Weekly chronicle & sentinel. (Augusta, Ga.) 1866-1877, July 26, 1876, Image 2

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Weekly chronicle & sentinel., July 26, 1876, Image 2

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Newspaper Page Textgrtironicle aitD .Sentinel. WEDSEBDAY JULY 26, 1976 Glascock county has instructed hei delegates to vote for Judge Pottle lot Congress. Warren has given the sam. i nstrnctions. 001. Habdekas is such a good bey for “oomtng down” that the organs art all willing that he should beelector from the State at large. We publish this morning a communi cation from Glascock county claiming the Sonatorship for that county on the rotation principle. The Senatorial Con vention will meet in Louisville next month. The Rome Courier intimates that Hon. H V. M. Milleb, and not Judge Augustus B. Wbioht, will be an inde pendent candidate for Governor. If this rumor is correct, the “Demosthenes of the Mountains” may expect to be sat down on suddenly and severely. The Greenes boro Herald says that the refusal of the county meeting to instruct Congressional delegates for Mr. Ste phens does not mean that the county will not support him again. On the contrary the delegates to the Conven tion will vote for his nomination. It is not every man who, like Judge A. R. Wbioht, would object to having bis nose painted too small. Perhaps the Judge is a believer in Nosology, and considers a prominent proboscis an indication of intellect. The portraits of most distinguished Georgians show that departed greatness carried a large nose. Honobs are nearly even between Gra.t and the Reformers. Bbistow and Jewell have been kicked out of the Cabinet for being too honest; Wil liams and Belknap were forced to re tire on account of their corruption; and Robeson is on a swinging limb. W* think, however, the last bird clearly be longs to the Reformers. Gen. Ewing is stamping Ohio for Til den and Hendbicks. Gen. Ewing is one of the most eloquent and effective po litical speakers in the United States. When he gets an audience by the slack of the breeches he holds them until they accept the true faith. We must get him to come to Georgia during the campaign. Nev.jb alone come the Immortals: The army worm and a Radical State ticket make their appearance in Alabama on the same day. If the army worm would abandon the cotton and tackle the Radical politicians the two evils might neutralize each other, but, alas, the army worm has no more judgment than an idiotic jackass. Some Republican with a keen sense of humor has played a practical joke on the gentlemen who are so eager to “avenge Custkb” by introducing a bill allowing the Secretary of War to accept the service of volunteers. If the bill passes the volunteers will doubtless lose their thirst for gore. We hope, how ever, that the law can be made retro active, and that Don Cameron will hold the avengers to their patriotic proffers. The Knoxville Age suggests that the time for holding the Railroad Conven tion in Uiis city be delayed from Novem ber 20th to the 22d. This change is proposed in order that delegates from Tennessee may reaoli Augusta without traveling on the Sabbath. Our citizens will cheerfully acoept the amendment. They are too anxious to have the road built to invite calamity by Sabbath breaking. _ Hoge, the Ohio carpet-bagger who was never legally elected to Congress, styles Edgefield county—the home of refinement and patriotism—the “dark oorner of South Carolina.” Hogs neg lected to state that a Radical conntv Treasure* otule thirty thousand dollars out of the “dark comer” the other day. The Radicals do not hate the dark cor ner enough to keep from robbing it whenever they get an opportunity. General Grant is not as pronounced in his admiration of Governor Hates’ letter of acceptance as the editor of the New York Times or Mr. George Wil liam Curtis In fact, the “Second Washington" criticises the letter se verely; says it is in exceeding bad taste, and is a reflectiou upon the present Ad ministration. We are afraid the Second Washing ion will be treated to a taste of the party boot after next March. Any body will be “a biger man than old Grant” then. Hon. J. H. Blount came home from Washington the other day, p esumably to look after the canvass in the Sixth Congressional District. Upon his ar rival in Macon, Mr. Blount is reported to have stated that the work of the ses sion was about over. By reference to dispatches of yesterday he will discover that some new “ hitches ” have occurred which will probably prolong the session until the middle of Angnst. Better go back and leave your interests in the hands of the people. They will see to it that they are protected. Mr. H. W. J. Ham, of the Warren ton Clipper, requests us to state that he was seeded as a delegate to the State Convention by the Warren coun ty meeting wit.H the full knowledge that he favored fleneral Colquitt ; that the selection of delegates was the result of a compromise; fhat if the Colquitt men of Warren are in mi nority at all they are in a respectable minority, and a minority which he Su’all represent in Atlanta on the 2d of Au gust, when the State Convention assem bles. The Savannah News thinks that Hou. H. R. Casey has issued too early a call to the counties in this District to select dele;ates to a Congressional Conven tion. Dr. Casey is simply doing his duty. The Executive Committee re quested him to give at least a month’s notice. Our Savannah friend must re member that after Dr. Casey’s notice appears the Chairman of the Executive Committee of each county must also give notice of the time of county meet ings, and as some of the counties have only a weekly mail the propriety of an early call is obvious. Hon. Augustus R. Wright, of Rome, who is spoken of as a probable indepen dent candidate for Governor of Georgia, is a patron of the fine arts. A young : lady of that place having painted a por trait of Judge Wright “simply as a pastime,” he wrote her a note (which, with her reply, is published) saying that though he considered the nose a little too small he would give fifty dollars cash for the painting and help her to a hus band. The fair artist wisely accepted the cash and declined the consort,saying that husbands some time prove trouble- | ome comforts, and that so long as a woman remains independent she had better continue single. We publish in the Chronicle and Sen tjnel this morning the proceedings of a vieutiog of colored citizens, hdd at Ellen ton, Aiken county, S. C., a few days ago. From them it will be seen that the colored people of that portion of Aiken county have no sympathy with the outlaws and incendiaries of the up per portion of the county, who seem so anxious to precipitate a war of races. The honest and sensible men among the colored people of South Carolina are rapidly discovering that their worst enemies are those who hold the effiees and appropriate the spoils; who thrive by promoting discord between the two races, and who take good care to move their cowardly carcasses to the rear as soon as their counsels cause a collision. It is high time that the colored citizens of the State kept these scamps permanent ly in the rear. CONGRESSIONAL convention. At a late meeting of the Executive Committee of the Eighth Congressional District, a resolution was adopted nam ing Thomson the place, and the 6th day of September the time for holding a Convention of the Democratic party to nominate a candidate for Congress to represent said district; and that pnblic notice be given of this at least one month in advance. I hereby issue this, my announcement, in accordance with the above instructions, and call npon the Democracy of the District to assem ble in “mass meeting” for the purpose of selecting delegates to said Congres sional Convention. H. R. Caset, Chairman Ex. Com. Democratic papers in the District please copy. TILDEN AND HENDRICKS. As was to have been expected, there is no truth whatever in the statement that serious differences had arisen be tween the Democratic nominees for President and Vice-President. Govern or Hendricks has just returned from a visit to Governor Tildkn at Saratoga and utterly denies that anything un pleasant passed between them. Gov ernor Hendricks says he has known the Governor of New York long before, and on this occasion was confirmed in his previous estimate of his character. He is a man of great nerve and decidedly aggressive principles. There is no au thority for the statement that Governor Tilden is using his influence to oppose the repeal of the resumption clause. He stands on the platform. At the same t ine it is true that reform will be the cry of the campaign, and that question in Mr. Tilden’s mind seems to over shadow all others. In this he is only abiding by the spirit of the platform, and certainly is expressing the demands of the time. That is a paramount con sideration of the Governor’s De mocracy. Governor Hendbicks will accept the nomination, and he will ren ter the ticket most important service in the West. Through his influence the Democracy will carry the States of Ohio and Indiana, and make the election of a Democratic President in November a certainty. Gov. Hendricks, though perhaps disappointed by the action of the St. Louis Convention, has patriot ism enough to take the second, where he expected the first, place, and to labrr earnestly for the success of the ticket. And in this case interest points in the same direction as patriotism. Gover nor Hendricks will lose nothing in the long rnn by the sacrifice which he makes. Men like Schuyler Colfax and Henry Wilson were “shelved” when they ac cepted the Vice-Presidency. Men like Governor Hendricks cannot be shelved anywhere. As Vice-President he will put himself in the direct line of promo tion, and in 1880 he will receive his re ward at the hands of the National Demo cratic Convention. Governor Tilden will be elected this year, and his tri umph will bring a long lease of power to the great Democratic party of the Union. In the near future it will have an abundance of honors to shower upon its favorites, and not last among these will be the men who patriotically and