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WEDNESDAY MARCHS, 1876.
••Let no guilty man escape.” Ghaut
to Bristow.'
“Let no gilt-edged man escape.”—
Zac* Chandler to Belknap.
Grant once said: “Let no man resign
under fire.” How abont Belknap?
It looks as if the cheerful click of sil
ver quarters would soon again be heard
in the land. _ __
"I wish yon had,” said Grant when
BblHnap said he thought to have killed
himself. Let us have peace.
And now Schrnck says “its all a lie.”
So did ScHtnrLEß Colfax, and Belknap
and the other Republican statesmen.
Whipper has resigned his seat as a
member of the South Carolina Legisla
ture in order to be able to take his seal
on the bench. The chances are that
Whipper will fall betw< m two stools.
“For right is right, as God is good,
and right the day has won.” This is
what Shepherd telegraphed to Babcook
after the St. Louis trial. The Boss might
now send the same message to Belknap.
The Savannah News thinks that peo
ple who read the evidence before the
State Road Lease Committee will know
how to appreciate articles in the Atlanta
papers on the equities of the bogus
bonds, the Centennial, etc.
The Cartersville Express doee’nt be
lieve in the “ethics” of journalism. It
is bo afraid it may be considered a be
liever that in publishings communica
tion advocating the nomination of Gen
eral Colquitt for Governor it takes oc
casion to say that the communication
was not paid for. It is not according to
the ethics of the Express to charge for
such matter. ,
The agony is over in Columbus. Hon.
T. W. Grimes has been elected to the
Legislature to fill the vacancy occasion
ed by his resignation a few weeks ago.
The vote was light and Mr. Grimes was
elected over both of his competitors by
a majority bf 165 votes. The liquor
question was the bone of contention and
the result of the election is a victory for
the anti-prohibitionists.
We knew that politics would grow
lively after a while. A newspaper cor
respondent having suggested Hon. A. O.
Bacon, of Macon, as a suitable candidate
for Congress, a writer in the Covington
Enterprise indignantly remarks that
the people are tired of letting Macon
furnish all the candidates. Covington
has rights to be respected and will pit a
man against Bacon, of Macon, or aDy
body else of Macon.
“Times are very hard in Georgia,”
“Money is exceedingly tight.” “Every
body is feeling the evil effect of the fear
ful stringency.” And yet Edwin Booth
played in the State fourteen nights, and
received twenty-six thousand dollars and
a diamond ring. Too poor to give to
churches, .too poor to give to the poor,
too poor to do anything but grumble and
pay thousands to Edwin Booth 1 Poor,
Georgia.
The Albany News is authority for the
statement that neither Captain Jones,
late Treasurer, nor his securities, have
been notified of a suit against them by
the State. The copy of the declaration
against them was published fully six
weeks ago, and we were under the im
pression that suit bad been commenced.
The News, however, is positive in its
assertion that the parties had not been
served with process up to a short time
since.
Major Merrill, who did “good ser
vice” in suppressing the Ku-Klux of
South Carolina in 1872, aud the “White
League” in 1875, has been detailed by
the Secretary of War as Inspector of
the War Department exhibition at the
Oentonnial show. How muoh of the
blood-money which he obtained from
the thieving Legislature of South Caro
lina did Major Merrill pay to the Sec
retary of War for his appointment ?
The developments of Thursday render
the question perfectly in order.
The Democrats of the House of Rep
resentatives have committed another
outrage upon Union soldiers. Aotuated
by hatred of all that is loyal and brave,
they have actually had the audacity to
accuse a Union General and Republican
Secretary of War of taking bribes, and
adopt articles of impeachment against
him. The crowning feature of the out
rage is the fact that the U. G. and R. S.
W. aforesaid was “terrorized” by these
rebellious Democrats into confessing
that he did do the naughty thing laid at
his door. What next ?
The man who sends Washington dis
patches to the Columbus limes does his
whole duty. Upon the day of the
Belknap explosion he telegraphed a
rumor that the Secretary of War had
committed suicide; stated that Grant
would have nothing to do with Kellogg;
expected Kellogg to be impeached; he
(Grant) expected to be impeached him
self as accessory after the fact to Belk
nap's offenSe; and such a resolution im
peaohing the President would be of
fered in the House Friday (yesterday.)
The fellow has an imagination as lively
as that of an Atlanta correspondent.
The Thomasville Enterprise , com
menting upon the statements of certain
newspapers that General Gordon and
Colquitt are not to blame for the fail
ure of the Southern Life Insurance
Company because they were really noth
ing more than general agents who re
ceived a commission upon their services
and had no control over the affairs of
the company, says : “The only trouble
“arises from the fact that the people
“who took out policies in the company
“imagined them to be controlling its
“ affairs as much so as the President snd
“Vice-President at Memphis, which
“ they now find was all a mistake.”
The Atlanta correspondent of the
OeHstitutioitalist intimates that if the
people of that place could discover the
author of the letter on Governor Smith,
which recently appeared in the New
York Herald, they would lynch him.
We have no reason to believe that there
Is any foundation whatever for this
silly statement. The scnrrillous slanders
of the letter awoke only a faeling of con
tempt for the writer, who betrays in
every line that he is influenced by per
sonal hatred of the Executive. Instead
of working harm to Governor Smith the
letter will do him good. Slanders al
ways recoil upon the slanderer. Slander
is a gnu which,
—Aimed t duck or plover
Recoils and lucks the gunner over.
Tre St. Louis Times, of Sunday, con
tained a very important dispatch from
Washington, charging Attorney-General
PierrepoMT with having daring all the
stages of the Babcock trial drawn from
District-Attorney Dyke the plans of the
prosecution and the evidence in its pos
session, and communicated the same to
Mr. Stores, of Babcock’s counsel. This,
it is claimed, was done not once bni
many times; and, in order that there
might be no surprise. Colonel Dyxb was
called to Washington and induced to ;
confide to the Attorney-General all the
secrets of the prosecution, which in
turn became the property of Babcock
and Storrs. This, the 'Times corres
pondent alleges, can be abundantly
proved. Monday the Times incorpo
rated these charges in a displayed edi
torial article, and called on Congress for
an immediate investigation. If the sug
gestion is adopted the country will be
much more astonished than it has yet
- I —whisky ring developments.
tildEn in the south.
The belief teems to he pretty strong in tbs
Cincinnati Commercial office that the South
wiu unite with New York in the Democratic
Convention and make Got. Tildes the candi
date of the party for the Presidency. It bases
this belief on the supposition that the South
is determined to vote for the man who haa the
beet chanoe of winning, and every observer of
Southern sentiment knows that that supposi
tion is founded in fact.
The belief is a good deal stronger in
the Commercial office than it is in the
South. If Tildkh is not nominated until
Southern delegates vote to make him a
candidate, he will wait a long time for
the nomination. There may be some
danger, too, that if Tilden is forced
upon the party, and the Republicans put
forth such a man as Bristow, that some
of the Southern Democratic sheep may
wander into the Republican fold before
November.
DEFEAT of the cablist cause.
The recent course of military events
in Northern Spain has been so disastrous
to the Cartists tflat is scarcely possi
ble for them to rally a formidable force,
and, practically, their entire movement
has been crushed. A considerable por
tion of their army has surrendered and
a number of their soldiers have fled to
France, where been seized by
French troops. Don Cablos, himself,
has abandoned the struggle and the
people who were so loyal to his cause.
Such events, following quickly after a
series of important victories by the
Alfonsists ‘ and their ooeupaucy of the
last of the Carlist strongholds, indicate
that the cause of the Pretender is hope
less. These triumphs will probably
soon be followed by more vigorous meas
ures for the suppression of the Cuban
insurrection than any which have
hitherto been adopted. The Record
thinks they will not necessarily
consist solely of an increase of
the military power employed against
the rebellion. The proffer of humane
terms,of political reforms, may be united
to a display of irresistible force, and
prove more effective than a sanguinary
policy. The triumph over the Carlists
is only one great step toward the resto
ration of the prosperity of Spain. She
is overwhelmed with financial difficulties,
her industries have been disorganized,
and terrible new conflicts may again
spring up between the hostile parties
that have so long distracted her coun
cils. Her best interests would, there
fore, be promoted by a course that
would thoroughly pacify Cuba, and
avoid the. necessity of holding that
island hereafter as a chained captive.
The general sentiment of the world,
too, would favor a humane Cuban poli
cy, and if Spain is fortunate enough to
resume unquestioned sway over her pro
ductive colony, as well as over all her
home territory, she may regain much f
her old prestige.
TIIE IMPEACHMENT OF BELKNAP.
