this year, went blind on
Hayes, but as he was also on Tilden he
uuo unscathed. in t . heavy
betters in the pools were Jas. McCloud,
James Kelly (who is said to have cleared
$30,000), Edward Kearney, John Kenna,
Thomas Lynch, John McCormack, the
horseman, Charles Reed, Wm. Walsh
and Reed, the partner of Morrissey iu
the pool business. *
The pool room proprietors made splen
did profits. Iu Johnson’s pool rooms
the box pools aggregated over $300,000,
which, at 2} per cent, commission, gave
him $7,500. In addition to this, lie sold
6,416 French pool tickets, which netted
him, at 25 cents each, over $1,600. John
Chamberlin, whose rooms are not so
spacious, did a rushing business, but
realized small profits. The winners
quietly entered Johnson’s yesterday
morning to have their tickets cashed.
The redemption of tickets was begun at
10 o’clock, and Mr. Johnson and his
clerks were kept hard at work until 1, p.
m. Then Mr. Johnson went to the
races. The French pools on Tilden and
Dix amounted to $105,000; on Hayes and
Jones, $95,000; on Wickham, Wales and
Ottendorfor, SIO,OOO. on members of
Congress from the city, $30,000; on va
rious majorities for Hayes, $25,000; and
on Jones’ majorities, $25,000.
Thirty Years in a Cave.
In the wilderness eight miles north
west of Dingham’s Ferry, Pike county,
Pennsylvania, underneath a huge rock
in a small cave, six by eight feet, has
lived for upwards of thirty years a hu
man being named Austin Sheldon. He
was born in Wales, and emigrated to this
country in 1840. When he landed in
New York, he had a small sum of mo
ney, with which he came afoot to Pike
county and purchased a single acre of
wild, uncultivated scrub oak land, sit
uated in Lahman township, amid a
dense and dismal forest, several miles
from any habitation.
At the western end of this small strip
of land is a small cave only about six by
eight feet. Iu this cave, without any al
teration or improvements, this hermit
has for thirty years made his home.
The hermit is nearly seventy years of
age. His face has not been shaven for
forty years. The sides of his face, and
chin and neck, are covered with coarse
gray hair, while his beard is several feet
in length, and white as snow. He wears
the same suit of clothes he wore twenty
years ago, which are so badly rent as to
render it necessary to fasten them to
gether by means of twisted hickory
withes. He never works, and unless
obliged to go to the nearest store for
ammunition, never loses sight of his
cave.
His mode of living is peculiar. His
diet consists principally of berries and
fruit during their season, while in the
Winter he subsists on various kinds of
wild game. His education was not neg
lected during his boyhood, for he is
well read and remarkably intelligent.
He is a firm believer in religion, and de
votes most of his time to reading the
Bible and other sacred works. He is
deaf and has been so for several years,
rendering it necessary to communicate
with him by means of writing. He has
the faculty of charming birds, many of
which he has secured iu this way and
reared.
He has never used a lamp nor candle
in his cave. His bed is composed of
straw scattered upon a solid rock. Shel
don enjoys his peculiar mode of living,
and says he expects to make this cave
his final resting place.
A book has just been published in
Rome which gives some statistical infor
mation concerning the liquidation of the
property of the religions orders in that
city. Up to the 22d of September last
thirty-five sales had taken place of the
immovable property belonging to the
orders. The property of the suppressed
communities, disposed of in twenty-two
sales, produced 5,161,2011., or an in
crease of 816,517f. over the reserve price.
Thirteen sales have been held of the
property of the orders not suppressed,
but whose possessions have gone to the
State. These realized 8,286,580f., which
was also an advance of 1,802,480f. over
the reserve price. In addition to the
other properties, the Committee of Li
quidation in Rome have also taken pos
session of forty-eight libraries, two
museums, two scientific cabinets, and
one astronomical observatory. On the
other hand, the pensions granted to mo
nastics up to the 22d of September last
were 2,169 iu number, representing a
total sum of 1,002,232f. There were 717
pensioned priests, representing a total
number of 387,400f.; 516 laymen, with a
total of 142,650f.; 636 choristers, with
pensions to the amount of 382,182f.; and
300 lay monks and nuns, pensioned at a
cost of 9,000f. Of the whole number of
these pensioners 1,233 are men and 936
are women. No statement is here giyeD,
however, of the amount of pensions
granted to those members who by reason
of age or ill health are wholly unable to
work. '
A wit is bad in age; what must it be
in youth?
