Weekly chronicle & sentinel. (Augusta, Ga.) 1866-1877, August 23, 1876, Image 1

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Weekly chronicle & sentinel., August 23, 1876, Image 1

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Newspaper Page TextOLD SERIES—VOL. XCI. IEW SERIES —VOL. IL. TERMS. 2 IE DAILY CHRONICLE A SENTINEL, the oldest newspaper in the South, is published daily, except Monday. Terms : Per year, tld ; six months, #5; three months, 92 SO. THE WEEKLY CHRONICLE A SENTINEL is published every Wednesday. Terms: One year, 92; six months, 91. THE TRI-WEEKLY CHRONICLE A SENTI NEL is published every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday. Terms : One year, 95; six months, 92 90. SUBSCRIPTIONS in all cases in advai ce, and no paper continued after the expiration of the time paid for. RATES OP ADVERTISING IN DAILY.—AII transient advertisements will be charged at the rate of 91 per square each insertion for the first week. Advertisements in Tri-Week ly, 91 per square; in Weekly, 91 per square. Marriage and Funeral Noticee, 91 each. Special Notioes, 91 per square. Special rates will be made for advertisements running for one month or longer. ALL COMMUNICATIONS announcing candi dates for office—from County Constable to members of Congress—will be charged at the rate of twenty cents per line. All announce ments must be paid for in advance. Address WALSH A WRIGHT, Chsovicle A Httt-mm.. Augusta. Ga. Cfjronicle anil Sentinel. WEDNESDAY AUGUST 23, 1876. Prince Milas, of the Servian army, is still a good Milan and a half frem fine ness. Godlovk Obth’s front name ought to have been sufficient to carry his ticket along. They called for the 'Hayes and noes down in Alabama, and most everybody voted “no.’* We bear of lots of ring thieves and officeholders who regard Tildes as a very incompetent man. Republican papers were never half so anxious for an early adjournment of Congress. Those investigations take the skin'off. It was the very irony of early piety to condemn Mobton to cratches and pre sent him to the Centennial era of good feeling in the ribald caricature of “the devil on two sticks.” It was proper that the majority report of the Mississippi investigation shonld “lie on the table,” but the order was a work of supererogation. It would “lie” there or anywhere, without orders. The Chicago Journal has got to be an independent paper. It says : “ There are Governments that would place one million men in the field, if necessary, and crush out a hostile crowd like the Siodx Indians in less than six weeks.” It of course means administrations, not Governments. The New York Tribune questions the truth of the story that Pierbepont’s real name is Joshua Munson, on the ground that if suoh were the fact he would have no real object iu seeking, through the medium Flint, to connect the New England Pierrkponts with the nobility. The Tribune's argument is by no means conclusive. It is quite within the bounds of possibility that Pierrbpont consulted Flint for the purpose of discovering whether it would not be advisable to change hia name again. Republican Senators ought to have no hesitation in voting for the reduction of the salary of the President to $25,000 per annum after the 4th of March. The only man who will be effected will be Samuel J. Tildbn, and he will not com plain of a salary of 825,000 per annum. Besides, the people condemn the man ner in whioh the increase in the compen sation of the Presideut was effected, aud it is only right that that portion of the salary-grab measure should be undone as far as Congress can undo it. While the stump speeches which have for the past two days made the Senate of the United States a mere campaign meeting do not enlighten the country very much, we presume it is fair to laugh over the trap which Mr. Patter son laid for himself wheu be complained that all the Assoeiated Press agents in the South are Democrats, giving Mr. Eaton a ohauce to say that they were probably the only persons there who oould read and write. It must be near ly true, or Mr. Patterson would scarce ly be Senator from South Carolina. If is oommou talk iu Washington and Boston that Postmaster Tobsy, of the latter city. > 8 to be removed, and the vacancy tbtV created filled by the reap pointment of.CJeneral Burt, Mr. Tobey’s predecessor as postmaster. Mr. Tobey was one of the leading merchants of Boston at the time of bis appointment, Hia management of the offiod has been Admirable, aud the only reason Assigned for his removal is that he is a friend and admirer of ex-Seoretary Bristow. Thus does the administration purpose to con tinue the work of reforming the party from within by letting uo friend of Bris tow escape. Railroad accidents are very frequent in England at this season of the yeai, owing to the number of extra, or excur sion; trains mu without proper prear rangemeuts. The slaughter has become so periodical as to be annually com mented on in the English papers, the great pauaoea of a Parliamentary * n * quiry failing to stop it. Tbd empty excursion train which figured iu accident on Monday uight at Radstoc^,; in