unselfishly sacrificed personal prefer ence to the party’s good, THE DEBATE ON THE HAMBI lIG AFFAIR. We publish this morning, from the Congressional Record, a full report of the debate in tho House of Representa tives last Tuesday on the Hamburg affair. It is not often that such copions extracts fom the mouth-piece of the Cave of Winds appear in the Chronicle and Sentinel, but on this occasion the local interest that attaohes to the debate causes its publication. Every one will admit that this deplorable affair should not have been brought into Congress. It had not the .lightest business there, and it was taken there by the Republi cans solely for the purpose of giving Re publicans an opportunity to make cam paign speechoa The amendment offered by Mr. Smalls, the negro Representa tive from South Carolina, had no more to do with the bill under discussion than Balzac’s novels have with the Book of Common Prayer. The Republicans did not propose to pass the amendment. They did not desire its passage. They simply wanted a pretext to inflame the passions of the people of the North against the people of the South. We do not think they succeeded. Notwith standing their falsehoods, their denun ciation of a man in every respect their superior, their inflammatory harangues, their appeals to passion and to prejudice, they have not s,ijuoeeded in making the Northern people believe that Gen eral M. C. Butler had anything to do with the killing of the prisoner#, or that the tragic occurrences in Hamburg were anything more than a local disturbance precipitated by the system of misrule and corruption that has so long prevail ed in South Carolina. Of course the customary lying “private letter” was produced and read, but in .this instance the just and truthful account, of the affair published by the local press rob- bed the anonymous slander of its sting. It was shown, -too, that the unfortunate affair had no political significance what ever, because the staunchest Democratic papers in Georgia and Soth Carolina had strongly condemned the frilling of the prisoners. The abuse heaped upon General Butler by such sc-mps as Smalls, Macuev and Hoge can do that 'gentleman no harm; their praise might have injured him. The hold and manly stand taken by tho Southern members in this shameful debate is worthy of all praise. They maintained their temper I admirably, they condemned whatever i they considered wrong,but they repelled eyery slanderous attack upon their States or section. THE POLICY' THAT WILL WIN. It is gratifying to know that the first county meeting held in South Carolina for the purpose of sending delegates to the State Convention declared un equivocally and overwhelmingly in favor of maintaining the organization of the Democratic party and making a square fight with Radicalism. The people of Newberry have done nobly and wc trust that they have sounded the key-note of the coming campaign in Carolina. We believe, as we certainly hope, that Edgefield, Barnwell, Beau fort, Abbeville, Anderson, Oconee, Pickens, Greenville, York, Chester, Fairfield, Union, Marion, Sumter, Rich land, Orangeburg, Colleton, Aiken and even Charleston will speak as wisely, as promptly and as plainly. The senti ment of the people of Sonth Carolina is in favor of the nomination of a Dem ocratic candidate for Governor on a Democratic platform. This is the year in which the redemption of Sonth Carolina must be achieved. The Hoar has arrived; the Man can soon be found. Sonth Carolina is still rich in her ohildren. She has many noble sons, | ready, willing and able to bear her ban ner to victory. She has Hampton, Ker shaw, McGowan, Butler, Gaby, Ald rich, Aiken, and a host of others. While all of these are able men and de voted patriots, who possess the fall con- ; fidence of their fejlow-men, Gen. Hamp ton has been suggested as perhaps the most available candidate for the occasion. We know that in selecting a candidate there will be neither rivalry nor jealousy displayed. We know that Carolinians now are looking only to the good of their State. All purely personal feelings have been merged in a lofty sentiment of patriotism—in the determination to rescue their State from the rogues and , rascals who have rnled and rained her since the commencement of reconstrnc- , tion. Wade Hampton, on a Democratic I platform, will sweep Sonth Carolina j next November by ten thousand ma jority. About twenty-five regnlar boarders at the White Sulpher Springs in Meri wether county, and about the same num ber at the Warm, THE HAMBURG RIOT. GEN. BUTLER'S REPLY TO THE ATTORN EY-GENEBAU Edgefield. S. C., July 16, 1876. 2b the Editors of the Journal of Com merce : The High Joint Commission, consist ing of Wm. Stone, Carpet Bag Attorney- General, and the Mulatto Adjutant- General of the State, Parvis, have lately visited Hamburg to investigate the “Horror,” and the former has made his “report.” Whv Governor Chamberlain should have subjected the State to the expense, and these two dignitaries to the trouble, of going to Hamburg, is some what surprising. When we read the “report,” and consider the data from fthich it is made, the ex-parte statements of lying negroes, and the partial, parti san and false conclusions of its facile author, the suggestion arises, why the affidavits were not written out in Columbia, made to order there, aDd sent by express to be executed without limit by the dusky affiants of that re nowned rendezvous, Hamburg. This plan would have answered the purpose of the outrage manufacturers and their hireling newspaper champions just as well. If this so-called Attorney-General had been in pursuit of the truth, why did he confine his inquiries to the besotted negroes, and a few perjured white men who had instigated them into an armed in surrection against the laws of the coun try, the rights and property of its citi zens, and the safety and piece of that community ? If acting within the per view of the duties incident to the high position in the State to which the acci dents of war hate elevated him, why did he so hastily conclude bis investigation before getting at the real facts of this unfortunate emute, and rush into print with a report pregnant with partisan ship, and fragrant with the odor of Rad ical falsehood? If his hireling cham pions of the press had desired to pre sent to the pnblic a truthful account and a fair representation of the “Ham burg Horror,” why did their accommo dating reporters seek for publication the statements of each worthies as “Doc” Adams, Prince Rivers, Gardner, and other negroes of that ilk, and avoid sources of information which coaid have thrown light, at least, upon the subject of inquiry. Why shonld these cham pions of Radical outlaws, these bolster ers of the waning fortunes of one of the most infamons, imbecile governments that the world has pver known, so “swiftly denounce” the white men en gaged in tbe merited chastisement of this body of armed outlaws, bandits and robbers, as “fiends,” “cowards,” etc., and have not one word of con demnation for the ontlaws, bandits and robbers themselves. Why have the edi tors and reporters of these malignant sheets lashed themselves into spasms of horror and shame and mortification at the death of a few of these armed out laws, and find in their hearts not a feel ing of regret or sorrow at the death of that splendid, fearless and honorable young man, McKie Merriweather, who was murdered in cold blood by these same outlaws. I can point out just twenty misstatements of facts in this “Report,” which oould have been easily avoided if the doughty Attorney-Geu eral had taken the trouble to arrive at the truth. As he recommends a judicial investigation, and sundry threats of ar rest have been made by certain valiant knights of the quill, who I presume will volunteer to play constable for that purpose, I will reserve my exposure of these falsehoods for that interesting oc casion. Upon the heads of those charg ed with the execution of the laws rests the responsibility of this collision.— If it is true that Governor Scott placed these arms and this am munition in the hands of these igno rant people, it was a crime against them and the white people that he did so. It was a crime in Governor Moses to have allowed them to remain in their hands. And it was more than a crime in Gover nor ChambeFain, in the light of his ex perience upon that subject. Jt was a cruel and inexcusable wrong, an unpar donable sin against the peace of the country and the lives of the people, that he should have allowed these guns and ammunition to remain in their hands. The jurisdiction and powers of a Trial Justice are large, and the responsibility proportionately increased at an impor tant point on our border, like Hamburg; and a man of tbe greatest discretion, fidelity and firmness could and should have been procured to fill the office; but instead of that this man, Prinoe Rivers, wholly unfit for so important a station, is the only acting Trial Justice in Ham burg, and I believe the nearest in Aiken county is about twelve miles distant. Now, if there had been a Trial Justice accessible, who would have given Mr. Robert Butler justice, when, like a law abiding man, as he is, he appealed to him to protect members of his family against this sorcalled militia, this “hor ror” would never have been chronicled. Not only does he not afford him protec tiun, but the ruffianly constable of this Trial Justice, one Bill Nelson, a copper oolored negro, insults me as his attor ney when I approached him in a per fectly respectful mam er, to inquire about the whereabouts of the Trial Jus tice, in order to begin the investigation. I was moreover baffled and trifled with for hours by this Trial Justice and his negro associates, until this armed com pany of outlaws had time to concentrate in their armory, where they could suc cessfully maintain their attitude of armed insurrection, armed with gnus which this same Prince Rivers admitted in my presence had been taken from him by these upgroes without authority. The town had a negro Jntendent, negro Aldermen, negro Marshals. It was almost a terror to every white man whose busi ness required him to