The news of the impeachment of Gen
eral Belknap, President Grant’s Secre
tary of War, came like a clap of thunder
from a dear sky. No intimation had
been given that any such proceeding
was in contemplation. No statement
came by telegraph or fnail that such se
rious charges had been made against a
Cabinet officer. The members of tbe
committee made their investigation very
quietly and kept their proceedings a
profound secret. The first intimation
given of their discoveries was contained
in the resolutions of impeaohment pre
sented to the House of Representatives
Thursday, and which were adopted by a
unanimous vote of its members.
From the statement of the case Bent
by telegraph it appears that General
Belknap sold a position as Post-trader
at Fort Bill, in the Indian Territory,
to Caleb P. Marsh for the sum
of twenty thousand dollars and an
annuity of several thousand as long as
the appointment was retained. Their
bargain was made several years since,
and the payments have been made regu
larly since that time—the last install
ment having been received two months
ago! The Secretary made a clumsy at
tempt to oonoeal his corruption or to
provide a shield for himself in the event
of discovery at the expense of.his wife’s
honor, by causing the money to pass
through his wife’s hands. Thiß arrange
ment continued up to the death of the
first Mrs. Belknap. After that event
even this flimsy cloak was laid aside and
the annuity was paid directly to the
Secretary of War.’ The enmity of a
mau whom General Belknap had dis
missed from the service brought the
transaction to the ears of an Alabama
Congressman and the Committee on Ex
penditures iu the War Department
traced the matter until Thursday, when
their labors terminated in the resigna
tion and impeaohment of one of the
highest officers of the Government of
the United States. The case seems to
have been made out so strongly that no
no defense was possible. The man
who bought the appointment was
brought, an unwilling witness, before
the committee and father than commit
perjury, gave the history of the whole
transaction. Confronted with Marsh
the Secretary could do nothing but
make confession of his guilt, and ask
for the mercy whioh could not be shown.
Knowing that impeachment was in
evitable if he remained in office
he sought to avoid it by resign
ing his position in the Cabinet.
Tbe President attempted to assist him
to evade justice by accepting his resig
nation the moment it was tendered.
Forgetting what he had said in the case
of Columbus Delan6 when charges of
corruption were pending against that
man as Secretary of the Interior, viz:
“That no officer of the Government
would be permitted to resign while un
der fire,” the President hastened to ac
cept tho resignation of a high officer
who had been proven guilty of the
grossest corruption, in order to shield
him from the punishment whioh he so
richly merited. General Gsaht cannot
be condemned too severely for his eon
duct in this ease. If his design had
succeeded the Secretary of War would
have been permitted to retire from office
and escape the only punishment which
can avail to check the crimes of which
he had been proven guilty. It is true
that GenerafBBLKNAF could have been
indicted and tried in the Courts for ac
cepting a bribe, but the chances are that
he would have finally escaped through
the law’s delays and the influence of the
President which would have shielded
him as it has just saved Babcock. For
a man occupying his position and guilty
of his offense there is but one punish
ment, and that punishment must be ad
ministered by the verdict of a high
Court of Impeachment. Fortunately the
firmness of the Democratic majority in
! the House of Representatives rendered
i the President’s effort abortive. Not
: withstanding his resignation Belknap
i has been impeached and must answer at
1 Jhe bar of the Senate for his offenses.
4* in the Babcock matter the Pres
ident and ougbt to Bnffer by
the impeachment of Bklknap. The
corrupt official was joi* ♦arm personal
friend. His appointment * surprise
to the whole country. He wqp W a
statesman. Re w* not a soldier of dis
tinction. He was SW& joung man
who had sewed creditably to * subordi
nate capacity daring the wr and ao
qnired the friendship ai General Gkant.
His name was scarcely known oat of the
army registers and pay refls. fetto
this young and obscure man the P*a
dent gave one of the highest and moat
responsible positions under the Govern
ment. He was placed at the head of
the army, given entire control of all
military affairs and entrusted with im
mense patronage and the disbursement
of enormous earns of money. This un
tried man was unable to waist the temp
tations which promotion placed to his
i path, and fell from honesty and from
honor. He trafficked in offices, and
made merchandise of his patronage. At
he appealed to the President for protec- |
tion. The President, who bad just pro
claimed that no official would be per
mitted to resign while under fire, who
had just seen his Private Secretary un
der indictment for conspiring t# de
fraud the Government, who knew that
the air was filled with charges of cor
ruption, who knew that tbe people were
growing indignant at witnessing, day
after day, the escape of men who de
spoiled them, the President made inde
cent haste to accept the resignation of
his favorite, and to soreen him from im
peaohment and pnnishment.
It can be said that for the first time
in the history of the nation a member
of tbe Cabinet has been arraigned be
fore the Senate for the commission of
high crimes and misdemeanors. It can
also be said that for the first time in the
history of the nation the President of
the United States, knowing the guilt of
a Cabinet officer, has Bought to shield
him from pnnishment.
TAXES IN SOUTH CAROLINA.
According to the Columbia Register,
Governor Chamberlain has not lighten
ed to any great extent the burdens of
the tax payers of Bouth Carolina. The
State tax lavy is 11 mills. The regular
county tax is 8 mills, but in most of the
connties it is considerably above that
figure. In Richland it is 3s, and there
has been levied besides in this county,
for past indebtedness for the fisoal year
of 1874, f mill, and for past indebted
ness prior to March, 1875, 1 mill; for
district schools in the'oity, I}, and for
diatriot schools in the oonntry, 1. Poll
tax, sl. The total tax in the city (ei
olnsive of oity tax, of course) is 17J
mills, and in the country is 171. The
Register thinks that the taxes in Rich
land present a fair average of the taxa
tion in the State. Chamberlain seems
to be something of a humbug.
THE RELATIVE COST. 1
It seems that Republican government
is a more expensive luxury than mon
archial. The St. Louis Republican re
cently collected some statistics showing
the enormous cost of our navy wheD
compared with its size' and efficiency ;
and showing also, that England, France
and Russia, though their navies are very
muoh larger and more powerful than
ours, actually maintain them for a great
deal less money. The same paper now
gives a few figures and facts in relation
to tlfe clerical force employed in three
important Government departments in
England and the United States. In the
War Department at Washington there
are 451 clerks to manage the affairs of
an army of 25,0001 men. The British
army numbers 129,000 men, and the War
Office has only 433 clerks. We have .a
clerk for every seventy soldiers, while
England gets along with one clerk for
every three hundred soldiers. The Brit
ish Home Office, whose sphere of duty
is the same as onr Department of Inte
rior, has 45 clerks. The Department of
Interior has 317 olerks, without count
ing several hundred more attached to
the Pension and Patent Bureaus. The
Interior Department olerks, exclusive of
the others, draw salaries amounting to
$500,000 per annum. The Home Office
clerks get less than $130,000 per annum.
The British Treasury Department, which
embraoes the Board of Trade, the Ex
chequer and the National Debt Office,
has 451 clerks, oosting annually about
$761,000. Our Treasury Department
has 2,200 olerks, oosting last year $3,-
263,000.
MINOR TOPICS.
The famous “ph&rge of the Light Brigade"
wasn't half so audacious, or half so wide of
the mark, as the famous charge of Judge
Dillon to the Jury in Babcock’s case. The
British troop, by its charge, obtained fame;
but Judge Dillon not only acquired fame, but
is said to be in a fair way of getting a place on
the Bench of the United States Supreme
Court—a body once illustrious, but which
seems to be regarded by President Grant as a
aort of political “sailors' snug harbor,” whose
dignities and immunities are the rewards of
thoße who have served him.
The fact that Miss Cushman never married
was doubtless to be attributed to her devotion
to art. It certainly was not for lack of ad
mirers. The inner life of a player often fur
nishes more romantic or thrilling incidents
than they are called upon to enaot in the mimic
scene. In her early days upon the stage,
Charlotte Cushman was beset by supplicants
for her hand and heart, but she was wedded to
her profession, and would know no other love.
One Infatuated youth, upon finding that his
affections were unrequited, ended his miserable
existence by blowing out his brains.
It merely to save New Hampshire to
the Bepublicans that the President is implored
to retain Bristow in the Cabinet. The New
York Times’ Washington correspondent says :
“An effect would be produced by the change
that is talked of that it is believed not a single
one of the doubtful States could be carried by
any Republican candidate. Looking at the
subject in this light, all the wisest men are la
boring and hoping to counteract whatever in
fluenoe the whisky men, and Demoorate, and
howling opposition journals may have had in
creating a division in the counsels of tho Ad
ministration.”
There is nothing to be had for nothing in
thia world. Everything has its prioe.' If the
Republicans of New Hampshire go down to
Washington and ask Boss Shepherd and the
other pillars of the Administration to con
tribute for campaign expenses, they put them
selves under obligations to those persons and
must pipe for them or expect no pence. Sena
tor Wadleioh forgot this when he indulged in
free criticism on the operations of the District
ring, and now the pious Shepherd says the
Near Hampshire Republicans may “go to
with their contribution box." But really is the
practice of going to Washington for funds and
selling their independence for contributions,
altogether dignified ? If the people of New
Hampshire can’t support their own political
canvass they would better not have it in ad
vance of the rest.