the Southwest of England, was the cause of the mischief. It was not on the time table, and the engineer of the Lon<iou train probably knew nothing about it until too late. I’hb failure of the Servians to main tain tihe war with Turkey will not put a quietus on the agitation of the Eastern qnestion, ft] view of the increase of ex oitement concerning the atrocities 40131- mitted by the Turks <TU the Christian population. Probably the truth of the j terrible slaughter and rapine that have marked the march of tire Turks in the provinces has not been half told, but 1 there can be no doubt but that the ue- j fortunate victims of Mahommedan fury - have been sacrificed by the thousand, j their homes laid waste and their property destroyed. Civilized Europe annot fail to take some positive step in regard to this awful carnival of lust and bloodshed, and it only remains to be seen what shape interference will take, and from when*.’ it will first proceed. Bt their frnits y /shall know them. The Republicans have jkfid complete control for years of such States as Mississippi and Booth Carolina. T&e Republican party has first "recon structed” these States to suit itself, and then reconstructed its own reconstruc tion. What is the result by the showing .of the Republican politicians and the; Republican press? Almost every speech made by any of their public men, almost every leader in their papers, has told the same story for weeks past. The Republicans insist that the South is given up to disorder and anarchy, and that the killing of negroes is an every day matter, particularly in the States which are still absolutely under Repub lican control. Either the Republicans lie, or they tell the truth. Oar own be lief is that they lie. Bat if they tell the •kcutb, with what face can they ask the American people to grant them anew learn of power on the evidence famished by themselves, which shows them abso lutely unfit to hold power? THE NEXT GOVERNOR OF NEW YORK. The leaders of the two great parties in New York are casting round for Gu bernatorial candidates. There never is any dearth of material in that or aDy other State in the Union; but the ques tion is to make a selection that will bear the pa-'ty through the canvass to vic tory, On the Democratic side the choice seems to be narrowed between three men, viz: Seymour, Dorsheimer and M anton Marble. Ex-Governor Seymour is too well known to require any special notice. Mr. Dorshzimeb is the present Lieutenant-Governor of New York. Manton Marble was for a long time editor of the New York World, and is the reputed author of the last three Presidential platforms. It may be men tioned in evidence of the amenities ex isting between newspaper men, that while Mr. Marble presided over the columns of the World, the Herald was a rival, in erery business sense of the term, and the fued between them was continuous, although, we believe, at no time disrespectful or acrimonious. Now the Herald gives a warm support to Mr. Marble’s nomination. The Republicans are more perplexed about making a choice. The list of Gu bernatorial aspirants—or, at least, of those who have been mentioned in con nection with the office—is quite formid able. It comprises the names of Ebastus Cornell, Hon. E. D. Morgan, Theo dore M. Pomeroy, Judge Robertson, Gen. Woodford, George William Cur tis and Wm. M. Evabts, Cornell and Evarts may be said to have the “inside track;” but as the ways of nominating conventions are “mysterious and past finding out,” it would be unsafe to pre dict that either of them will bear off the prize. The prime object of both the Repub lican and Democratic parties is to get a candidate for Governor who will strength en the Presidential ticket. It may be expected, therefore, that a great deal will be sacrificed to availability. THE HAWAIIAN TREATY. It will be seen by reference to Mon day’s proceedings of the Senate that the bill relating to the Hawaiian treaty was passed by a large majority. In this connection the annexed portions of a letter whioh appeared in the San Fran cisco Chronicle of July 30th, will be read with interest. The letter is dated Honolulu July 1 : The question of how to make 8530,000 a year clear gain, with perquisites, is the one which, of all others, now agi tates this island kingdom, and is a sub ject which cannot fail to interest Ameri can readers. The exports of sugar last year amounted to 25,000,000 pounds. The increase of price to be procured for sugar on account of the remission under the treaty is estimated at two cents per pound, and thus tho sugar planters would pocket 8500,000 on this specula tion alone. The savings of duty on rice would amount to about 830,000 per year. The perquisites on remission of duties on other exported articles would, at the lowest figure, swell the sum total to 8600,000. This is the estimate at the present rate of production. If the treaty passes, production in rice and su gar will be rapidly increased. But it is because it is believed the treaty would virtually make the Hawaiian islands American territory that it is warmly advocated by thousands who are not at all