pass through it. They had harbored thieves and criminals from every direction. They had arrest ed and fiued spme of the best and most peaceable citizens for the most trivial offenses agsinst their ordinances —some for drinking out pf a spring adjacent to the highway. One young man was fired npon, the bail passing through his hat, arrested, dragged to prison and heavily fined, because his horse shied on the edge of a sidewalk. An old man was ar rested, insulted and fined because his horse turned pu fhe sidewalk as he was in the act of mounting. Ifarket wagons, camping within five or si* miles pf the town, have been robbed night afte night, cattle had been stolen and run intp this place and sold. Stolen goods have been systematically received here, the parties frn.qwiug tfiem to be stolen. For nights previous fig the collision un offending yhite citizens wore baited by the pickets of these tqalitiamen, armed with State guns, and stationed on the highways. In one instance, five oy six of them had scraped their bayonets on the pailings of a gentleman, and upon hjs remonstrance cursed and abnsed him in tbs hearing Qf J)js wife and some vis itifig ladies. The St all these persons can lie given. Why did this Attorney-General anq these “ swift denouncing” newspapers not put themselves to some trouble to ascertain the provocations on both sides. That this was not a company of State militia, bat a band of negroes organ ized contrary to Jd w . or . without the au thority of law, who bau taken the State property without authority; •* C° m ; pany A, Ninth Regiment National Gaaro of the State of South Carolina,” had been disbanded for several years, and that this band had usurped their organ ization without authority; that they had not only unlawfully and riotously ob structed the public highway, but had broken up a civil court, defied its pro cess and resisted its mandates and in sulted its officers and riotously threaten ed the lives of peaceable citizens. Why do they not publish the fact that a cer tain white man, who lives in that town of Hamburg, and publishes a Radical paper in Columbia for circulation in Georgia, was seen on the train going to wards Columbia on the Thursday even ing previous, and returned, as is strong ly suspected, with ammunition for these negroes? Why have they not reported that this same man said to the negroes after the altercation on the streets on the 4th of July, between this so-called militia com pany and yonng Butler and Gelzen, that “they (the negroes) onght to have shot Gelzen to death, and beat Butler’s brains oat with the batts of their guns;” and that he incontinently fled like a mischievous cur, when the storm, which he had brewed, burst upon the offend ing negroes. Why they have not re ported all of these provocations I cannot conceive, except upon the hypothesis that they are paid to lie, and to slander, and misrepresent the white people of this State for political effect. They say that the demand was made upon the negroes for the arms without authority or justification. Why had not any citi zen or number of citizens the right to demand them ? Prince Rivers, a Brigadier or Major- General of Militia, had said publicly that they were taken from him without authority. These negroes had assem bled riotously; were in a state of armed resistance to the laws, and any citizen or number of citizens had the right to disperse the rioters and suppress the riot, and to nse just so mnch force as was necessary to accomplish it, and it every negro engaged in the riot bad been killed in the suppression, it would have been excusable, if not justifiable The tribunal of the written law had been applied to, and ignominious’y failed. Delay would have been fatal to the safety of the lives, families and property of the unoffending, peaoeab'e citizens Prompt, short, sharp and de cisive action was necessary, under the dictates of that unwritten, inalienable law, known as self-preservation, the first of all laws. Some there may have been who were glad ot au opportunity to pun ish those who bad accumulated wrongs, insults and outrages upon them, such as I have enumerated. I can sympathize with them, if I cannot approve such a means of vindication. I have upon a previous occasion ex plained how and why I was in Ham burg. I did nothing there which I re gret, or for which I have any apologies to make, and would Vlo again just what I then did. I might have avoided the storm by fleeing from it. But I conceiv ed that i had certain dnties to perform, and I was not bronght up in that school which allows any mau to desert his friends and clients when they are in danger, and their families and property in jeopardy, lam indifferent to the opinion of those howling hypocrites, and ask no favors at their hands, and shall grant none. Their threats of Uni ted States [soldiers have no terrors for me or the people of Edgefield. We have had these soldiers with ns and have no objection to their coming again. We have found tbe officers gentlemen as a general thing, and the men orderly and law-abiding, and they will do no more than execute their orders and en force the laws. -I invite a judicial investigation, and am prepared to snbmit to the arbitra ment of the law; and such is the feeling, as far as I have been able to learn, of every white man who is in any degree connected with the affair. The white meD of this conntry have Rome rights which the negroes are bonnd to respect. They have no other feeling for them than kindness and pity. Kindness for their loyalty to our families daring the war, and pity that they will permit themselves to be made the tools of bad, mischievous, designing white men and mulattoes. So long as they obey the laws, every honorable man of the coun try will feel bonnd to protect and en courage them in happiness and pros perity. Very respectfully yours, M. C. Butler. THE INCENDIARY MEETING IN CHARLESTON. No White Radicals Need Apply—The Motley Mob That Shook the Sanguinary Shirt— Determined to Fiffht —What Are the Whites Going to Do About It—Municipal Matters in Charleston. IFrom an Occasional Correspondent. J Charleston, July 19.—1 attended the indignation meeting held by the Radi cals in this city, in front of Market Hall, on Monday night. To say that it was a failure would be to lie. With the shakers of the bloody shirt it was a thing “perfectly modeled.” No white Radical was permitted to participate in the grand assemblage of outlaws and cut-throats. The crowd would permit no one to speak bat men like Parson Cain, the Morton shirt-shaker, of the Missionary Record, a dirty little 12x9 sheet published here by the Radicals. Well, they all spoke. And such speak ing ! The white people were told that they must stop their role of virtue; that the black people had permitted them to play their part as long as hey intended to; that they (the blacks) had now made up their minds to take care of them selves and to fight the whites to the knife. Gen. Butler’s image was not burnt in effigy because they thought it inex pedient. But they meant to do more than that. They meant to have his head. And they swore that not even Provi denoe should keep them from taking the scalps of certain Augusta gentlemen. Their names were not only known to Republicans in Hamburg, but had been furnished to every Radical league in the State. Georgia cut-throats had to be put out of the way or the Democrats would oarry this State. Such was about the feeling manifested at the Bloody Shirt meeting on Monday night last. Hell and its devils were turned loose, and held high carnival. They were in for anything, everything. The white ladies of the State were threatened. But let me stop. As I write the beastly meeting, its paraphernalia, its actors ap pear before me. God save me from a review ot it even in my mind. And now comes the question what are South Carolinians going to do about it ? They have been warned, their manhood has been assailed, and, worse than all, the sacred ness of the white ladies of South Carolina has been assailed in speech. Now, will not tbe men of this State be put down as the veriest of cowards if they fail to make a straight fight for tbe redemption of this old commonwealth this year ? How is she situated ? How ! Chamberlain is her Governor, a man of no character, and who would prostitute the tenderest ties of his family to gratify his political ambition, and would rejoice to see everybody brought to his level and be made to grovel in the dust of his Cyprian dregs. Christ 1 Here he is, and yet applauded by white men. His County Treasurers, Auditors and Trial Justioes are men whose characters are not only fly-blown but maggoty. There is not a decent white Republican who holds an appointment in the State. They are all dogs, who would not make chattels of the women under them, but who would use them for the basest of pur poses. But the curs will not reign al ways. A feeling, gotten up by the Spar tan band left in South Carolina, to re deem South Carolina, is daily growing in magnitude. The Journal of Com merce is making a gallant fight in favor of the tax payers of the State, and with it and the aid and comfort we’ll get from the Chboniole and Sentinel, we hope not to be under bore by the mangy curs longer than this year. Charleston her self is well controlled. If Wagenerbad been elected it would have been a mis fortune for Charleston. Cunuing hatp, the present Mayor, has dis appointed bis strongest enemies. In stead of summoning around him a band of outlaws and bloody shirt shakers, he called to his aid men who are universal ly recognized for their character and honesty. The Police Department is un der Capt. Hendricks, one of the best disciplinarians in tbe South, and under him it is not possible for the Radicals to make an attaok upon the whites here in Charleston. Mr. J. Evans Britton chiefly directs the affairs of this depart ment ot the city government, and is a model of character and influence Hence, as I have already said, Charles ton city is blessed with a good municipal administration. And the Radicals will get no help from the officers here during the campaign. They won’t say so, but it is generally believed that they will pro tect Democratic speakers in the coming campaign. You know what I mean. Heretofore the Radicals would never allow Democrats to speak here in peace, and the policemen have acted with them. It will not be so any longer. The whole city ie op the tiptoe of expectancy. It is thought that an encounter between Col. Barnwell Rhett and Oapt. F. W. Dawson may come off at any moment. Capt. Dawson says he does not recog nize the “code,” but will protect him gelf if attacked. Spectator. SENSIBLE COLORED MEN. Kes#lutions Adopted by tbc Elitmtqc Meeting. Ellentoh, 8. G., July 19th, Editors Chronicle and Sentinel : Gentlemen— Allow me a small place in your columns to report a neighborhood here, that occurred on the 15th metttiiug, . *■ w Council, was Chair of July. Bryauv .. . --Mressthe man, and being called ofi to **?