THE NEXT STATE FAIR.
What Mayor Estes Thinks About It.
As the question whether Angnsta is
to have the next State Fair is under agi
tation, and is creating considerable in
terest in onr city, it is not, too early to
discuss the matter from a matter of fact
view. The disposition among onr citi
zens is clearly in favor of the Fair, aud
as Macon and Atlanta both seem willing
to accord the right of holding it next
year to Augusta, there is a strong prob
ability that it will take place here. A
reporter of the Chronicle and Sentinel
called on Mayor Estes yesterday for the
purpose of obtaining his views on the
subject. The following conversation en
sued:
Reporter—What do yon think about
'the next Fair, Mr. Estes ?
Mayor Estes—l think the people of
Augusta want the Fair and will have it.
Whether it will be a benefit to the city
or not, is another thing.
Reporter—lt will cost the city a con
siderable amount, will it not ?
Mayor Estes—Yes, from twenty to
forty thousand dollars. The buildings
will have to be painted and the grounds
put in thorough order, and then large
amonnhr-m premiuffis 'offered. But I
think any Council elected will have to
yield to the wishes of the people and
provide for the Fair. Atlanta and Ma
con are very willing for Augusta to have
it. They have had enough of it. A
prominent citizen of Macon told me
that the Fairs held there so far
had cost that city two hundred
and fifty thousand dollars. I have
heard that Atlanta has spent on
fairs far more than she received. The
population of the South being sparse
the benefits to Southern cities, from
fairs, are not commensurate with tlie
cost, aud even at the North, where the
population is dense, the benefits often
do not equal the expense. The true
principle would be to make the receipts
of a fair pay the premiums, but if that
was done, people would not become ex
hibitors. It is in the power of the news
papers to make the Fair cost the city
forty or fifty thousand dollars. The
best use for the Fair Grounds, in my
opinion, is to keep them for tourna
ments and reunions, such as will beheld
there on tlie 16th of next month. They
do as much good as fairs and cost but
little.
Reporter—You think it certain that
the Fair will be held here ?
Mayor Estes—Oh yes ! There is hard
ly any doubt about that.
His Honor then went on to say that
the true way to induce people to come
to Augusta was for the railroads centre
ing here to give return tickets free to all
parties who visit the cities from along
the lines of these roads. He thought
such a plan would benefit the roads in
return freights and largely benefit the
trade of the city.
THE CUSTOM HOUSE.
Who Pay Import Duties.
A notice was published in the Chroni
oue and Sentinel, yesterday, request
ing all merchants in the city who im
port goods to call at the Exchange and
leave information as to what amount
they imported, in order that the data
could be furnished to Mr. Stephens to
aid him in securing an appropriation
from Congress for a Custom House at
this place. Iu response to this notice
several of our merchants furnished the
desired information. There is no doub 1 ,
however, but that there are others who
pay import duties. The following is
the list made up by Captain Roswell
King, Secretary of the Exchange, from
the information furnished. All of the
duties embraced in the list were paid
tlie present year, except those returned
by Messrs. Cleghorn, Herring & Cos.,
which were paid in 1872. If there was a
Custom House here, however, this firm
would pay a much larger sum than that
set down below in import duties en
G. Yolger &Co.—Tobacco and
cigars $6,664 84
E. R. Schneider Wines,
liquors, &c 10,000 00
Moore &Co—Hardware 10,000 00
J. W. Bessman Wines,
liquors, &c 5,000 00
R. F. Urquhart—Hardware.. 6,000 00
J. D. & J. W. Butt—Groceries 1,000 00
F. A. Brahe &Co.—Jewelry.. 1,000 00
Warren, Wallace & Co.—lron
ties 35,000 00
Ramsey, Ferris & Co.—(esti
mated) 8,500 00
Bones, Brown & Co.—Hard
ware 20,000 00
John B. Moore—Hardware... 4,000 00
Cleghorn, Herring & Co.—Rail
road iron 10,798 08
$117,962 92
Thus it will be seen that, with all
the difficulties and inconveniences to
be encountered, Augusta actually pays
about one hundred and twenty
five thousand dollars import duties
each year, as the amounts paid
by merchants who failed to leave infor
mation at the Exchange would swell the
above total to fully that sum. If a Cus
tom House was in operation here, so that
the imported goods could be bonded,
this total would be increased four-fold.