interested in the schemes of the planters. The Hawaiian Legislature is divided into two Houses—the House of Nobles and the House of Representatives. The Nobles are created by the King and the Representatives spring from the people. As is natural, the servants elected by popular vote jealously watch'the inter ests of their constituents, and hence the House of Representatives closely watches the conduct of the House of Nobles and the action of the Ministry in the treaty manipulations. The present Cabinet has been remarkably obstinate in with holding the treaty from the Assembly, and the native members are jealous to think that the treaty could be proclaim ed without their knowledge or sanction. To the ordinary native mind open and fair dealing is what convinces. As this mind is the ruling power in the House of Representatives, it cannot see why the Ministry should so secretly work out and manipulate the treaty. It demands satisfaction, and must be conciliated. Besides the action of the Ministry on the subject indicated, the leading na tives find other causes whioh arouse their anger. The Ministers, at the dic tation of the sugar planters, as the na tives assert, are importing Chinese by the cargo, and paying so much per head for them with moneys taken from the public treasury; the Ministry is piling up increased expenditures, and the pub lic debt continues to increase annually. The Hawaiian orators dwell on these facts, and manage to make it very lively for their Excellencies at the head of the Government. It is evident, says the American Gro cer, that those who have been advocat ing this treaty have drawn largely upon their imagination for arguments in its favor. As we have repeatedly said, it is simply a measure which was originated in the interests of a few sugar planters in the Sandwich Islands and some half dozen merchants on the Pacific coast, poder the spacious plea of increasing the hol4 of the United States upon the islands, these men seek to fill their pockets, and to do so they ask a piece of special legislation, which is unjust not only to the great mass of the people of the United States, but also, to some extent, to those in the islands; fqr while benefitting the sugar planters, it leaves a deficit of some #60,000 which have heretofore been raised from the dnties on the products which are now to be ftp* tinder the reciprocal conditions, and this jss to be added to the general tax budget, it & very evident that if public sentiment, botia in this country and the Sandwich Islands, eouty t> con sulted op this question, it would be overwhelmingly against it; but the pro gress which this measure has made is a striking illustration of what adroit wire pulling can accomplish in carrying through legislative measures. Governor Tildbs' did not tefil in his letter what he thought of the school question, or the hot weather, or the Sionx war, or the dry spell, or the Cen tennial Exhibition, or the excessive mortality, or the Hamburg massacre, or the tramp nuisance, or the Belkxaf im peachment, or Skcob Robeson's frauds, j or o thousand other things of popnlar jinterest. Put still he touched upon | everything'.necejae*ry, for ail that. Trass are incipient Bebop's wu over the country. A fe * anda 7 8 ago a man drove his hone to the 1 ‘Winslow House,” half way np Kearsarge Mountain, and tying him nnder the stable went to the top of the mountain. The horse stood there all day with nothing to eat. The man came down at night, and was about starting off, when the landlord pat in appearance and demanded fifty eents. "What for ?” said the man. "For cruel ty to animals,” replied the landlord, "in leaving yonr horse all day nnder my stable with nothing to eat If yon had done it in Massachusetts they wonld hare fined yon twenty dollars.” The man paid his half dollar and drove down the mountain, j THE DEMOCRATIC PLATFOR M ADOPT ED AT ST. LOUIS, JUNE 28TI1. IS7U. W>*. the delegates of the Democratic party j ,i tee United States, in National Cooven I ion assembled, do hereby declare the administra tion of the Federal Government to bo in ur gent need of immediate reform; we do hereby enjoin npon the nominees of this Convention and of the Democratic party in each State a zealous effort and co-operation to this end, and do hereby appeal to our fellow-citizens of every former political connection to nndertako with us this first and most pressing patriotic duty of the Democracy of the whole onntry. We do hereby reaffirm our faith iD the per manency of the Federal Union, our devotion to the Constitution of the United State* wi h its amendments universally accepted as a final settlement of the controversies that engen dered civil war, and do here record our stead fast confidence in the perpetuity of republican self-government, in absolute acquiescence to the will of the majority—the vital principle of republice—in the supremacy of the civic over the military authority in the total separation of church aud state for the sake alike of civil and religious freedom, in the equality cf all citizens before just laws of their own enact ment, in the liberty of individual