The denunciation which has been visited
upon the Sew York Legislative Committee
which reported in favor of regulating the
social evil by law, has sailed forth a response
from the committee, in the course of which
ooours the following very sensible statement,
whioh is applicable to other matters of legis
lation besides tho one discussed: “As to
terms the committee are not tenaoious. If
anybody’s conscience can be soothed, his
moral doubts assuaged, hr dropping the word
‘license’ and using the word ‘regulation,’ the
committee have no earthly objection; but that
the objection to tfce substance of the proposi
tion is an ill-founded one we cannot doubt. It
behooves legislators to take the world as it is,
and to pass laws, not such as wold be in ac
cordance with the highest oode of morals, but
sack as would enable the world to be best gov
erned and the greatest amount of happiness
to accrue to the gieatest number of people "
The theory of General Bakoqck and his
counsel in regard to that envelope containing
SSOO, said to have been mailed at St. Louis for
the General in Washington, took these three
shapes in succession : 1. Jotck, “oranyother
man,” never sent any snob enclosure. 2. Bab
cock receivod the envelope, but there was
nothing in it, exoept a piece of blank paper.
3. The envelope, with the SSOO in it, address
ed to General Babcock, was taken out of one
of the Bt. Louis street letter boxes, together
with a similar one enclosing #506 to ehief elerk
Avert, by the letter carrier McGill. Ail of
which recalls the explanations of Mrs. Malvina
Mcoo when the servant of her neighbor came
to borrow Mrs. Muoo'a Wash tub : 1. The hoops
are all off and it leaks badly. 2. It ia full of
auda, and I can’t empty it now. 3. Id be glad,
tell your missis, to let her take it, but I've lept
it to a neighbor. 4. The fact is I’ve never had
any tub—l washes in a barrel. These reasons
of Mrs. Muoo would have been eminently sat
isfactory to Judge Dillon and his jury.
Mr. WraonrroN'B patriotic plan of coining
#SO gold"p;eyfc; in the centennial year does not
make muchheadway £ the House. To
form* member it neturefly i* objection to
a scheme that the coins'will
“qUjte ffce pound:” but people not accustomed
lyrryiqg gqid their pockeU rather hesitate
at such weights iqr afffcsiy use—though they
willing on > t? tiy (hem.
Bo* / more important critipisn. (Jiat
"(fee great aagMv’ A* to* proposed coin would!
b* sailed, *> *¥*•“•* toil*
that there would to little <ti$ o*ty & “boring”
into its edge and abstracting bom to IIP
worth of gold, and then Stiing the space with!
a platinum alloy of the same specific gravity.
of the edge afterward presents
no difficulty, and the coin so tampered with
defies detection. flUto a well known method
of debasing and ip ttys experience of all
nations, a coin larger than oar half eagle ty
not absolutely safe from suspicion* Accord
ingly, this method of celebrating the oenten
i THE CROOKED PAPERS.
THE BRIBERY C HARO KB AGAINST
THE STATE ROAR LESSEES.
The Teetimeav Before the Isvestigxtlra
Committee ef tbe Legislature—'The Facts
as Developed Under Oath—What Money
wa* Expended by the Leneees—How Much
and to Whom Paid.
[From the Atlanta Constitution .j
Governor Joseph E. Brown sworn—
examined by Mr. McDaniel, Chairman :
Q. Do, you remember at what time the
Legislature of 1871 appointed a commit
tee to investigate the State Road lease ?
A. No, sir, I do not remember the exact
time of the appointment of the commit
tee. I think it was at the session of
1874 that the committee was appointed.
Q. Yon remember the time the commit
tee met and held its session ? A. Yes,
sir; I recollect the fact that it met and
held its sessions. I suppose you can
get the time from the printed record of
its labors better than from memory.
The resolution ratifying the lease passed
August 26, 1872, as I recollect it, and I
think I do so correctly. Q. Did the
lease company at any meeting, regular
or informal, ever take dny action to pro
vide for the passage of the resolution
throngh the Legislature to confirm the
lease ? A. There was no action taken
in advance, by the company, as I recol
lect, with a view to any general action
by the General Assembly to confirm the
lease. There were conversations be
tween ourselves with reference to the
attacks that were being made upon us.
A committee was appointed by resolu
tion, consisting of myself, as President,
Jndge King and Mr. Benj. H. Hill, and
our duties were to look after the interest
of the lease and negotiate with the Leg
islature, or any committee of that body,
with reference to remodelling the inven
tory or other matters coming up under
the lease. We represented the interests
of the lease before the Legislature and
the Courts, too, if necessary. Q. Is
there a record of that resolution ? A.
Yea, sir; I oan furnish yon a copy of the
resolution. Thiß is the resolution passed
April 17, 1872, under whioh we acted:
“ Resolved, That the President of this
oompany appoint two members, who,
with himself as Chairman, shall consti
tute a committee vested with authority
to represent this company, with fall
powers to confer, negotiate and agree
with the General Assembly of the State,
or with any committee thereof, touching
any matter of controversy with the State
oonoerning the bond given, or to be
given, the inventory taken, or to be
taken, and the tenure of the lease to this
company of the Western and Atlantic
Railroad, and its property and equip
ment, and that the President be. author
ized and instructed to call a meeting of
the company at any time, to act upon
the suggestions of the committee.”
Q. That is all the action ever had by
the company in this matter? A. In
looking over the records this morning I
found this resolution, which from its
broad terms I deemed sufficient, and
from the length of time since then I do
not remember whether there was any
other action taken. If there was any
ether it is doubtless in the records of
the former investigation. (Mr. Dußose
read from the printed record of the pre
vious investigation a resolution placing
$50,000 at the disposal of the President
“for the legitimate purposes of the
road.”) That was a resolution passed at
one of the first meetings held after the
lease was made. That was an amount
needed to start the road to running at
that time. That was not the resolution
under which we were acting at the time
of the defense of the lease before tbe
Legislature. Q. (By Mr. Dußose.)
I see some asterisks marked in
where some portions may have been
left out. I ask you if this is all the
resolution whioh is here printed ? A.
All that refers to that subject. Q. (By
Mr. McDaniel, chairman.) Had all
that sum, $50,000, been expended before
tbe lease committee had its meetings ?
A. Yes, sir; if you look at the other tes
timony upon the subject you will find
that it was probably a year or mon be
fore that time. The objects for which
that money was spent were gone into in
that investigation. There was none of
the money named in that resolution
spent in any shape or form during the
action upon the resolution about the
lease. After ths lease was attacked this
committee of Directors was raised. Q.
Was any money ever expended by you
or others of the company, under the
resolution you have just read ? A. Yes,
sir, there was, and if you will allow me
probably I could go into the matter and
give the facts in a narrative form better
than they could be gotten at by ques
tions from the committee. (By Mr. Du-
Boto) Please state all the facts about
the money used during the investiga
tion before the Legislature, where it
went to, and, if to lawyers, what law
yers, and the specific amounts ? A. As
is well known to each member of the
committee, I presume, the lease of the
Western and Atlantic Railroad to our
company gave great dissatisfaction to
many people, and especially to a party
who were our competitors and opposed
us here, and a good deal of angry dis
oussion was gotten - up, and charges
of fraud in the procurement of the
lease were made before the meeting
of the Legislature of 1871 and 1872.
The opposition to us was strong, active
and bitter, and we knew we had to make
a determined fight against it. When
the Legislature met it took cognizance
of the matter and appointed a commit
tee to investigate the charges. Seeing
the activity of the other side, and the
numerous charges which were being
made about the lease, with a view to in
fluence publio opinion against ns, we
felt that it was due to onr characters, as
oitizens, and to onr interests in this
matter, to try and counteract these
things and to show the bbnesty, fair
ness, and justice of the lease. At a
meeting of the oompany this question
was referred to, and the bitterness and
unfairness of the attacks upon ns men
tioned, and after some consultation, a
resolution was passed (which has been
read here) appointing myself, Judge
King and Mr. Hill as a committee to
look after and protect the interests of
the oompany in the matter. Jndge King
being old and seldom meeting with us,
except possibly onoe a year, he never
met with the committee, and so took no
part in this transaction. Mr. Hill and
myself being a majority of the commit
tee, conferred frequently, and decided
upon the policy to be pursued in the de
fense we proposed to make. He left to
me, in the main, the financial part of
the' matter, and he took upon himself
the part of writing tbe replies to the
articles, in which we were attacked, and
as those attacks were able and very
bitter, he replied to them through the
same medinm used to make them, and
that is through the press. And we soon
found out that we would have to incur
some expense in doing this. Q. (By
Mr. McDaniels, chairman.) Were those
artiolee over his own name ? A. Yes, sir.