-- meeting, spoke as follows: Gentlemen and Fellow Citizens: I am happy to meet you face to face, to call your attention to the present condition and state of affairs. Fellow citizens, we are colored people. The object of this meet ing is that we must adopt some good method for the good of our county and State. Citizens, there are disturbances throughout the State, now let us try, by the help of God, to keep out of them. My advice is not to have anything to do with them, in or der that we may bring about har mony and happiness, peace and prosper ity. The way for us is to lead a good life for the benefit of onr uprising generation. Our next objeefc is to point out some of the things I am talking about —such as men who get up a disturbance for the sake of notoriety, breakers of the peace, men whe try to get up a war of races, Ac. Therefore, let us withdraw from all such characters and strive for harmony and peace between the two races and show to the community at large that we have more love for our country than that of the above mentioned characters. Let ns adopt some resolutions and have them published in the papers. Bryant W. Council, Benj. Roberson, Allen Bush, John Bell and Wm. Walker were appointed the committee and re ported the following resolutions which were adopted : Ist, We, the colored citi zens of Aiken county, take no sides with rioters, disturbers of the peace. We determine] to have nothing to do with them; furthermore we believe in philanthropy, harmony, peace, pros perity and happiness in social living 2d, We believe in peace- and friendship with all citizens, both white and black, and intend to stand on that platform. 3d, We determine to stand on the Con stitution of the United States and abide by the laws. gone over to hates. Ethaa Alien Marches Hia B*nid lata the Radical Ranks. New York, July 21.— Ethan Allen, Chairman of the National Liberal Re publican Committee, has issued an ad dress to the Liberal Republicans annnl ing the call for a National Convention, to be held July 26th, at Philadelphia, and supporting the Cincinnati ticket. HAMBURG INTHE HOUSE. THE CAMPAIGN DEBATE OF LAST TUESDAY. Smalls Amendment—The Calared C!n*res man and Cax—Tbe Fray Grows Faat and Furioaa—Garfield, Lamar, Faster. Hart rlila e aad Hose to the Fore—No Libels on Georsia—Bloody Shirt Shaking". Debate was resumed on Smalls’ amendment, which is as follows: Pro vided, That no troops for the purposes uamed in this section shall be drawn from the Stite of South Carolina so long as the militia of that State peaceably as sembled are assaulted, disarmed, and taken prisoners, and them massacred in cold blood by lawless bands of men in vading the State from the State of Geor gia. Mr. Smalls : Now, Mr. Chairman, in offering the amendment which has been read by the Clerk I did it believing that the race to which I belong are being outrageously treated in tho district I have the honor to represent upon this floor. Notwithstanding that, sir, the gentleman from New York [Mr. Cox] rose npon this floor and attempted to state to the House and to the country that I had introduced this matter for bad political purposes. If it has been the custom of the gentleman from New York to bring in matters here for bad political purposes, it is not so with me. That gentleman early undertook to state to the Honse that South Carolina was the worst governed State in the United States; that it was rotten to the core— rotten all round its borders. I agree with the gentleman from New York that Sonth Carolina is rotten all round its borders, and for that very reason I have offered the amendment to this bill to cut off that rotten part all ronnd Sonth Carolina so as to let the core stand. It is those rotten parts which are troubling us. We are getting)aloug all right our selves. He stated that I vouched for tiiejauthorof that report. I state agaiu to this House that the report which was read from the desk was signed by an honorable gentleman, a lyal gentleman, one who risked his life for the protection and de fense of this Government. I say again I know that if I had given his name to this House in the next few hoars it would have been known at Hamburg, South Carolina, and I would not have given ten cents for his life, for General Butler, the gentleman who was attempt ed to be made a saint of in this House, would at once kave organized another band of Ku-Klnx and hnnted him down. I will tell the gentleman from New York that I was vouckad for by nearly four teen thousand majority of loyal men to this Government, and, sir, I will say men of my native State, the State of Sonth Carolina; where I was born and reared. I wilt ask the gentleman iu God’s name who endorses him, whether the people of New York or the people of Ohio? Mr. Cox : Both of them. [Laughter.] Mr. Smalls:: It is a good thing if the gentleman is endorsed by both of them. I do not desire to take up the time of the House, as gentlemen on that side have only seen fit to allow us ten min utes to debate on this question. Thank God, I hold ii my hand the official in vestigation of the Attorney-General of the State, and if that report does not place everything charged in that former letter upon Gen. Butler’s head, then I do not knowhow any man can be proved guilty of any orime within the borders of the United Btates. I have nothing to say in reference to the complimentary remarks of tjie gentleman from Ken tucky (Mr. Jones) in regard to General Butler. General Butler might have been in the Says he knew him every thing he has stated in regard to him, but I can tell him that since General Butler left him he has either got into bad company *r has been badly advised, for there has not been a row or a riot in South Carolinn since reconstruction in Edgefield that General Butler has not led; he has been the leader of every riot or outrage perpetrated upon the good people of that Btate. Why, sir, this military company is a regularly organ ized body of the militia of that State. It was celebrating the Fourth of July, and men having no authority at all asked those men to give iyp their arms. Mr. Garfield: It is not the least sad of all the sad facts in the subject that we are now engaged in considering, that so grave an occurrence as the one which has been introducedoffioially by a mem ber of this House has elicited so little attention from the majority that the whole drift of the discussion should have been turned away into a partisan direc tion, and partly and mainly turned into laughter. Now I want to state in a word what I understand to be the facts which we are called upon to consider by this amendment. A legally organized militia company, parading with arms that are legally held by them, in their own town, on the centennial Fourth of July, were accosted by two young men who demanded that the company should get out of the road; and because the whole company did not at once move out of the road for the two men who could have gone quite as well a little at one side, it was resolved by sundry per sons to disarm that legally organized military company of the State; and be cause tho company did not consent to be disarmed at the command of unauthor ized persons, an organized mob, led by a distinguished gentleman who served as an officer in the war against the Union, assailed, strrounded, opened fire upon them, oaptired some of them, and after capture murdered in cold blood without warrant or authority a considerable num ber of American citizens. This has been stated hero in the House, on the official authority of the Attorney-Gen eral of So ith Carolina. The papers of the dominant party in that State and Georgia admit that the real and only ground of this outrage was the faot that the military company was composed of colored men; that colored men had used their rights as citizens to organize them selves as a part of the State militia.— Now I have no doubt that there are multitudes of go,od men in the South and many on the other side of this House who deeply deplore this bloody and atrocious outrage. But how has it been treated in this discussion ? The first utterance was by the gentleman from New York (Mr. Cox), who arose in his place and declared that the negroes began the affray by killing a white man. That statement has been answered by the faot that they made no hostile dem onstration until they were fired into by the mob. Again the gentleman from New York (Mr. Cox) stated that this matter was introduced here for a bad purpose, a bad motive, to stir up bad blood, and to affect the elections. And to-day we have been treated to an ex treme example of his usual method. He has attempted to laugh at a group of atrocious murders. His levity was never so horribly out of pl#ce. The only calm and thoughtful declara tion which has been made on this sub ject on the other side of the House was by the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Hartridge), who spoke manfully and re gretfully upon the subject and suggest ed that we should wait until the official examination was hai. lam more trou bled than by the tpere fact of the mur der about the symptoms that J see around me. Has it come to pass that a murder like this cannot be discussed in this House without its being charged that there is a bad motive for speaking of it ? Do our Northern Democrats -are more for th interests of their party than t6V the safety of the lives of citi zens ? But Jam still more anxious to know, an#'to kncf from gentlemen of the South who can speak with know ledge and by authority, whether tms is a sporadic case of murder, or whether it is a symptom which indicates a gene ral condition of feeling in their section. aDxiety ie to ksow whether this in stance £n4ioates a settled purpose to de clare that black fcofi Dot Z organized into companies, shall not parade peaceably in thi) streets bin der arms, shall not be allowed all the rights, privileges and immunities of citi zens of the United States of oolor. That, Mr. Chairman, is my great anxiety in regard to this c *se, , e fought a great war to establish the Union and the equal rights of citizens before the law; and I wish we could lay aside all the bitterness of that contest; but I say distinctly to gentlemen from the South that the era, of feel ing can never be ushered in in its full ness until you let ps know that the old spirit of caste and race which caused the war has been laid aside*with weapons we carried in the field ; and until a blacfr man, while be behaves himself, lawfully and peaceably shall enjoy all the rights, all the privileg a, aU the protection and all the guarantees pf ti*£ Constitntion that a white man enjoys in ail opr States. When that is done, we can shake bpnas in full assurance of peace, and can hang the olive branch oy.er all our doors; until that time comes, we ?