conduct nn vexed by sumptuary laws, In the faithful edu cation of the rising generation, that they may preserve, enjoy and transmit these best con ditions of human happiness. But, while upholding the bond of our Union and great charter of these our rights, it be hooves a free people to practice also that eter nal vigilance which is the price of liberty. Re form is necessary to rebuild and establish in the hearts of the whole people of the Union, eleven years ago happily rescued from the dan ger of a secession of States, but now to be saved from a corrupt centralism which, after inflicting upon ten States the rapacity of car pet-bag tyrannies, has honey-combed the offices of the Federal Government itself with incapacity, waste and fraud, infected States and municipalities with the contagion of mis rule ~nd locked fast the prospeiity of an in dustrious people in the paralysis of hard times. Reform is necessary to establish a sound cur rency. restore the public credit and maintain the national honor. We denounce the failure for the past eleven years to make good the promise of the legal tender notes, which are a changing standard of value in the hands of the people, and tho non payment of which is a disregard of the plightod faith of the nation. If a denounce the improvidence which in eleven years of peace has taken from the peo ple in Federal taxes thirteen times tho whole amount of the legal tender notes, and squan dered four times this sum in useless expense, without accumulating any reserve for their re demption. We denounce the financial imbeoility anil immorality of that party wh ch, during eleven years of peace, has made no advance toward resumption ; which, instead, has obstructed resumption by wasting our resources and ex hausting all our surplus income, and, while an nually professing to intend a speedy rot urn to specie payments, has annually enaoted fresh hindrances thereto. As such a hindrance, we denounce the resumption clause of the act of 1875, and we hereby demand its repeal. We demand a judicious system of preparation by public economies, by official retrenchments and by wise finance, which shall enable tbo nation soon to assure the whole world of its perfect ability and its perfect readiness to meet any of its promises at the call of tho creditors entitled to payment. We believe such a system, well devised and above all in trusted to competent hands for execution, creating at no time an artificial scarcity of cur rency and at no time alarming tho public mind into a withdrawal of that vaster macninerv of credit by which 95 per cent, of all business transactions are performed, a system open, public and inspiring general confidence, would from the day of its adoption bring healing on itH wings to all our harassed industry, aud set in motion the wheels of commerce, manufac tures and the mechanical arts, restore employ ment to labor, and renew in all its national sources the prosperity of the people. Reform is recessary in the sum and mode of Federal taxation, to the end that capital may be set free from distrust aud labor lightly bur dened. We denounce the present tariff, levied upon nearly 4,000 articles, as a masterpiece of injus tice, inequality and false pretense. It yields a dwindling, not a yearly rising revenue. It has impoverished many industries to subsidize a few. It prohibits imports that might purchase the products of American labor. It lias de graded American commerce from tho first to an inferior rank on the high seas. It has cut down the sale of American manufactures at home and abroad and depleted the returns of American agriculture—an industry followed by half our people. It costs the people five times more than it produces to the Treasury, ob structs the processes of production and wastes the fruits of labor. It promotes fraud and fosters smuggling, enriches dishonest officials and bankrupts honest merchants. We demand that all Custom House taxation shall be only for revenue. Reform is necessary in the scale of public expenses, Federal, State and municipal. - Our Federal taxation has swelled from $60,000,000, gold, iu 1860, to $450,000,000, currency, in 1870; or, in a decade, from less than $5 per head to more than $lB per head. Since tho peace the people have paid to their tax gatherers more than thrice tho sum of the national debt, and more than twice the sum for the Federal Gov ernment alone. We demand a vigorous fru gality in every department and from overy officer of the Government. Reform is necessary to put a stop to tho pro fligate waste of pubhc lands, and their diver sion from actual settlers by the party iu power, which has squandered 200,000,000 acres upon railroads alone, and out of more than thrice that aggregate has disposed of Isas than a sixth directly to tillers of the soil. Reform is necessary to correct the omissions of the Republican Congress and tho errors of our treaties and our diplomacy, which have stripped fellow-citizens of foreign birth and kindred race recrossing the Atlantic of the shield of American citizenship, and have ex posed our brethren of the Pacific coast to the incursions of a