We soon found out that we could not get
a fair hearing before the public on the
merits of the transaction without the
use of the columns of certain leading
newspapers, and we found, generally,
that these gentlemen of the press
seemed to think it nothing but • fair
that they should bare pay for the use of
their columns. At least, they, showed
no disposition to do it for nothing. 4 s
is nsnal when large interests are before
the General Assembly, editors who ad
mit communications upon either side
generally charge for them. We thought
it best to be heard before the public and
to have our case so discussed as to show
its fairness and justice. Thia we could
not do except through the newspapers.
4t tbe time it was thought better to pur
chase a paper and haye it as our own
organ. We spoke to the representative
of Mr. Stephens. Ido npt remember
now whether it was Mr. gohoja or Mr.
Smith, but be, after conferring with Mr.
Stephens, did not encourage us with the
idea of onr being able to buy it at the
price we indicated, which, I think, was
abont $20,000. We then asked him about
publishing our articles in his paper, the
Sun, and he said he wonld have to sub
mit the matter to Mr. Stephens. We
saw him-again, and, to the best of my
recollection, he said that he had seen or
beard from Mr. Stephens, who said he
thought there was nothing improper in
allowing either party to Btate matters
about thia lease, provided they paid for
it, and he opened the columns to us
with the understanding that both sides
were to pay for whatever they publish
ed. We pnblishsd a good many articles
in the Sun, concerning the fairness and
justice of tbe lease, snd some in reply to
asssnlts made upon the oompany. I un
derstood that we were to have the use of
the columns as long as the articles were
written in a dignified, decorous and ar
gumentative style. I psid them a sum
of money—my recollection is, several
hundred dollars. I then approached
Mr. Hemphill in reference to the Con
stitution. At that time Colonel Avery,
who was the editor, was writing edito
rials in the paper npon a line of defense
for Jhe lease. Something was said to
Mr Hemphill upon this point, but he
said tie Jeft&Mfi Betters entirely to the
editor, wbo did as be ttioufeht bust. I
then spoke to him abont getting the use.
a* his colnmns for onr publications, and
sngfeM&d the idea of his giving us the
exclusive use, tofbe editorial course of
the nailer was with’us. This Mr. Hemp
bill wSuld fiot fid,' &be #?hed
to make all thd money he cbtfld dnt of;
the otbejr aide is well. *Ud said he:
was getting, ftbjnk,2s orsp cenfeper
line wot of the other side for the publi
cation of tbeir articles. I did not know
how long this matter was going to last
and how muah we wonld have to put in'
concerning it, ao J said to him that I
wonld rather make a lamping trade with
him for pnblishing onr matter, whether
original or clipped from other papers. I
finally agreed to pay him $5,000, he re
serving the right to the editorial col
umns and to receive and publish com
munications from the other side. I then
spoke to Mr. Hill abont other sections
of the State, and we agreed that we
ought to be heard in other parts of the
State in the same way and for the same
purposes. Money was paid to other
journals in the 'State, bnt as these
charges are made npon the Constitution
I do not desire to mention the other jour
nals, as they probably did not expect at
the time that it wonld ever be done. I will
state in this connection that there was no
agreement between them and the com
mittee, except as to the compensation
for publishing the artioles necessary to
pnt onr case before the public, and
whioh were famished by ns. Q. (By
Mr. Smith.) The money was paid to the
newspapers ? A. Yes, sir. Nothing
was ever said in these transactions about
the Legislature. I state distinctly that
they were not to lobby or have any
thing to do with the Legislature, but
only to allow ns the nse of their columns
for the purpose of answering the artioles
against us, and articles by us. Q. (By
Mr. McDaniel, chairman.) Go on, Gov
ernor, and state to whom you paid any
sums of money ? A. It is the decision
of the committee that I shall name the
several journals, is it ? Q. It will not
be published except by authority of the
committee. A. I have already stated
that we paid $5,000 to the Constitution.
We paid it more than any of the others,
because it was located at the capital,
we thought it would wield more in
fluence in enlightening popular opinion
and give the case more weight in onr
favor. We paid to the Journal and
Messenger, a newspaper published at
Macon, the sum of $2,000. To
the Rev. Dr. Hicks, who was edit
ing a journal there as editor, $540.
There was paid to Mr. Swayze, as edi
tor of a Republican paper iu Macon,
which was supposed to have some influ
ence in that party, the sum of $250.
Tbe next instance was not a matter
simply of newspaper contraot, although
the newspaper itself was running on our
line at the time, bnt this money was paid
to the gentleman representing it partly
as an attorney and partly on account of
his connection with the newspaper. He
was a gentleman of high character in
Georgia, and as he is now dead I dis
like to mention his name. He was to
perform theservioe by speaking to mem
bers of the Legislature when he found
them misinformed about facts, and also
to say auoh things in his paper as his
judgment might dictate as right and
proper to be said about the lease. • He
was paid $2,000, tbe same amount that
was paid the Journal and Messenger for
Sublications alone. This gentleman was
[r. James Gardner, of tne Augusta Con
stitutionalist. I will say that I have no
idea that he used any money for an im
proper pnrpose with the Legislature,
and there was no understanding between
us to that effect. We wished him to
correct misrepresentatioue about the
lease wherever he went. He had nQ'
sort of connection with the State gov
ernment in any shape or form. In this
connection I havß to refer to money
placed in the hands of another gentle
man, who has since departed this life,
and was one of the lessees—Mr. Ben
May—who resided in Southwest Geor
gia. The money was given to him with
the distinct understanding that he was
to use it in the same way that I have
named, with newspapers and attor
neys in that section where he lived, who
might be of service in representing our
ease to the public. He died before he
reported the disposition of all of it to
me. I can state that he told me that he
had paid SI,OOO of it to a gentleman as
an attorney, and one thousand ($1,000)
dollars to certain newspapers. He nev
er gave me the names and never report
ed the other $3,000. You may remem
ber about his taking sick soon after and
loosing his mind, and having a guardi
an appointed for him. He had no con
nection with any member of the Legis
lature, and I advised him never to use
a dime of tho money to buy a glass
of liquor for one of them. I think he
must have done what was proper with
it. From my knowledge of his charac
ter I cannot doubt it, Q. This attorney
you refer to was not connected with tbe
Legislature? A. No, sir; he had no
connection with the Legislature. I
spoke of several hundred dollars paid
to the Sun. I cannot find the memo
randum of the exact amount. There
were some small bills paid to the coun
try press, but I cannot remember them
fully. I would say that the amounts
paid to the Sun and the country papers
would reach SI,OOO. I could not be ac
curate, for I have not the data at hand.
That makes $12,290 if I have my addi
tion right, including the SI,OOO reported
by Mr. May as having been paid to
newspapers. I suppose the whole
amount paid to newspapers was about
that. Q. (By Mr. Peeples.) You gave
Mr. May $5,000. A. Yes, sir; he was to
use that with attorneys and newspapers.
My opinion is that he paid sum of" the
balance to newspapers in Southwest
Georgia. If so, they received it from
him just as I have stated that the others
did. I stated that we were willing to
give Mr. Stephens $20,000 for the Sun,
so as to have our own organ and send
our own papeis out over the State. Q.
Did you offer him that amount. A. I had
such a conference with his agent,
but did not with Mr. Stephens himself,
but his agent said he did not want to
sell it at that time. But I wish to state
distinctly that there was no contract or
understanding with either or any one of
said newspapers in reference to the con
trol of its editorial department. Each
was left perfectly free to conduct its
editorial on any line it might think
proper, and the independence of neither
journal mentioned by me was to be com
promised in any particular. We simply
paid for the privilege of being heard
through their oolumns in defense of the
justice and fairness of the lease and its
advantages to the State. Now, gentle
men, the balance of the money which I
shall mention was paid to attorneys at
law to represent us in the matter gener
ally before the populace and the Legis
lature, and whenever our interests were
disoussed before them to set us right.
Most of them were asked to converse
with members of the Legislature and
correct errors in regard to the lease
where they found them to exist and to
represent us in Court if litigation grew
out of it. Thny were gentlemen of high
character, and I am satisfied would not
have done anything that was corrupt. It
might be said that they were employed
as attorneys and lobbyists. One of them
said he wonld not be employed unless
he was to represent us in any litigation
that might arise afterwards. I will state
that S7OO was paid to Mr. Samuel J.
Anderson, who was formerly Governor
Crawford’s Secretary. He wrote soveral
articles for ns, and upon the suggestion
of.Mr. Hill, that they were worth that
mnch to us, I paid him that amount. We
paid to one attorney $1,500, to another
SI,OOO, to another SSOO and to another
SI,OOO, and I loaned to an editor, and
never got it back, five hundred dollars.