£ust keep watch with that eternal vigilance is the pries pot only of liberty, but of i equal justice to all citizens. Mr. Lamar: Mr. Chairam, I do not propose to discuss or analyze this terri ble and disgraceful affair at Hamburg, although I think the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Garfield) has not given a fair and impartial statement of the circum stances in which it originated. But those eireninstances axe of no moment, here upon this question, nor are the provocation which lsd to the final fear ful tragedy involved in the proposition now before ns. Nor are they in my opinion (and here I differ with the mem ber from Ohio) the legitimate topic of. debate or discussion on this floor; they belong to another tribunal to which the Constitutions of States as well as that of the Federal Government remits these subjects. Whether in the circumstances and these provocations the whites or the blacks were most to blame is a question to which I shall not now recur. Through all the confusion whioh has been thrown around this transaction (and I mnst say, notwithstanding the honorable character of the informant of the member from South Carolina, whioh I do not question in the slightest de gree, his document was evidently writ ten, and perhaps very naturally, under great exasperation and excitement), through all the uncertainty which exas peration and exaggerations have thrown around this subject, there is one fact which gleams out acknowledged, is indisputable. It is that a body of white men did without authority of law put to death a number of black men, who had been taken as prisoners; J mean who had been captured and deprived of their liberty, but who were not prisoners in the legal sense of the term, inasmuch as those capturing them had no right under the law to depiive them of their person al liberty. Now, sir, I wish to say here in my plaoe—and what I say here just as it drops from my lips and falls upon the reporter’s notes is at once sent throughout the entire South and every constituent of mine in every home and hamlet will read what I say ; and even if I were base or ig noble enough to utter here what I would swerve from there, a9 has been falsely charged against Southern men, the Record would always convict me—in my place here and with the responsibili ties surrounding me, I assert that no excuse or palliation can possibly be found for these outrages and this bar barism. [Applause.] Asa Southern man and as a Democrat I have a remark or two to make upon this subject. Mr. Chairman, we of the South have a law less class precisely as you of the North have lawless classes. Asa consequence we have riots in which human life >s lost precisely as you have such riots, with this difference : Ours without pre concert flame up in different localities and are confined to short periods of time, while yours in more than one in stance have held several counties in terror, have extended over mouths of time, and have involved a larger loss of human life, defying the authorities of your States. There is another fact which I wish to mention. In those Southern States where disorders aud violence occur there are governments of a peculiar character and type, invaria bly governments .of one character and type. They are governments whioh are called Republican governments, but it is a spurious republicanism which has no identification or sympathy with the views aud purposes that have inspired the following of the great Republican party of this country. And, sir, those State governments have invariably en couraged these disorders and these murders by their inefficiency, by their imbecility, by their cowardice, and by their connivance, for thy have in every instance not on failed to punish these murders, not only failed to administer justice, not only failed to execute the laws, but they have used the occur rences as occasions to appeal to Con gress and to the North for help in main tain the powers which they are so ruthlessly exercising. The gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Garfield) asked if it was a sporadio case or one typical of the general condition of things South. I answer that there is no community in the South that is not thrilled with hor ror at such occurrences. Sir, it is a wonder that society does not go to pieces under the operation of govern ments that allow such lawlessnes to stalk abroad in the land unpunished. They are governments which live on violence and dis order, and when they cannot have vio lence they provoke it in order to use it as an instrument of political power. A word in answer to the argument of the gentlemen from Michigan (Mr. Conger) Saturday, in all good temper. The use of the army never produced any good effect in such cases as this. The troops always get to the scene of the disturbance after the occurrence and too late to prevent it, and as a means of righting personal and private wrongs, as a means of preventing vio lence to personal security, the army is slow, cumbersome, is ineffective, and almost useless; and in spite of the ef forts of the army officers to the con trary, whose actions cannot be to high ly commended, it is converted into a monstrous engine of political oppression and corrupt political intrigues. That is the only use to which it is put in the South. The gentleman must see how inappropriate the use of the army is in such cases. A riot like this in the streets of a town or village is not a thing for the Federal Government to in tervene about, for it violates no Federal law, it does not conflict with national authority, it has no relation to the ex ercise of the right of suffrage. This was a riot like the riots whioh occurred in the State of Pennsylvania in the mining regions, or in Indiana, where, on the day of the last election, three or four colored men were killed; or like that which occurred the other day in New Jersey, where seven men were killed, two of them put to death by stoning. Why do you not apply the same re t. edy there? Why confine your Federal inter vention to prevent murder and riot to one section alone ? What is the remedy in this case? It is clear. It is the duty of the Governor of South Carolina to take prompt and severe measures to have apprehended and punish the men who committed such a orime. He cannot use measures too vigorous or too sum mary to bring the men who shot down these prisoners in cold blood to a swift retribution. I understand the eloquent and gifted Georgian (Mr. Hartridge) to promise the co-operation of the Gover nor of Georgia, if the case touches Georgia in any way, to bring these men to condign punishment. la the Governor of South Caroliua doing any thing in that direction? If he is he will meet my support and praise and that of the good citizens of South Carolina; buo if instead of doing that he is rushing to Washington to invoke once more tne demon of discord and sectionalism, to drag their material of passfon through this Chamber, he will not be doing that which will prevent disorders in that State. I say, sir, if there is lawlessness, it is because these so-called Republican governments have been not only cor rupt and lawless themselves, but also beeause they have encouraged it by giv ing it impunity through their imbecility and cowardice, and often by actually in citing it. I say that wherever, as in the State of Arkansas to-day, the Governor has ruled with a firm hand and enforced the law, lawlessness has been crushed out and all citizens, black and white, are alike secure. Governor Garland has in cne year put down the spirit of law lessness in that State, and it is now as peaceable a community as any in the country. I repeat, it is not the fault of the people, whose property, interests and business investments and industrial arrangements depend upon peace and order, end are utterly ruined by such disorders, but of governments either too inefficient to put down crime or so much interested in producing that they furnish provocations to it. Why, sir, the other day Governor Kellogg, of Louisiana, appointed as a tax collector to a parish in that State—so I read in the press—a man who was a captaiu of a band of iqurderers and robbers. If he had sent his police to hunt him down and shoot him like a wolf, him and his marauding band, he would have done his duty. But instead of that he legal izes robbery and theft by making the robber a public officer, and when riots and disturbances grow out of such ac tions as these he comes here to Wash ington and calls on this Government to bring about order. Sir, these occurren ces aye ruinous to the South, they are unnatural apj morbific elements, and disappear whereyer this kind of men is eliminated from political and' social con trol in the