As it is, our importers have to pay all
the duties at once, and send the gold to
Savannah or Charleston. The knowl
edge of this deters many persons from
importing, who would get nearly all
their goods from Europe if Augusta had
a Custom House.
The Secretary of the Exchange ascer
tained that the following rental is paid
in Augusta by the United States Gov
ernment, annually :
For the post office ■ $1,200
Signal service office. 250
Other offices 432
Total $1,882
This rental would bo saved, as a
matter of course, if a Government build
ing was erected in Augusta.
All these facts and figures were placed
before Mr. Stephens by the proper
committee, last evening.
Olden Times. —Who among our ex
travagant young ladies in these boastful
times ever gave her lover, as Cleopatra
did, a pearl dissolved in vinegar (or un
dissolved) worth $400,000 ? Then there
was a Paulina, one of the ton in Rome,
who used to wear jewels when she re
turned her visits worth $300,000. Cicero,
who was comparatively a poor man in
those times, gave $1,500,000 for his es
tablishment on the Palatine; while Mes
sala gave $2,000,000 fer the house of An
tony. Seneca, who was only a plain
philosopher, was worth $120,000,000.
Tiberius left a property of nearly $120,-
000,000. Caesar and Marc Antony botli
owned wonderful fortunes. Why they
talk about a man’s failing in New York
for $1,000,000 as if it were a big thing.
Caesar, before he entered any office,
when he was a young gentleman in pri
vate life, owed $1,000,000, and he pur
chased the friendship of Qusesor for
$2,500,000. Marc Antony owed $1,500,-
000 on the Ides of March, and paid be
fore the Kalends of March. This was
nothing; he squandered $720,000,009 of
public money. And these fellows lived
well. Esopus, who was a play-actor,
paid $400,000 for a single dish. Caligula
spent $400,000 for a supper. Their wines
were often kept for two ages, and some
of them were sold for S2O an ounce.—
Dishes were made of gold and silver, set
with precious stones. The beds of He
liogabulus were of solid silver; his
tables and plates were of pure gold, and
his mattresses, covered with carpets of
cloth of gold, were stuffed with down
from under the wing of a partridge. It
took SBO,OOO a year to keep up the dig
nity of a Roman Senator, and some of
them spent $5,000,000 a year. And yet
they talk of the extravagance of modern
times.
Mile. Hortense Schneider, the Paris
ian queen of the opera-bouffe, was, in
her youth, a working girl, and the
daughter of an humble tailor of Bor
deaux. She is now, at about forty years
of age, living in the style of a Sultana.
Her diamonds are valued at over $200,-
000; and among her other jewels of
fabulous cost is cited an emerald set of
surpassing splendor. Her apartments
are crowded with the most elegant and
expensive furniture and objels de vertu.
Bronzes, and marbles, and pictures, and
crystal, and Sevres porcelain, Gobelin
tapestry, are scattered through her
rooms in sumptuous profusion. Al
though the charm of youth is forever
lost to Mile. Schneider, she still has the
handsomest arms and hands, the pret
tiest foot, and merriest blue eyes, that
flash, and sparkle, and entice, behind
. the Parisian footlights.