That is the list of the money paid out
and expended by me during the session
of the Legislature by which the,lease
was ratified; that is, $4,000 to attorneys,
in the aggregate. I will state that the
editor to whom I loaned the SSOO had
always advocated onr cause. He came
to me and borrowed the money, and I
took his note for it. I never expeoted
very much that I would ever get it back,
bnt wonld be glad to do so now, or at
any time, if he sees proper to pay it. I
would prefer not to mention the names
of the attorneys also. I have their re
ceipts here, whioh I will show to the
committee. (Receipts were shown.)
This estimate foots up about $21,000. I
desire, in this connection, to make this
further statement, that I never, in any
instance, paiqii single djme to a mem
ber of the Legislature, officer of the
government, or anybody in any way
connected with them. I never author
ized or requested any one else to do so,
and, so far as I am concerned, I believe
such a thing never was done. Q. (By
Mr. Smith.) When you gave this money
to these attorneys it was not with the
understanding that they were to give
any of it to the Legislature 9 A. Yes,
sir ; that it was not to be used in that
way. I said to them substantially, “ I
do not ask you to use any improper
means in our behalf; I know yon would
not do so if I were to ask it, and I wonld
not employ you if I thought you would.
We only ask you to argue it and present
it to the Legislature in as good a light
as you can consistently with truth and
propriety.”
Atlanta, Friday, February IJ, 1876,
8, p. m. The committee reassembled,
pursuant to adjournment, Governor
Brown on the stand. Q. (By Mr. IJc-
Daniel, chairman.) Have yon anything
to add to your statement, made in the
afternoon ? A. I believe I have gone
throngh with the history of the matter,
and I do not know that I desire to add
anything farther, exoept it be to answer
questions. Mr. McDaniel, chairman.
Governor, the committee have decided
that yon shall give npon the record the
names and receipts of the attorneys to
whom you paid money during the pe- t
riod inquired about. Gov. Brown. Very
well, sir, bnt in supplying these names
papers, I desire to do so under pro
test £q have my protest recorded
npon the minute- oi this investigation.
1 |i- * 1 ii. ■
Pretest. *
I enter my protest against the de
cision of the. committee compelling me
to foynish tkp names of the attorneys
employed by ns, because it ia not perti
nent to tne matter, bnt submit to it un
der the order of' the cdmtiiittoe, and
give them as follows:
(1)
“Received of Joseph E. Brown, Presi
dent Western and Atlantio Railroad
Company, five hundred dollars towards
a retaining fee m the matter of the
lease of said road from the State.
“James P. Simmons,
“Attorney at Law.”
(2)
“Western and Atlantic R. R. Cos., j
1 ‘Superintendent’s Office. [■
Atlanta, Ga., Sept. 3d, 1872. )
“Received of J. E. .Brown, President
W. and A. R. R. Cos., five hundred dol
lars in fall of balance due as a retaining
fee in any litigation which may be insti
tuted to set aside the lease of said road
from the State of Georgia against said
company and by the State.
“James P. Simmons.”
(3)
“W. 0. Morrill, Sec. and Treas.
“Western and Atlantic R. R. Cos., )
“Office of Treasurer, J-
Atlanta, Ga., August 15, 1872.)
“Received of W. C. Morrill, Treasur
er, five hundred dollars, on account.
“Herbert Fielder.”
(4)
“Received of Joseph E. Brown, Presi
dent of the Western and Atlantic Rail
road Company, one thousand dollars, in
full of balance of fee, August 16th,' 1872.
Herbert Fielder.”
(5)
“Received of Governor Joseph E.
Brown, President of the Western and
Atlantic Railroad Company, one thou
sand dollars, in full of retainer and pro
fessional services rendered said com
pany, this 7th September, 1872.”
George N. Lester,
Attorney at Law.
(6)
“Received of Joseph E. Brown, Presi
dent of the Western and Atlantic Rail
road, five hundred dollars, for attorney
fee.” R. B. Knight.
August 22, 1872.
Q. (By Mr. McDaniel,chairman). Were
these! amounts that you paid out ever
reported your company ? A. No, sir;
never, except to the committee and the
Treasurer. Q. Will you explain why ?
A. These matters, I considered, were all
left with me and the other members of
the committee, under that resolution. J
being President, Superintendent and
Auditor at the time, I simply ordered
the amounts out of the treasury, and
they went into the general accounts, and
I never reported them in detail to the
company, nor was I questioned about
them. They were charged up, I pre
sume, partly under the head of attorneys’
fees and partly under the head of gen
eral expenses. Q. Did you ever have
any conversation with any other mem
ber of the company aside from the com
mittee upon the subject of these expen
ses. A. I don’t recollect that I have.
Some of them may have an idea that we
spent money for this purpose, but it
was a matter upon which I did not con
verse with them. I did not suppose
that they cared to know anything about
it. I felt that I had full power to and
had disposed of it, and I believe they
thought I had made no improper expen
diture. Q. You feel that the other
members of the company didn’t wish to
know anything about it ? A. I did not
know whether they did or did not, but
they had not asked for it. I believed that
I had not wasted the funds, and as they
made no inquiries I said nothing to them
of what I had done. Q. Did you, or
the company, ever put any interest in
the lease at the disposal of any member
of the Legislature of 1871 ? A. 'We never
did, sir. Q. Did you ever put any in
terest at the disposal of any relation of
a member of the Legislature of 1871 ?
A. No, sir; we did not. There has
never been any interest in the lease that
I have knowledge of that was ever dis
posed of except in cases where a share
has been transferred for a consideration
at regular sale. No share or interest
was ever at the disposal of any member
of the Legislature, his relatives or
friends. Q. Has any member of that
Legislal are, or any relative of such
member, become a purchaser since ? A.
No one who was a member has, and
I don’t know that any relative of
a member has. I think I may
remember all the transfers made
since the investigation. Mr. Hill sold
his interest to Mr. Walters, of Balti
more. Mr. Dinsmore sold his to' Mr.
Plant and Mr. Waitzfelder sold one-half
of his to Mr. Walters. Mr. Walters is
one of the 'lessees. Mr. Nutting sold
one-half a share to Messrs. Cook &
Cheek, the mill men, of Marietta. Mr.
Kimball transferred his share before the
investigation came on. Mr. Hill really
controlled that share under some con
tract between them. I will state that if
any share, money, interest in a share, or
other valuable consideration of any
character was put at the disposal of any
member, or his relative, it was not done
by me, and I do not believe it was done
at all. We made the fight, and a hard
one, and think we did it on honorable
grounds, and that the editors and the
attorneys who were with us acted honor
ably also. We h'ad reason to, and did
know, that in two cases the other side
were using snch means and that the pa
pers were paid by them for the use of
their columns. I believe that they used
money not only on newspapers, but to
pay attorneys and lobbyists, and we felt
justified in using the same means to
combat them, Q. Has any member of
the Legislature of 1871 ever received
an appointment from you as President
of the company ? A. No, sir, I think
not. I certainly do not remember any
at this time, and I am confident that
such a person has not. Q. Has any
member ever had the disposal of an ap
pointment under you ? A. No, sir. No
man has, except an officer of the road.
Q'. Has any appointment been made at
the instance of a member of the Legisla
ture of 1871-2 ? A. No one that I re
member. If there was lam sure it was
after the matter was all over with. I
receive many applications from a vast
number of people, but 1 do not remem
ber them all. I can say that we have
now from 3,000 to 5,000 applications on
file, and some of the letters may be from
members of that Legislature. Ido not
remember that there are any from them.
I never made any appointment to con
trol or influence any member of that
Legislature, Q. (By Mr. Dußose.) The
payments given here by you embrace all
the money paid out by yourself or the
other members of the lease company for
that purpose ? A. All for the period
embraced by that session of the Legis
lature that was paid by me. Q. (By Mr.
McDaniel, chairman.) Might not other
moneys have been paid out for purposes
connected with the legislative inquiry
and action without your knowledge ? A.
No, sir. I think not for any improper
purpose. Members of the company
might have > done so, but they would
have to have’ reported back to get their
money refunded. Q. If you made no
report might not the treasurer have
made payment either on liis own author
ity, or upon the authority of some other
member, without your knowledge ? A.
No, sir. I revised all the treasurer’s ac
counts and he could not have done so
without my knowledge. I controlled all
these matters here, and I do not think
he could have done so without my
knowledge, for I would have known it if
he had paid any money for illegitimate
purposes, when I came to foot up the
balances. Q. (By Mr. Peeples.) Have
you any reason to believe that money
was used by any other member of the
company for that purpose ? A. I have
no reason to' believe that' any one of
them did use money during that period
for any improper purpose. If so it was
without my knowledge or consultation
with me. It was not the purpose of any
of us to meet the question in that way.
Q, (By Mr. McDaniel, chairman.) What
bearing bad the inventories of the prop
erty of the road on the expense account
in 1871 if any ? A. I do not think it
had any particular bearing upon the ex
pense account of any particular year.