South and management of af fairs falls into the hands of her own people'. Mr. Kasson; Mr. Chairman, for the fjrst'tififh duritig this debate the House has heard fromgentleman qf the op position a distinct, direot and pointed condemnation of this most serious and alarming outrage upon human life, hu man liberty and constitutional rights, Mr. Lamar; The gentleman is mis taken. X only repeated what my gifted friend from Georgia (Mr. Hartridge) said. Mr. Kasson: The gentleman from Georgia “deplored” the outrage. I failed to hear him condemn the men who were involved in its commission. Even the gentleman from Mississippi was not able .to close his eloquent denunciation of the outrage without impliedly turning the responsibility for these riots aacT out rages upon the Republican element in the Sonth. Let ns come to the point before this House under debate. On the 4tn day of July last a militia com pany was assembled in the streets of Hamburg, Carolina, celebrating the anniversary of tqeij national inde pendence and ours. They wejre lawfully observing it, when two yonog white men got into a quarrel with them ; but the day closed without disaster. On the following day an armeft organization from Georgia, where the chief criminals i yet remain, invaded the State of Sonth Carouut gnd committed mnrderons out rages which airs eeyfjfied in the report of the Attorney-General of South Carolina over the signature of Governor Ghara berlgin, which report I now hold in my hand. The question is, were these militiamen violating the Jaw when they were attacked ? H ad tbia wditi* com pany the right to assemble and parade on the national holiday ? Your Consti tution tells you, in the second amend ment to it, that— “A well regulated militia being neces sary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.” And yet the gentleman, Gen. Butler, who is commended as a noble exponent of chivalry (and his personal oharaoter may be all that his friends olaim), pro posed, as is admitted, that the arms borne by this militia oompany should be surrendered to unauthorized persons, and to deprive the militia of South Car olina of the right secured to them by the Constitution of the United States. And then from that first proposition to violate a constitutional right they went on to other and more serious violations of constitutional rights and liberties, even to the taking of prisoners who were lawfully in the militia company, and not only that, but disarming them of the arms they had a lawful right to hold. And not only that; “ let the an gels weep, but let honest men do more than deplore;” let them condemn with all the energy of whioh human nature is capable; they told these prisoners to run, and as they ran from them they “chivalrously” amused themselves by shooting them down, and even in two instances mutilating their dead bodies ! And when the gentleman from Sonth Carolina (Mr. Smalls), whose State and district have thus been invaded and out raged, brings the matter to the attention of this House, the gentleman from New York (Mr. Cux) calls it bad in morals, bad in motive, and charges that it is brought in here for a bad political pur pose. Sir, the Democratic party did not always take this position. In 1840 they declared in their national platform: “That every citizen of every seotion of the country has a right to demand and insist upon an equality of rights and privileges aud to complete and ample protection of person and property from domestio or foreign aggression.” They re-enacted that in their platforms until 1864. But when there came to be citizens of another color, citizens who were dependent, ignorant, poor, and needing protection, the Democratic party commenced leaving out of their platforms this principle of the right of the citizen to protection in person and in property. I stand here, independent of all party on this question, to say that, be the wronged citizens white men of Texas or black men of South Carolina, this great Republio of 44,000,000 of people owes alj its energy and all its power to protect all citizens of this country against outrages upon liberty and life such as have been perpetrated in this case. This is what the gentle man from South Carolina (Mr. Smalls) has asserted, as is his right. And I rise here to defend him and the raoe he represents against being laughed out of this tribunal of the nation and from the presence of the American people when they bring their complaints before them and demand redress and protection in the name of humanity and of constitu tional right. Mr. Hartridge: I did not intend to participate further in this debate, and I should not now do so were it not for cer tain words which have fallen from the gentleman from lowa (Mr. Easson) who has just taken his seat. I desire to state to that gentleman and to this House, simply as a repetition of what I had the honor to utter in his bearing on Satur day last, that I deplore this occurrence as much as any geutleman upon this floor; that the people of the State of Georgia deplore it, and, as I then said, I now say that the people of Georgia, through their press, are calling for a rigorous aud thorough and vigorous in vestigation of this matter; and they stand pledged, when the truth is elicit ed, to stamp with their condemnation all who are to blame and to aid in their punishment. Can anything be clearer or plainer than that ? I not only deplore, but I here pledge my constituents, I pledge my State through its official au thorities, to aid in the investigation of this matter and to punish those who are guilty. But I desire to wait until we learn who are guilty. I am not prepared now, from what I have heard and what I have read, to give my judgment as to wno is guilty or who is innocent. I am not prepared to say upon this floor that that the people of Georgia or the people of South Carolina, white or black, are guilty in this transaction. I am not prepared so to stamp Governor Cham berlain or his Attorney-General, and to give this judgment now. I wait for the evidence that is to be given under oath. I wait for the evidence upon which the Governor of South Carolina shall base his official action; and if he sees fit to demand any one from the State of Geor gia who has been guilty of this crime, when that demand comes, based upon his official investigation, based upon evidence setting forth the facts, ray word f r it, the authorities of Georgia will respond according to justiee and the Constitution. Why, sir, gentlemen upon the other side of the House do not un derstand our condition to-day in the South. You seem to think that there is all the time a war of races there be tween the blaoks and the whites. Is it not our interest to live together therein peace ? Is not the black raoe the only race fit to furnish us labor ? Must not the white race furnish the capital? Is it not the interest of capital and labor to live in peace and friendship ? Why, then, should we provoke these disturb ances ? Why should we excite these outrages ? Why should we seek to over turn ancf subvert all the means of our prosperity and happiness ? The cu pidity of the North, engaging in the African slave trade, put this race in our midstas slaves. The power of the North hasleftthem to usasfreemen. There they must live; with them we must live; and unless the two races live in accord and harmony there is no future of happiness or prosperity for us. More than that, there is something in the hearts of Southern people. We are not savages. There is some feeling on our part to ward this raoe among whom we were born and reared, and with whom we daily live. There is scarcely one of us upon this floor from that section who can look back to the days of his infancy or childhood without seeing something to bring up pleasant and loved memo ries in connection with this'face. For my part, were Ito seek to outrage this colored race, there would rise to rebuke me the memory of the nurse of my infant years—the memory of her whose bosom, although dark with the hue of slavery, yet tenderly and softly pillowed my in fant head; whose hands, although har dened by toil, yet kindly ministered to my infant wants; whose voice, although untrained and untutored, sweetly sang the lullaby that soothed my infant slum bers. I tell you, gentlemen, there are ties of interest, there are ties of policy, thero are ties of memory and the best emotions of the heart to bind the white people of the Sonth to the colored race. [Applause.] Mr. Hale ; Mr. Chairman, this House have represented this morning a re markable spectacle. This has been no ebullition of sentiment. The subject matter before us has nothing of fancy. It has come np from no desire to “shake the bloody shirt.” The gentle man from Sonth Carolina (Mr. Smalls), representing a defrauded and murdered race, has offered a practical amendment to the bill before the House, a perfectly germane amendment to a bill which pro poses to regulate the movements of the United States Army. The circumstances calling out this amendment are that at least six men, citizens of the United States, equal citi zens with you, sir, and me and the lead ers upon the other side; men whom we have undertaken to clotheVith all the nigh privileges and rights that spring from onr Constitution and the laws; men whom we have made fellow-citizens with us, have been wantonly and foully mur dered. And yet the majority of this House upon a deliberate roll cal] have refused to allow sixty minutes debate upon this subject of tne slaughter of our fellow-citizens. Why, sir, the taking of the life of a single British subject, enti tled to tne protection]of the British flag, has forced entrance to the House of Com moes and has there dominated all other subjects for weeks and months. And the French Asqembjj hq® a S^ n and again donated |ar days and weeks upon the wrongs of a single French citizen. This tenderness for the life and property of the citizen has been the common pride of every legislative body that has ever been known to the civilized world. And yet the majority of this House de cline to give an hour for debate to this overweening, overmastering subject, or inquiry into the causes which