race not sprung from the same great parent stock, and in fact now by law de nied citizenship through naturalization as be ing neither accustomed to the traditions of a progressive civilization nor exercised in liberty under equal laws. We denounce the policy which thus discards the liberty-loving German and tolerates the revival of the coolie trade in Mongolian women imported for immoral pur poses, aud Mongolian men hired to perform servile labor contracts, and demand such modi fication of the treaty with the Chinese Empire, or such legislation by Congress, with a consti tutional limitation, as shall prevent tho fur ther importation or immigration of the Mongo lian race. reform is necessary, and can never bo effect ed bat by making it the controlling issue of the elections and lifting it above the two false issues with which the office holding class and the party in power seek to smother it- - the fal <e issue with which tljey would enkindle sectional strife in respect to the public schools, of which the establishment and support be l-jugs exclusively to the several States, and w>. : ~h ihe Democratic party has cherished from their foundation, and resolved to main tain without partiality or preference for any cl;--' s, sect, or creed, and without contribution fr m the Treasury to any of them; and the f*l ■e issue by which they seek to light anew I ti n embers of sectional hato between kindred peoples qpco estranged brt n iw re united in the indivisible fsptjb}ic and a com mon destiny. Reform is necessary in the civil sci rice. Kx perieuvo proves that efficient, economical con duct of the business is not pos- I sible if its civil service be subject to change at every election, be a prize fought for at the I ballot box. be a brief reward of party zeal, in j stead of posts of honor assigned for proved competency, and held for fidelity in the public j employ: that the dispensing of patronage should neither be a tax upon the time of all our public men nor the instrument of their ambition. Sere again professions falsified in the performance attest that the party in power i can work out bo practical or salutary reform. Reform is necessary even more in the higher j grades of the public service. President, Tice- I President, Judges, Senators, Representatives, Cabinet officers, these and all others in author ity are the people's servants. Their offices are not a private perquisite, they are a public trust. When the auuai? of this republic show the disgrace an * censure ot a Vice-President, a late Speaker of the Squad of Represents tivee marketing his rulings as a presiding of ficer. three Senators profiting secretly by their votes as law makers, five Chairmen of the lead ing committees o i the late House of Repre sentatives exposed in jobbery, a late Secretary of the Treasury forcing balances in the public accounts, a lata Attorney,General misappro priating public funds, a Secretary of the Jiavy enriched or enriching friends by per centages levied off the profit* of contractors with his department, an Ambassador to Kngland cen sured in a dishonorable speculation, the Presi dent’s Private Secretary barely escaping con viction upon trial for guilty complicity in frauds upon the revenue, a Secretary of War im- AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, AUGUST 23, 1876. peached for high crimes and confessed misde meanors, the demonstration is complete that the first step in reform must be the people’s choice of honest men from another party lest the disease of one political organization infest the body politic, and lest by making no change of men or party we can get ao change of mea sures and no reform. All these abuses, wrongs and crimes—the product of sixteen years ascendency of the Republican party— create a necessity for reform expressed by Re publicans themselves, bnt their reformers are voted down in convention and displaced from the Cabinet. The party's mass of honest voters are powerless to resist the 80,0 .0 office holders, its leaders and guides. Reform can only be had by a peaceful civic revolution. We demand a change of system, a change of administration, a change of parties, that we may have a change of measures and of men. THE NEW STATE. Now that Colorado has become a State, the thirty-eighth of the Federal family, a sketch of its characteristics will be of special interest to the public. It lies in the Rocky mountain region, between the 37th and 41st parallels of latitudes, and the 102d and the 109th meridians of west longitude. Its area is 104,500 square miles, nearly 2£ times as large as the State of New York. Through its centre runs the Rocky mountain range, some of the peaks of which rise to the height of 15,000 feet. The western part of the State is broken by lateral ranges, and it is, npon the whole, a rough and not altogether pre possessing region. East of the “Rock ies” the mountains gradually subside into a rolling country, until finally, on the Kansas border, begins the great central plain that lies to the west and southwest of the Missouri river. Over all this district grows a luxuriant grass upon which buffaloes and