Q. Would it have any bearing upon the
expense account at all ? A. Yes, sir. I
think it would. We have the lease for
20 years and everything that is a tax
upon us in one year bears upon us in all
that follow. When we come to take the
whole sum and divide it by the number
of years we get the average for any one
year. When the first inventory was
made the commissioners went over the
road and saw it in its run down condi
tion and made out the inventory, includ
ing everything they found. On looking
over it I thought it was favorable to us,
perhaps too muoh so. I discovered
that some things had been left out and
some things oharged at too high rate.
I addressed a letter to Gov. Conley, who
was then Governor, before the investiga
tion was ordered, stating that some
thiDgs had come to my knowledge that
were not in the inventory and others
that were valued too high, and that we
had better have that matter looked into.
The impression on my mind was, that it
was too favorable to us. When the Leg
islature met it passed resolutions among
which was included one that anew in
ventory should be taken. The lease was
signed on the 27th of December, 1870.
We had improved the road very much
in that time and changed its appearance
very muoh, hence when the commission
ers cf August, 1872, came to go over the
road, although they had to take evi
dence of what the condition of the road
was when we took charge yet the im
provement was so marked that we did
not quite get fair play. Ido not accuse
the commissioners of doing us inten
tional injustice in the matter, but they
could not have known from its condi
tion then what it was when we took
charge. I think the difference against
qs was from $75,000 to SIOO,OOO, for we
Have to settle now by the new instead of
the old inventory. Q. In returning the
road you mean that you must spend that
much additional? A. yes, sir; how we
have to spend money to put it up to the
$75,000 or SIOO,OOO better condition,
and that amount really comes into the
expenses of the lease. Q. It would not
come into the expenses of 1872? A -
No, sir, it would not except in this way,
that I think*it distributes itself through
all the years of the lease. I consider the
whole expenses of the twenty years and
the average found by dividing the sum
by twenty is the average of each year.
I do n.ot believe, as some railroad men
do’ in putting down expenses for iron
and bridges as extraordinary expense.
I take all the years and divide their sum
by the number of years and have the
average of the whole for each year, Q.
(By Mr. Peeples.) Do you kuow or have
reason to believe that afiy of those gen
tlemen used that money improperly to
influence the General Assembly ? A. I
do not know of such a' thing and have
no reason to believe it, but have strong
reason to believe that they did not. 1
believe that as they were paid for their
own labor they used the money for their
own purposes. Q. (By Mr. Walsh.)
The committee understand you to say
that neither yon nor any member of the
lease company paid any thing for that
purpose ? A. I have no knowledge of
it, and my convietoins are that no one
did. Q. (By Mr. McDaniel.) Have you
sent a message to Mr. Walker since the
publication of the article in the Herald?
A. No, sir; I cannot say that I sent him
a message. I saw his son here in the
city and asked him if he knew what his
father would testify to iu this matter.
He said no, but that he would talk to
him and let me know. The next day he
saw me aDd told me what his father
would say. As his father had been re
ferred to as a witness of the fact I nat
urally wanted to know what he knew of
it. The son Raid that his father did not
want to’be brought into the matter;
what he told me was about what Mr.
Walker stated hero to-day. Q. Was
this conversation with Mr. Walker or
his son? A. With his son; I did not
see Mr. Walker until to day. Q. (By
Mr. Alston.) Didn’t you send for his son
to come down ond see you. A. Yes, sir;
if Mr. Walker had been in town I would
have gone to see him and asked him
what he knew about it and think there
would have been nothing improper in
my doing so; but he not being here, I
sent for his sone. Q. (By Mr. McDan
iel.) Did you ever make a deposit of
any money, $15,000 or any other sum of
money, in the Dollar Savings Bank to
indemnify the President or Cashier of
that bank for going on the bond of E. F.
Blodgett? A. I did not but Mr. Hill
did as agent for our company. Ido
mot know what that has got to do with
this investigation, however. Q. At what
time was it done ? A. I am really not
able to answer that. I really do not
know the time. Should think it was
some time duriug the year 1872
but I don’t recollect the time.
Q. . Wafi it made with any view either
to compensate him for services in secur
ing the endorsement of the lease or any
thing connected with it? A. No, sir, I
do not so understand it 1 Q. You do
not remember the month of tho year
1872 in which this was done? A. Ido
not. It is a thing that my attention has
not been called to for some time. Q,
Could you remember if it was before or
after the endorsement of the lease in
1872? A. I really could not fix the time.
My impression is that it was after. I do
not remember dates in a matter that I
do not charge my mind with, with per
fect accuracy. Q. Did you or any mem
bers of the lease company pay Foster
Blodgett the sum of $30,000 or any other
sum to secure Ilia silence when the lease
question came before the Legislature for
ratification? A. No, sir, I did not and have
no knowledge of any other member of the
company having paid Mr. Blodgett for
that purpose. (J. Did you ever pay
him any large sum of money? A. Mr.
Blodgett and I have had dealings which
do not bear upon this issue, in which he
paid money to me and I to him. Q.
(By Mr. Walsh.) Mr. Blodgett was not
in the State at that time—in the Sum
mer of 1872? A. I understand that he lived
in South Carolina. Mr. Blodgett was
before the lease committee at its first ses
sion but left the State before and was
not in the State at any time during their
last session. Q. (By Mr. Alston.) Did
you ever send him any money
by Mr. Wallace Rhodes? A. Never
in any matter that pertained to this is
sue. Q. (By Judge McCay.) In speak
ing of this question of how far any dif
ference in the inventory would enter in
to the question of expenses, it would de
pend upon what the parties were talking
about at the time whether tho annual
expenses or what they expected to make
by the whole enterprise? A. Yes, sir.
Q, If the whole enterprise? A. Then
they would consider that they would be
$75,000 or SIOO,OOO short of what they
would have been entitled to under the
old inventory. Q. (By Mr. Alston.)
What sum of money did you send Mr.
Blodgett by Mr. Wailace Rhodes?
A. Ido not remember exactly the sums
that I let him have at any one time and
I have stated that I sent him none in
any matter that bears uron this issue.
Q. (By Mr. McDaniel.) Did Mr. Blod
gett appear before the committee in be
half of your company or some other?
A. It was in the lease matter that lie
was called in and sworn and you will
find his testimoney in extemo in the
printed record of that investigation.
We could not have had any motive to
pay him for his silence when he was
sworn and had a full examination and
cross examination upon the very mat
ters at issue. Q. (By Mr. Peeples,) You
have given the names or certain gentle
men to whom money was paid as attor
neys. Do you know whether these gen
tlemen either or all of them were before
the Legislature here lobbing during the
time this measure was pending? A. I
think the gentleman who lives in your
own county was not here but two or
three days. Others, I think, were here
a considerable portion of the time or'
whenever called upon by us, and I pre
sume were engaged in tlakingwith mem
mers of the Legislature about the lease,
and I put no limitation upon them in
that matter. They were to represent
our side in its justice and fairness, ex
cept the gentleman who refused a fee for
any purpose unless as a retainer in case
litigation grew out of the matter.
OUR CHARLESTON LETTER.
Unprofitable Reformation—Queer Proceed
ings— Rowdyism—Minor Topics.
[Special Correspotulmce Chronicle and Sentinel.]
Charleston, Alarch 2.— ln my enthu
siasm to render justice to all parties, I
find that I somewhat overrated the
economy of our City Council in my last
letter. The reduction of the taxes to
two per cent, is an established fact, but
there are more ways than one of beating
the devil around the stump. At the
last meeting of Council a number of pe
titions were presented for a reduction of
assessments. This brought Alderman J.
F. Britton to his feet, who, after in
quiring into the matter, suggested that
the petitions be referred to tho Board of
Equalization, and that proper investiga
tions be made. The assessments so far
have increased to five hundred thousand
dollars, and the work is yet incomplete.
Unless I am very much mistaken there
is a clause in the Constitution of this
State to the effect that property shall be
assessed at salable value, and if improve
ments have been made to guarantee an
increase of over $500,000, Ahen it is
strange why so many petitions for a re
duction of assessments have been pre
sented. The fact of the matter is that
the property is over-assessed, and under
the blind of a two per cent, tax the
property holders will pay an equivalent
of three per cent, or more, By fabulous
assessments. If this matter is not rec
tified by the Board of Equalization the
effect will be severely felt, and the
promise of reformation will end as it
commenced—in a promise.
Queer Proceedings.
Defective indictments are becoming
quite fashionable in this State. In the
Court of Sessions on last Tuesday ex-
County Commissioner AlcLaughlid,
charged with forgery, and convicted,
was cleared by a defective indictment
and an arrest of judgment ordered by
the Court. I shall not undertake to ex
plain the cause of these defective indict
ments, but from conclusions the fault is
owing to either ignorance or design.