led tfi the murder o$ these six'iqen'and'for'discus sion of the nieans By which we may pre vent like occurrences by the presence of United States armed forces. The gen tleman from Georgia asks why do these things continue to occur ?, Let me [ell him that they wifi continue ids* Aifiong as members on that side 6! the Chamber rise as one man to stamp down the dis cussion of these atrocities. Lst me tell him that so long as % C6ft>qpqmc par ty are lad by men ip whose, neighbor hood these scenes are enaeted, ana who have nothing bnt good words for the ac tors in the terrible drama, the raiders apd murderers in Georgia and Booth Carolina wifi go high handed bn their bloody work, and wifi, as they belidve, be protected in it. Sir, there is something to do besides invoking sentiment and quoting poetry, as has been done in this dase. I ‘charge uDoa the gentleman from Mississippi (Mr. Lamar), who has a philosophical, speculative blind, and haß human sym pathies; who gees the wrong and ijifa mv of these things—(here the hamper fell)—I charge upon that gentleman, who has been twice chosen by his con stituents a Representative in this House, and ha# been further endorsed by elec tion to a seat in the Senate—l charge upon him the responsibility, not of these acts themselves, bnt of putting a stop to these things in his State. X charge upon the gentleman from Geof gia (Mr. Hartridge) that he and bis as sociates must stop them there. (Here the hammer again fell.) I charge upon the leaders of the dominant party in all the Southern States that they must stop these murders. (Cries of “Order.”) Mr. Lamar: I have discharged my re sponsibility in part by defeating the au thors of such disorders in my State. Mr. Mackey, of South Carolina: Mr. Chairman, in connection with the sub ject now under discussion the gentleman from New York (Mr. Cox) has seen fit to denounce South Carolina as one of the worst governed States in the Union. For this assertion there is no founda tion whatever, and instead of South Carulina being badly governed at pres ent she has a better government to-day than she has had for year®. I would like to remind the gentleman of this faot, fo which he seems to be entirely ignorant, that to-day the only question dividing the Democracy of South Carolina is whether or not they shall nominate as their can didate the man who is now the Republi can Governor of our State. If the pres ent government of South Carolina is so bad and corrupt, why are the Democrats discussing the propriety of making the head of that government their candidate in the next election ? It is an indis putable faot that should Governor Chamberlain again be the nominee of the Republican party he will receive hundreds of Democratic votes. Many of the leading Democrats in the State know this, and hence they argue that it would be inexpedient to nominate a Democrat ic candidate should Chamberlain receive the Republican nomination. At one time the State government of South Carolina may have been exceedingly bad, but such is not the present condi tion of affairs. Taxes have been reduc ed, assessments lowered, corrupt offi cials removed, and numerous reforms inaugurated, and the vast improvements in the government is fally recognized by two-thirds of the Democratic papers in the State. Quotations from Pike’s Prostate State have no application what ever to the present condition of affairs in our State. This muoh I have deemed it necessary to say in refutation of the assertion that South. Carolina is to-day the worst governed State in the Uuion. In regard to the Hamburg affair, I think no language too severe oan be used in condemnation of it, and I am gratified to see that nearly every Demo cratic paper in the State denounces it. But while the Democratic papers of South Carolina denounce this Hamburg affair as a most brutal outrage, it is rather surprising to find Northern Dem ocrats attempting to palliate and excuse it. Even admitting that South Carolina is badly governed, it is no excuse what ever for such acts of brutality. Really, this whole affair is so revolting that I do not.think the people of South Carolina will thank any gentleman here or else where for making any defense of it, for a defense of this affair almost involves an approval of it, and I cannot believe that the people of South Carolina ap prove of suoh brutality. That particular section of* the State where this affair occurred has for years, in my opinion, been a disgrace to the State of South Carolina. Ever since the war that region appears to have been in fested with a gang of desperadoes, who, upon the slightest provocation, would murder a man with as muoh coolness as if they were killing a wild boar. Even the murder of white men by white men is not an uncommon occurrence there, and it is looked upon by the rest of the State as the dark corner of South Caro lina. The Hamburg massacre is only the outbreak of a lawless spirit which has prevailed in that section for years. It was this spirit of lawlessness and of terrorism which in 1868, at the Presi dential election, actually prevented any polls being opened in Edgefield county, because no Republicans could be found to risk their lives to serve as Commis sioners of Elections. It was the only county in the State in whioh no eleotion was held. Mr. Hoge : Mr. Chairman, in rising to speak upon this question, I will say that I had hoped the occasion would not have arisen at this late period, when I, as a member of Congress, should be called upon to rise in my place and speak upon the subject that now is oc cupying the attention of the House. I was in hopes that the time had passed in South Carolina when these outrages, these deeds of blood and murder could ever occur again. I was in hopes that they were forever passed. I can remember, Mr. Chairman, that in 1868, during the memorable election in the Third Oongressionol District, which I had the honor to represent on this floor, there were nearly three hun dred of our citizens that were murdered; so that this outrage that has been per petrated in Edgefield is nothing new in the history of South Carolina. Over three hundred of my constituents at that time suffered loss of life by adher ing to and advocating the principles of the Republican party. But while this state of affairs has existed, I do not want to make the statement to-day in this House, nor do I believe it, that even in South Carolina all the white men who belong to the Democratic party are in favor of the murderers. I do not believe that. On the contrary, I know there arc many men in our State that belong to that party who are as much opposed to these dee.ds of blood and violence as I am. But I do state to-day, and I stated from that knowl ed that I have gained from experience, after nearly qleven years’ residence in South Carolina, and having been inti mately conmected with the politics of that State during that time—ldo state that there is an element in the Dem ocratic party either controlled or partly controlled by the men who headed the band of murderers at Hamburg, a party headed by such men as General M. C. Butler and General Gary, and men of that class, who by their acts and their words, by their oounsel to the peo ple who do these deeds of blood, urged them on to commit these great crimes. While perhaps Gen eral Butler would be too much of a gentleman or too honorable a man a shoot a negro if he had told him to run off, for the mere pleasure of seeing him fall, yet by his advice these dirty scoundrels and murderers who did that shooting were aotuated and encouraged to do these deeds of blood; it was by just such men as Butler and Gary, of Edgefield county. Those are the men who advocated and recommended this outrage upon the colored people; and it was simply because they are members of the Republican par y, because they can not control their suffrages and get them to put them in office by their votes.— They say to them, “You have to act with the Democratic party in South Carolina, or we will make you do it.” The edict has gone forth that a black man in Sonth Oarolina must either vote the Democratic ticket in the future or follow in the footsteps of those who fell at Hamburg. It has placed my distin guished friend from Mississippi—no, I do not know that he would allow me to call him that—it has placed him in a po sition to obtain a seat upon this floor, to be elected to the Senate. He says that they have peace in Mississippi and in Arkansas. Sq they have; but it is the peace of the grave; it is lasting peace to the ooiored man and to the white man who dares to advooate those great principles of civil and religions liberty that have been advocated by the leaders of our party—principles which came down to ns from our forefathers, and which it is our duty to plrpetnqte and hand down to onr children, as a sacred heritage. Mr. Foster : I have a ward to say on this subject to gentlemen from the South. It bas been my good or bad fortune politically (I do not know which) to join other gentlemen in a report on Louisiana affairs in which the truth was told when it bore heavily on my party friends. I denounced the fraud of the Returning Board of Louisiana, and joined heartily with Mr. Wheeler in bringing about the compromise that > bears his name. I have never tailed to ; denounce my pa.rty when I fotjnd it in the wrong. I concede that you have had had government in some of the Southern States, perhaps in South Carolina, though I doubt it now. Under Governor Chamberlain the government of Sonth Carolina has greatly improved: If I know myself I have qpno bnt the kindest feelings fojr tha people of the South. I long to see the day when peaoe shall reign throughout yonr bor ders, when prosperity shall bless all your undertakings. I long to see the day when we will hear no more of the color line, when evejj man, be he black or white, §[s’4 be IB the fall, u.nre etraiaed possession of,every right vouch safed to him by the Constitution and the laws. I cannot, however, close my eyes to opqqws of horror, and bloodshed, . o* which the Hamburg m,aesaoj;a is a sample; scenes and outrages that would disgrace the savage. Talk not to me 1 about your