other animals feed. The soil of the State is fertile, and cereals and fruits are raised in great abundance. Trees are scarce, except along the river bottoms, which are well timbered. Upon the mountain sides the pine family is found even u p to the snow line. The agricultural resources are regard ed as very promising. They are being rapidly developed, and at no distant day this will doubtless be among the best producing regions west of the Mississip pi river. The most important agricultu ral productions are wheat, corn, -to bacco, wool, potatoes, butter, cheese and hay. Stock raising at present is the one unfailing resource of Colorado. .The climate is healthful to a remaikable de gree. It is clear, dry, pure, and such that many people often find it a remedy for diseases of the throat and lnngs, af ter medicines have failed. The changes of temperature are not sudden, and rarely does the thermometer fall below 20 degrees or rise above 80 degrees Fahr renheit. The average annual rainfull on the plains and in the valleys is abont 20 inches, and this fall is almost entirely during therainy season of May, June and July. During several months of every year artificial irrigation is necessary in order to promote vegetation, and in some years for preventing a total failure of crops. The farmers in selecting their lands accordingly look out for natural conveniences for irrigation. The irriga ting canals are constructed chiefly with the plow and scraper, and cost but little compared with their value. They are frequently 30 or 40 miles in length, and water 20,000 or 25,000 acres, each adjoin ing farmer paying a proportionate share of the expense of construction and main tenance. The omission of any mention of the Colorado parks iu a sketch of the State would be noticed, as they are about as famous as the Yosemite valley of Cali fornia. They are described as present ing the appearance of having been the basins of former lakes, deprived of their waters by volcanic agency. Their lowest depths are about 9,000 feet above the lovel of the sea. Many of these parks are small, but four of them embrace areas ranging each from 1,000 to 20,000 square miles. Their soil is extremely rich, they abound in game, and contain the most delicious water. The gold and silver mines are confined to the park and mountain regions. The total yield of gold annually is about $2,- 000,000. The silver production is almost as great. There were 600 miles of rail road in the State in 1873, and about 100,000 inhabitants. The New York Tribune states tha Prof. Huxley arrived in that city from England on Saturday much improved iu health by his voyage, and was met at the wharf by a -few friends, among whom were Mr. George Appleton, his American publisher, Prof. Youmans, and Prof. Marsh, of Yale College. He attended a dinner party at the residence of Mr. Appleton at Riverdale the same day, and will remain there a few days. He will attend the meeting of the Ameri can Association of Science at Buffalo, August 23. It was not his intention to lecture, but yielding to the wish of his American friends, he will deliver three lectures in this city the 18th, 20th and 22d of September on the “Direct Evidence of Evolution.” CARE OF SHEEP. Those of our readers who are now in teresting themselves in sheep will find good reading in the following hints sum med up from an essay on sheep manage ment by Mr. A. E. Kenney, the noted sheep raiser of Vermont: 1. Never starve a sheep if you desire it to do well, especially in Summer. 2. Do not feed mnch grain if yon have good hay, but at all events never let your sheep grow poor. 3. Many farmers lose by letting their sheep live as long in Autnmn without feeding as possible; consequently, if they are in very good condition in Octo ber, and lose flesh and are made to gain again, there will be no doubt a tender place in the wool. 4. Have your lambs come early in the season. 5. Shear early. 6. Keep your sheep from all cold storms at all times of the year, and be as careful with them as of your horse. Many sheep perish by showers after shearing, even in July; so, as I say, shear at a time cf year that they can be housed for a week after shearing, and in storms in Autumn ; if sheep are exposed, it takes a long time to dry the wool, and the sheep are consequent ly uncomfortable for a long time, and consumption are the result. T. Raise the standard of yonr flock; weigh every’fleece at shearing; number the sheep, and note the weight of the fleece, and sell or kill ' yonr poorest sheep, as like produces like, your aver age will go from four to seven pound. 