There is a German in Carbon county,
Pa., who is a father of thirty-three chil
dren. His wife has just rejected an ap
plication of the Commissioners of Char
ities to put him upon the retired list.—
Brooklyn Argus.
NUMBER 48.
A CHAPTER ON BELLS.
Big Steve and the Giant Bells of the
World.
“ Hear the loud alarum bells—
Brazen bells!
What a tale of horror now their turbulencv
tells!
In the startled ear of night,
How they scream out theii affright!
Too much horrified to speak.
They can only shriek, shriok,
Out of tune,
In a clamorous appealing to the mercv of the
fire. '
In a mad expostulation with the deaf and fran
tic fire.”
The new fire alarm bell, which was
placed in the Tower last Saturday, was
struck for the first time yesterday. It
gives forth a deep, sonorous sound,
much like that of the original Big Steve
before its voice was cracked. The sound,
however, was not heard as far as was ex
pected, a fact owing, no doubt, to the
humidity of the atmosphere yesterday.
In dry weather it will doubtless be heard
a long distance.
While on this subject we propose to
give our readers a short chapter in re
gard to the manner of making bells, to
gether wi'h a few facts in relation to tho
great bells of the world. The European
process of casting bells is to make the
mould in a depression in the sand floor
of the foundry, piling up a hollow core
of brick work upon a solid foundation.
A fire is kept burning within the tube
iu order to prevent the metal from cool
ing too rapidly. The outer surface, of
the core is the shape of the inner sur
face of tho bell. To give the outer sur
face, a cover of earthenware is fashioned
to fit over the core, leaving between
these a vacant space to be filled with the
metal. This method is deficient m not
providing proper escape for the gases
which are engendered in heavy castings
in the earth and which are liable to
cause the metal to be porus, or, being
highly inflammable, to explode with
great damage. An improved process
has been introduced at Meneely’s bell
foundry at Troy, New York, where our
present alarm boll was cast. This
improvement consists in the use
of perforated iron cases, tho outer one
in the shape of the bell, and the inner
one the core, which sets in the centre of
its saucer-shaped foundation. Each of
these receives a coating of loam, the
outer one within, and the core around
its outside ; but over the latter is first
wrapped a straw rope, which, taking
fire and burning slowly as the metal is
poured between the two cases, leaves a
free space for the bell to contract in
coating, without straining. The perfora
tions through the case let out the vaporp,
and also serve to keep the coating of
loam in its place. As the gas escapes
through these holes it burns with a pale
blue flame without risk, the whole ap
paratus being placed above tho level of
tho ground. Flanges between the two
cores keep them at tho required dis
tance from each other, in ofder to give
the proper thickness of metal. The
best proportion of the height of a bell
to its greatest diameter is said, by for-,
eign authorities, to boas 12 to 15. J n
conformity to the laws of acoustics the
number of vibrations of a bell varies in
inverse ratio with its diameter or the
cube root of its weight.
While Big Steve appears a very mon
ster of a bell in comparison with all
others in our city, it is a mere infant
when vhe sizes and weights of bells in
the old world are taken into considera
tion. Russia exceeds all other nations,
in its penchant for great bells. In Mos
cow alone, before the revolution, there
were no less than 1,706 large bells; in a
single tower there were 37. One was bo
large that it required twenty-four men
to ring it, and this was done by simply
pulling the clapper, the bell itself being
stationary. Its weight is estimated at
288,000 pounds, or about three hundred
and forty times larger than Big Steve.