ohevaliers, your men of high honor, when they stand by and witness (and, as I believe, encourage! the bar barities of Hamburg. Ayo Mississippi outrage? and tactics to be transplanted to Sofith Carolina 9 Did you sqfi out the solid vote of the Soqth ta Tilden; and do yon proEOS B y ? nr t bar ‘ gain by Keene* of bloody barbarity, a parallel of which can only be found in the South where you prate so mneh of honor and high Let me tell yon, gentlemen (Georgia, that it lies within yoqr power to stop these infernal outrages. Be as active in hunting out the human fiends who crossed the bridge at Augusta, Georgia, to Hamburg, South Carolina, with artillery to shell out of the citadel the forty negroes that ooqld not be disloged by hundreds of armed whites from your Spate and the State of South Carolina. See that they are caught and punished. Mr. Cook; Wfiat evidence is thgie that a single man went’ from Georgia ? Mr. Conger: I call the gentleman to or der. Mr. Cook: These men never went from the State of Georgia. Mr. Foster: They did. General Butler admits it. Mr. Cook: No, sir. Mr. Foster: When you have caught and punished these men then sing to ns a panegyric to the vindication of outraged law, instead of talking to us about noble blood. Ay, a nobility that murders in cold blood a captured negro. If yon gentlemen have ifot the influence to stop these outrages you are not fit to be Representatives in the American Congress. You can do it if you will. When yon ha'o tried and have succeeded you will hear the most welcome shout of “Well done, good and faithful servants” that has been heard since the dawn of Christendom. We will fall on your necks and rejoice. [Laughter on the Democratic side of the House and loud cries of “O no !”] Mr. Cook: You must not fall on my neck; you have fallen on our property and on our rights as it is, and now yon want to fall on our necks. [Laughter.] Mr. Foster: We did fall on you, and you remember the fall. Stretch out your hands in charity to God’s poor whom you have with you. Give them to understand by every act of yours that you reooguize their complete political rights. Wipe out all distinctions in your laws ou account of color. Let them leel and know that their old masters are their friends, and that they will if need be fight the world in arms to preserve their liberty, notwithstanding it was ob tained against their masters’ will. Your professions will not do. These barbari ties must oease. If they do not yon must expect that the power of the Gov ernment will be exerted to its full limit if need be to proteot the humblest Afri can in your midst. Lay not the flatter ing unction to your souls that beoause you can give Tilden a united vote he will be elected. The instrumentalities used to bring about a united South for Tilden will as certainly give tho North to Hayes, We are as tired of Southern misrule as you are. This misrule is not a one-sided matter South as well as North. The rascals hunt in pairs as they do in the North. When you catch a Belknap you catch a Pendleton with him. [Laughter and cries of “O !” “O!” on the Democratic side of the House.] So in the South, the stealings are divid ed between the parties. I beseech and implore you, men of the South, to stop these outrages upon the black man, thus restoring confidence in you in the North, and then henoeforth we will dwell together in unity, peace and good will. The horrors of the war will be forgotten. Then we Will go hand in baud exalting aud glorifying the Re public. Mr. Hoge : There is this prejudice ex isting in the minds of ihe white people where slavery has existed; it is one of the results of that institutioo. This op position to the colored man and to his enjoyment of civil aud political rights has come under my observation in South Carolina and other States of the Union having a similar state of society from the commencement of reconstruction up to the present day. There is a deep seated hatred against the black man. There is but one thing he can do to win forgiveness from his old master; that is, to bow down to him, to surrender all his political rights, and agree to vote the Democratic ticket. Mr. Chairman, the gentlemen from Georgia who have spoken on this question and condemned the acts of these men must not forget that some of the men from the soil of Georgia dared to cross the Savannah river and invade the sacred soil of South Carolina without any authority of law, without being called upon by its Gov ernment, and took part in these mur ders, assisting in shooting down private citizens of Houth Carolina. And it is not the first time citizens of Georgia have crossed the Savannah river to in vade the rights of black men in South Carolina. They have been doing it ever since 1868 up to tho present hour. The edict has gone forth that they intend to carry South Caroliua, that they intend to do it peaceably if they can but by vi olence if ueoessary, just as Georgia has been carried and is to-day under the control of the Democratic party. The Chairman : The gentleman’s time has expired. Mr. Hoge : I ask the gentleman from New York to allow me to ask to print additions to my speech. Does the gen tleman object ? Mr. Cook : I objeot to the printing of any libel upon the State of Georgia from any newspaper. The committee rose and the debate olosed. THE EIGHTH DISTRICT. Republicans Preparing for Bailie—The Con vention at Crawfordville —An Elector Elected—A Candidate f|r Cougrcss to be Put in tbe Field. h Special Correspondence Chronicle and Sentinel.] Crawford ville, July 20. -The Re publican Convention of the Eighth Dis trict met here to-day. Fifteen colored and three white delegates constituted the whole convention. Amongst the prominent negroes were Jack Heard, of Greene, and VV. J. White, of Richmond. O. H. Prince, W. F. Holden and Isham Fannin represented the white element of the party. On motion of W. F. Holden, W. J. White was made permanent Chair man, and a gingerbread colored brother, named Lyons, was elected Secretary. Lyons hails from Augusta, and repre sents the Augusta Times , which is now about as large as a well developed thumb paper; and it was gratifying to the con vention, and to the spectators, to be told that they would soon try to make the paper larger. The Times is plainly a very puny infant, that will require the most careful nursing aud attention to> set it on its legs properly before the pub lic. In fact, its best friends will hardljr be offended with me when I say that its birth muse have been premature. The first business of the body was to select six delegates to the Gubernatorial Convention in Muoon, which was done very harmoniously by a committee. Y. M. Barnes, W. F. Holden and C. H. Prince are the white delegates, and the names of the negroes are not now re membered. While the Secretary waa making up a corrected list of the attend ing delegates a Mr. Johnson, colored, from Oglethorpe, reported his name, ndt as Munroe Johnson, but as Jeemß Munroe Johnson, and I Was glad to see Jeems have the thing done properly, be cause there ia nothing like getting down upon the reoord right. The Convention next proceeded to the selection of an eleotor for this District. The commit tee recommended Y. M. Barnes as eleo tor and Jack Heard as alternate. The newspaper man, Lyons, opposed the election of Barnes for the reason .that he was not sure that Barnes would serve if elected, and he inquired if any one could give the body information upon this matter. The Chairman,after some hesitation, re plied that he had reoeived a letter from Mr. B. on the subject, “which was not a public letter, but more of a private, letter,” and although Mr. Barnes did not commit himself fully, one way nor tho other, the Chairman gave the Con vention a very plain intimation that “Barkis is willin’,”. So Barnes was elected and things looked lovely again.. Here the question of nominating, candidate for Congress came up, and provoked some discussion. Lyons and several of the ooiored delegates favored a nomination by the present Conven tion, while Prince and the ether white delegates favored a postponement of this question till some time in Septem ber. Prince and all the speakers agreed that there must be a nomination, and that the election mast not be suffered to go by default. It is plainly their settled purpose to bring out a candidate, and no Democrat need expect to walk over ;he track without opposition. The ques ;ion was finally settled by a motion to iold auotker Convention on the second Wednesday in September in Augusta, ior the purpose of nominating a candi late for Congress. After which the Jonvention adjourned. E. A DAY IN IIICII.UONIK Heat Follisred by a Destructive Storm. Richmond, Va., July 20l —This has been next to the hottest day of the sea son—the thermometer ranging from 100 to 103 in the shade. Between five and six o'clock a very heavy thunder, light ning and rain storm prevailed, accom panied by a considerable fall of hail. Tbe mercury fell 23;degrees. The wind which accompanied the storm was also very severe, A number of houses were unyoofod and otherwise damaged. Shade trees in tho city were unlimbed and stripped of their foliage. Seahrook’s tobacco warehouse, used during tbe war as a general receiving hospital, had the Southern section entirely demolished, the shed being lifted bodily and carried into the streets. A large - quantity of tobacco, stored in the ware house, was damaged by rain. Tbe loss canned now be estimated. Three per . sons were seriously injured at the ware house. The entire upper story of J. H. Dickerson &, Qa, saddlery establish ment, waa carried away and two persons injured, the other workmen narrowly escaping. The walla of the Third Pres byterian Church are reported to be in s dangerous condition from the storm. Several tobacco factories also sustained serious damage from being unroofed and having stock exposed to the rain. The lightning struck in a number of places, but nothing serious is reported. The atorm seems to have been entirely local in severity as telegrams from seve ral neighboring points report no signs of it. If anybody objects to being oanght iu the rain, “shoot him on the spot.”