Howdy la in.
On last Saturday night a lot of rowdy
negroes attempted to jostle two United
States soldiers from the sidewalk on
Kffig street, and on being remonstrated
with commenced an unmnrciful attack
on the soldiers, who being largely out
numbered by the mob, took refuge in a
grooery store. Brickbats from the
rioters and pistol shots from the police'
caused a general stampede on the street.
Two of the negroes were arrested after
considerable difficulty, and fined thirty
dollars each. On Tuesday morning two
Italians or Spaniards got quarrelling in
Queen street, near the Bay, and as the
disjointed jargon waxed warm one of the
men drew a large horse-pistol, heavily
loaded with slugs of lead, and fired.
The pistol bnrst with a thundering ex
plosion, leaving the bewildered commu
nity, in the neighborhood, nnder the
impression that a second dynamite dis
aster had occurred. Both parties were
promptly arrested, and as luck would
have it, a huge soare was the only re
sult of the occurrence.
Minor Topic*.
The Irish organizations are getting
things in readiness for St. Patrick’s
Day... .The commencement exercises of
the Medical Oollege of the State of
Sonth Carolina take place at the Acade
my of Music, to-night The prayer
meetings, under the auspices of the
Young Men’s Christian Association, have
beep the been the means of returning to
the path tit rectitude many hundred sin
ners The weather is cold; windy and
blustering. yrßapups.
Ford, the New York Canal Captain
who participated in a duel with knives,
is dead.
DOWNFALL OF BELKNAP.
THE MOST COLOSSAL VILLAIN OF
THEM ALL.
The Secretary of War Found Oallty of fftgh
Crimes and Misdemeanors—To Save Him
self From Impeachment He Tenders His
Resignation—And thetPresident Accepts it.
Washington, March 2.—Specials hence
report that the Committee on Expenses
in the War Department have the evi
dence of a Mr. -Marsh that he paid Mrs.
Belknap ten thousand dollars cash, and
six thousand dollars per year, for three
years, for post traderships at Fort Sill
and other army posts in the Southwest.
The specials state that Secretary Belk
nap appeared before the committee, and
made no defenso, but begged for mercy
at the hands of the committee, and
asked to be allowed to resign. To this
not even the Republican members were
inclined to listen.
Later. —About ten o’clock this morn
ing, Secretaries Belknap, Bristow, and
Chandler, and Senators Morton and
Morrill called ou the President. The
subject discussed was the resignation of
Secretary Belknap. Belknap and
Chandler then proceeded to the War
Department.
Executive Order.
Executive Mansion, (
Washington, D. C., March 2,1876. \
Sir— The resignation of the Secretary
of War having been tendered and ac
cepted this day, you are hereby directed
to assume and perform the duties per
taining to the office of Secretary of War
in addition to those of your own office
until otherwise directed.
Very truly yours,
U. S. Grant.
To the Secretary of the Navy.
The Investigating Committee Demand the
Impeachment of the Late Secretary—Tlie*
Scene in the House on the Presentation of
the Impearhmeut Resolutions—Doe* the
Resignation Prevent Impeachment—A Pain
ful Pietnre—The Struggles of the Witness
and the Agony of the Wife and mother.
In the House o’f Representatives, Mr.
Clymer, of Pennsylvania, presented
resolutions of impeachment against Wm,
W. Belknap, late Secretary of War, for
high crimes and misdemeanors in office.
In the midst of great excitement, and
with an unusual stillness in the House,
Mr. Clymer rose and said: “I ask per
mission of the'House to make a report
from the Committee on Expenditures in
the War Department of so grave im
portance that I am quite certain that
when it is heard the House will agree
that I am justified in asking that per
mission at this time.” Permission was
given, and Mr. Clymer, taking his posi
tion at the Clerk’s desk, read the follow
ing report:
“The committee found, at the very
threshold of its investigation, such un
questioned evidence of the malfeasance
of General Wm. W. Belknap, then Sec
retary of War, that they found it their
duty to lay the same before the House.
They further report that this day, at 11
o’clock, a letter of the President of the
United States was presented to the com
mittee accepting the resignation of the
Secretary of War, together with a copy
of his letter of resignation, which the
President informed the committee was
accepted about 10:20, this a. m.—
They, therefore, unanimously report
and demand that the said William
W. Belknap, late Secretary of War,
be dealt with according to the law of
the land, and to that end submit here
with the testimony in the case taken,'
together with the several statements and
exhibits thereto attached, and also a re
script of the proceedings of the com
mittee had during the investigation of
this subject, and submit the following
resolutions:
Resolved, That Wm. W. Belknap, late
Secretary of War, be impeached of high
crimes and misdemeanors in office.
Resolved, That the testimony in the
case of Wm. W. Belknap, late Secrec
tary of War, be referred to the Judiciary
Committee, with instructions to prepare
and report, without unnecessary delay,
suitable articles of impeachment of said
Wm. W. Belknap, late Secretary of War.
Resolved, That a committee of five
members of the House be appointed
and instructed to proceed immediately
to the bar of the Senate and there im
peach Wm. W. Belknap, late Secretary
of War, in the name of the people of
the United States, of high crimes and
misdemeanors when in office, and inform
that body that formal articles of im
peaohment will in due time be pre
sented, and to request the Senate to
take such order in the premises as they
may deem appropriate.
Mr. Clymer then proceeded to read
the testimony of Caleb P. Marsh, taken
yesterday before the committee, show
ing that he had paid Secretary Belknap
about $20,000 in consideration of his
appointment as Post Trader at Fort Sill,
Indian Territory. The reading was lis
tened to with intense interest by the
members of the House and by a large
audience in the*galleries. In the more
pathetic portions of the narrative Mr.
Clymer was frequently forced by his
feelings to pause until liis voice recov
ered frem its tremulousness and himself
from his agitation. At the close of the
reading and after the many members
who had taken up positions near the
Clerk’s desk, tho better to hear the tes
timony and accompanying statements,
had returned to their proper.seats, Mr.
Clymer, who had also gone to his own
seat, again rose and said, with great
emotion :
Mr. Speaker— l would not if I could,
and I could not in my present condi
tion, if I would, add anything tb the
facts* just reported to the House. An
other occasion may be afforded me to do
so. They are so plain that everywhere
throughout this broad land and through
out Christendom, wherever the English
language is read or spoken, they will,
for long years, constitute a record of
official corruption and* crimes sach as
there is uo parallel for in our own his
tory or in that of any other country that
I know of. If, in this hour, one senti
ment of pity, one word of sympathy,
could find utterance from me, it would
be because I feel that the late Secretary
of War is but the proper outgrowth, the
true exponent of the corruption, the ex
travagance, the mismanagement that
have cursed this laud for years past.
That being my own reflection, I will dis
charge my duty best to myself and to
this House, by demanding the previous
question on the adoption of the resolu
tion.”
Air. Bobbins pleaded his mental and
physical exhaustion from his continuous
serving on the committee as the reason
why he should not address the House
.at any length. He spoke of the report
as presenting a case of great shame and
disgrace to all American citizens. As
to the question of the impeachability of
an officer who had resigned he was not
prepared to speak worthily except to
suggest that it could not be true that'
an officer who was being investigated
and who had been found by evidence to
be a criminal, could flee from justice.
He alluded to wbat he called the un
seemly acceptance of Secretary Belk
nap’s resignation, and referred to the
English cases of Warren Hastings and
Lord Francis Bacon, both of whom had
been impeached after they had ceased
to hold the offices in which they com
mitted crimes and misdemeanors.
Mr. Bass, of New York, another mem
ber of the committee, questioned the
statement of the chairman, Mr. Clymer,
as to this case having no parallel, and
said that he would not have to leave
his own borders in order to find not only
a parallel for it, but that he could find
cases compared with whjch this case
was as white as the driven snow. He
admitted that a mere statement of this
case as presented by the testimony was
sufficient to justify every member to vote
for the resolutions presented.
Mr. Lamar, of Mississippi, inquired
from Mr. Bass his opinion as to the im
peqchability of a resigned officer.
Mr. Bass replied that the English au
thorities seemed to maintain the juris
diction of impeaohment in such cases,
but that in this oountry it was an unad
judicated question and one that was not
free from doubt, bnt bis own best judg
ment was in favor of the right to im
peach and to let the question be adju
dicated by the Senate.
Mr. Hoar, of Massachusetts, in refer
ence to a casual remark' of some mem
ber as to this being a political ques
tion, entirely disclaimed and repu
diated suoh an idea. On the point
of the impeachability of a person
not in office, he referred to the
case of Whittemore, of South Caroli
na, in which the House had determined
that a formal, actual renunciation of an
officer terminated the office, and that
any American citizen ooald lay down an
office held by him withont any accep
tance of his resignation. Judge Story
laid down the doctrine that it oonld not
be done in England, bnt there any citi
zen conld be impeached; therefore, the
English cases of Warren Hastings and
Lord Bacon did not apply in America.