The great bell cast by order of the
Empress Anne, in 1653, was still larger,
11’nowlies'^Lrofien 1 upon*
ground. It is nineteen feet high, and
measures around its margin sixty-three
feet eleven inches. The •value of the
metal alone iu this bell is said to be
over $300,000. The laige bell near the
Cathedral in Moscow is the only one
used on important occasions. Clarke,
in his travels, says: “When it sounds
a deep hollow murmer vibrates
all over Moscow like the fullest
tones of a vast organ or the
rolling of distant thunder.” This
bell is forty feet nine inches in circum
ference, sixteen feet six inches thick,
and weighs fifty-seven tons. The great
bell which once stood in the midst of
the Kremlin was placed upon a granite
pedestal in 1837, and consecrated as a
chapel, the aperature made by the
breaking out of a large piece serving as
a door. The size of the room is twenty
two feet in diameter and twenty-one
feet three inches in height. Pekin,
China, has seven bells, each weighing
120,000 pounds. The largest bell in
England is in York Minster, and weighs
27,000 pounds. It is seven feet seven
inches iu diameter. Paris has a hell
weighing 38,000 pounds, and Vienna
one weighing 40,000 pounds. Montreal,
Canada, boasts of a bell, in Notre Dame
Cathedral, weighing 29,400 pounds.
There are few bells of large size
in the United States. Tho heaviest
is the alarm bell on the City Hall in
New York. It was cast in Boston, and
weighs about 23,000 pounds. Its di
ameter at mouth is about eight feet; its
height about six feet, and thickness at
the point where tho clapper strikes six
and a half or seven inches. The usual
weight of a fire alarm bell in a large city
is from eight to eleven thousand pounds.
Like Big Steve, they are always hung
in a fixed position, and struck with a
hammer. Bells are made of various
materials. The tone of bells made of
steel is said to be harsh and disagreeable.
Cast steel drills made in tho form of a
triangle and suspended on a building or
a post are much used about mining es
tablishments, instead of bells. Many
recent writers contend that they are
greatly superior to bells for fire alarm
purposes. Bell metal is an alloy of cop
per and tin in no fixed proportion, but
varying from sixty-six to eighty per
cent, of copper and the rest tin. But
other metals are also introduced, as zinc,
silver and lead. Mr. Denison, who
founded the new bells for the British
Houses of Parliament, thinks the use of
silver is entirely imaginary, and that
there is no reason for believing that it
could be of any service. He condemns
the use of all other metals but copper
and tin, and advises that contracts for
bells stipulate that the alloy shall con
sist of at least twenty per cent, of tin
and the remainder copper.
HOMICIDE AT LEESBURG.
Particulars of tlie Unfortunate Affray.
[Special Telegram to the Morning News.]
Thomasville, November 16.—A diffi
culty occurred at Leesburg to-day, in
which Mr. Edward Lee shot and killed
Mr. W. H. Mims. The particulars of
the unfortunate affray are about as fol
lows, as near as they can be learned at
this hour : The difficulty, it seems,
arose first between Mims and Lee’s
father. The latter, it appears, had Mr.
Mims employed as an overseer, and had
made some remarks about him to the
neighbors which were not relished to
any great extent.
The consequence was that Mims met
old man Lee in town this morning, and
alluded to the facts already stated. The
matter ended iu Mims giving Lee a se
vere beating. Shortly afterwards Mr.
Lee’s son attacked Mims and shot him
fatally.
The coroner’s jury rendered a verdict
in accordance with the foregoing facts,
and Lee was lodged in jail. Public sen
timent seems to be in the prisoner’s fa
voi-, and h will probably be released on
bail to-morrow.
Mr. Wilkie Collins, according to the
New Yo k Times, has been indulging in
a neat sample of sharp practice, which,
however ingenious iu conception it may
have appeared to a man “after dark,”
has “no name” in the daylight of fair
dealing. He had arranged with the
Times for the “exclusive publication”
of an original story called “The Sane
Madman,” the MS. of which was for
warded and set up in type. Now it is
found that the identical madman was
published in All the Year Round, a
London periodical, in October 17 and
24, under tlie name of “Fatal Fortune.”
The 'limes' conductors discovered Wil
kie’s little game and published the
story from the printed pages ol the
English periodical, which is bad for
Count Fosco, because he will receive for
his “dead secret” just nothing at all,
which is as much as he deserves. The
sane madman had a good deal of method
about him.
Hon. A. H. Stephens. —We are pleased
to note that Mr. Stephens’ health is
much improved. He will make himself
felt in Congress as in days of yore.