No man could be impeached but a
civil officer, and when he ceased
to be a civil officer he ceased
to be within the literal description
of the Constitution. In this country
the only judgment that could be ren
dered in an impeachment case was re
moval from office and, future disqualifi
cation from holding office, but by the
statutes, a person guilty of such of
fenses conld be indicted, tried and
sentenced by the criminal courts of the
country. He protested against hot
haste in this matter without having the
testimony printed. He thought suoh
haste unworthy of the grave question,
and if be stood alone he would still
stand here to say so.
Mr. Blackburn, of Kentucky, another
member of the committee, expressed
his satisfaction that the report which
had been read by his colleague (Clymer)
showed to the world that nothing had
been left undone by the committee to
shield and shelter from dishonor every
person except the one whom it was the
duty of the committee to investigate and
report upon. He would not consent
that the gentleman from Massachusetts '
should make this a political or a parti
san question. He would not consent,
that his side of- the House should be
placed in the position of prosecutors
and the other side should take up the
position of defendeis. It was a ques
tion which addressed itself alike to
every member of the House. He re
garded the case as an unprecedented one
in more respects than one. The action
of the President in accepting Secretary
Belknap’s resignation under the circum
stances was unprecedented, and this
was the first instance in the history of
the country where any man, claiming
manhood and holding an exalted station,
had sought to shelter himself from le
gitimate investigation by interposing
the dishonor of a wife. [Sensation. |
Passing to the question of the impeaoh
ability of Mr. Belknap, Be suggested
that the question, as Judge Story had
intimated, might properly be left to the
decision of the Senate. On such a state
of facts would the House *be asked to
shrink from the performance of its duty
because there might be the mist or
shadow of a doubt on that point ?
The House could not do ao.—
It would not be admissible.—
He quoted from the impeachment case
of Lord Bacon, in which it was stated
that when the Lord Chancellor had
sought to save himself by a resignation
of his high office the attempt was vain,
as the King did not and could not inter
pose. Was the House to be told that
the man in power at the other end of
the avenue was able to rob an American
Congress of a right and power which the
King of Great Britain could uot take
from Parliament? [Sensation and ap
plause.] It used to bo the theory that
the King could do no wYong, but no
'man had ever been bold enough in this
country to say that the President could
do no wrong. If the man who had
uttered the memorable sentence, “Let
no guilty man escape,” held it in his
power to rob an American Congress of
its right to inflict punishment or to pro
nounce censure on a publiey convicted
criminal, where was the barrier to be
found beneath whose shelter the liber
ties of the people could rest secure?
[Appluuse.]
Air. Hoar. Does the gentleman say
that Congress has the power to punish
any man in this country ?
Mr. Blackburn. 1 will not submit to
interruptions. lam the last man who
would introduce one atom of polities
into this discussion. It is not admissi
ble here. The Republican members of
the committee were as earnest and hon
est in the proseeutiou of this inquiry,
aud in the presentation of this report, as
the members representing the majority
of this House. We have seen no differ
ence in the committee room. I appeal
to the members of the House that there
shall be no difference manifested here.
If fraud has been perpotrated, if crim
inality exists, if corruption has been
proved, let the representatives of the
people in this House so declare it and
send the issue to the court, where it may
finally be tried, and if we are unable to
punish where guilt is almost openly con
fessed, let the responsibility for that
failure rest on other shoulders than
ours.
Mr. Danforth, of Ohio, another mem
ber of the committee, expressed it as
his judgment that the acceptance of Mr.
Belkuap’s resignation in no manner
changed tho position of that officer to
the country. He disagreed, however,
with the statement of the Chairman (Mr.
Clymer) that the conduot of this officer
was the legitimate outgrowth of the
principles of the party in power, and
he expressed the hope that there would
not be a single vote on the Republican
side of the House against the resolu
tion.
Mr. Kasson, of lowa, said that a few
years ago there had gone from his State
a young, well educated and gallant gen
tleman to fight the battles of his coun
try. He had gone through the war, and
the President had afterwards called him
to a seat in his Cabinet, placing him at
the head of that army of which he had
been an humble but somewhat distin
guished member. This morning, for
the first time, the delegation from lowa
had heard that that gentleman, who had
been so muoh respected in his own State
and so much honored by the nation, had
been found guilty of receiving compen
sation for some act of official duty, and
that that compensation had been con
tinuous. The House would judge of
the emotion with which the members
from that State had listened to the
reading of the evidence. He had never
heard anything read with greater inter
est than that report, and when, at the
close of the reading, he had made an ap
peal to his friend from Pennsylvania
(Mr. Clymer), not for himself alone, but
for his colleagues, whose pride and
honor wore so touched by the character
of the report, for a moment’s delay, that
they might find whether there might not
be in the evidence one extenuating cir
cumstance, he had been met by the de
mand for the previous question. He did
not desire to claim any exemption for
Mr. Belknap from all the penalties to
which his acts entitled him, but he
found the most painful feature disclosed
by the evidence to be the fact that not
one word of it touched the officer in
question until the death which broke a
heart had occurred. [Sensation.] Waa
he to be blamed that he and hia
colleagues wanted a night to as
certain the extent of that officer’s
guilt by reading the evidence in
print? Was he to be blamed that
when he found the most delicate rela
tions in human life involved iu this
proceeding—a relation so delicate that
he dared not allude to it in detail—he
asked an opportunity to consider
whether there was anything to be said
in extenuation of so high and so great a
misdemeanor ? Bnt it was too late to
go back to that now. He and his ool
leagues had been refused that oppor
tunity and now he only asked the atten
tion of the House to the question
whether the House did not need more
time to ascertain whether this officer
was impeachable. After quoting
from Judge Story on this point’
he argued that the powers of
Cougress were limited by the Con
stitution, and that if Air. Belknap
be impeached the Senate oonld not exe
cute the constitutional provision which
declares that he shall be removed from
office. If he were liable to impeach
ment let it be understood that they were
all, without exception, for impeachment,
but if the House was establishing a pre
cedent which did not rest on the Con
stitution, aud which wa3 dangerous for
the future, he thought it right that tho
House should pause and consider, by a
report from its Judiciary Committee,
' the question of its right to make this
impeachment. If the House could im
peach a man not in office it might go
back and impeach Jefferson Davis and
John B. Floyd for conspiracy. •
Mr. Robbins, of North Carolina, sug
gested that there was a great difference
between a conviction on impeachment
and a conviction on indictment. In the
latter case the man might be pardoned
by the Executive, but in the former case
it could not be. As to the suggestion
as to the impeachment of Jefferson Da
vis, he replied that it had been decided
'that a Senator could not be impeached,
not being an officer of the United States.
The debate being closed, the House
proceeded to vote on the resolutions and
they were unanimously adopted.
The Speaker appointed, as the com
mittee to notify the Senate of the action
of the House, Messrs. Clymer, Bobbins,
Blackburn, Bass and Danforth, these
members composing the Committee on
the Expenditures of the War Depart
ment making the report.
Thus ended the most bitterly painful
scene that ever took place in this hall—
the theatre of so many exciting events.
The proceedings not being anticipated
or the facts which led to them generally
known, there was at first no very large
attendance in the galleries. Mr. Wood
was speaking on the Hawaiian treaty in
committee of the whole, but on an inti
mation of what was about to take place
he left his speech unfinished, and gave
way for a motion that the committee
rise. Mr. {Uymer, in making his pre
liminary remarks to the House, and sub
sequently reading from the Clerk’s
desk the testimony whioh told in such a
plain and convincing manner the guilt
of the man who had been so trusted aud
honored, was visibly affected, and had
to exeroise a strong mastery over his
feelings to suppress the public display
of bis emotions. He was particularly
affected when he came to read that por
tion of it whioh described the scene be
tween the witness, Marsh, Mrs. Belknap
and Mrs. Bowers (the sister of the then
Mrs. Belknap and now herself holding
that name) in the nursery, where the
pecuniary prospects of the innocent
chijd were alluded to, and the other por
tion, whioh desribes tlite efforts made by
the wife to screen the husband and the
mental anguish of the witness, strug
gling between the desire to save his
friend and the resolve not to do so
at the expense of his own soul. Mr,
Clymcr had to pause several times when
he came to these passages, and his
strong emotion won favor for him from
all spectators. During the proceedings
Mr. Kerr occupied the Speaker’s chair,
and beneath him, at the Clerk’s desk,
sat his predecessor, Mr. Blaine, evincing
a painful interest in the story as told ip
the testimony of Marsh. Many mem
bers, whose seats are in a remote part
of the hall, took up positions in the
area in front of the Clerk’s desk, and all
the rest occupied their seats, paying the
most marked attention to the reading
Before the scene had closed the galleries