8. Take good care of the lambs, especi ally while young. Jn many cases they are not able to suck the ewes at the start; in all such cases you must feed them. A Modebn Joan ,of Abc. —An imitator of Joan of Arc has appeared in the Her zegovina. The Manchester Courier gives-the following information concern ing her ; ‘‘Miss Mercas is of Dutch na tionality. She is about thirty years of age, of diminntive stature, dark and not handsome. She has squandered away the greater portion of a largs fortune in the realization of her romantic dreams; nevertheless, she is still in possession of more than £70,000. Her first fancy was t<rsregt a Protestant temple at Jernsa '<a, is front of fee monument supposed to be our tomb, The temple, which cost £l4, fiofl, -till ekisw. Ue. Mercns’ present ambition is to command a battery of artillery, and she recently gave £i,200 for the purchase of guns, bat the gentleman inkmfed with the money suddenly disappeared, and noth ing farther has been heard of him. This extraordinary lady is not admired, hav ing supported tire Paris Commune and approved the Archbishop's assassina tion. She spends her time running af ter battle field adventures wherever they are to be encountered. THE WEED-STEPIIIbNS> CONTROVERSY. Alexander H. Stephens* Rejoinder to Thnr low Weed—A Di.poted Chapter of History. [From the New York, Herald of August 81A.] We print below an important let ter from Hon. A. H. Stephens, of Geor gia, in response to Thurlow Weed.— The question at issue between these distinguished gentlemen is as to the truth of a story told by Mr. Weed to the founder of the New York Herald in ref erence to Gen. laylor and the compro mise measures ol t his administration. Mr. Weed contends that Mr. Stephens, Mr. Toombs and other leaders of the old Whig party sought to compel Tay lor to veto the bill, admitting the free State of California auto the Union. It will be remembered that Mr. Stephens denied this story when Mr. Weed first printed it. But oar venerable towns man was not satisfied with the denial and asked for more evidence. Mr. Stephens gives him evidence enongh this morning, especially a letter from Mr. Toombs which confirms the story in. all its details. Itjis not our business to interfere in a controversy between op ponents as skillful as Mr. Weed and Mr. Stephens. The letters which have grown out of this subject are valuable contri butions to a most interesting period of our history. The letter of Mr. Steph ens is a model of go[>d taste and clear, concise statement. iVe are glad to note this, because it leads us to hope that the distinguished Georgian is regaining his wonted strengthjwf mind and body, that he will soon return to the House and be spared many years to adorn a scene which he has made memorable by many a conflict and many a triumph. Liberiy Hall, ) Cbawfordville, Ga., July 28, 1876. j To the Editor of the Herald: Hon. Thurlow Weed, in his reply to my communication in yonr issue of the 13th inst. upon the subject of his “Un written Chapter of History,” seems to think that it was my purpose to raise a question of personal veracity between us. It is proper that he should be as sured that I had no such intention. My object was simply to assure him and the public that the information upon which his statement was based was utterly groundless. He also expresses regret aud surprise that in my 'denial of the correctness of that part of his chapter which gave an account of an interview between Mr. Toombs, Mr. Clingman and myself with Gen. Taylor on the subject of the admission of California into the Union as a free State, I had de parted from my habitual frankness in not stating what did occur at the inter view. I had simply protested against the correctness of his statement, and de nied that any such interview as set forth by him had ever taken place. This he regards as disingenuous, and argues that I ought to have stated what did oc cur between Mr. Toomb3, Mr. Cliug man and myself and Gen. Taylor.— This is his langnage :—“ If, after saying no such interview of Messrs. Toombs, Clingman and myself ever took place with General Taylor, Mr. Stephens had informed us what the nature of that interview really was, any reply from me would have been unne cessary.” This is certainly strauge logic, and a most extraordinary specimen of reasoning in the face of the facts. It will be recollected that Mr. Weed, in his “Unwritten Chapter of History,” in giving an account of his interview with Mr. Bennett, of the Herald, by which he secured his influence iu behalf of the administration of Mr. Lincoln, made this statement : “I gave him the then unknown particulars of an interview of Messrs. Toombs and Stephens and Cling man, members of Congress from Geor gia and North Carolina, with General Taylor. The, object of that interview was to induce General Taylor, a South ern man and a slaveholder, to veto the bill permitting California to enter the Union as a free State. It was a stormy interview, with threats of disunion on the one hand and hanging on the other. The facts were communicated to Sena tor Hamlin, of Maine, and myself with in ten minutes after the interview closed.” Now, in answer to this statement, I simply entered my unqualified denial of the correctness of the matter as set forth. I intended my protest to be en tered against the correctness of the en tire statement, not only in whole, but in every part and particular. I reaffirm the same again. No such interview as that set forth ever did ocaur or any one like it. How was it disingenuous in me, or evincing any want of frankness in not stating what the nature of that interview really was which neier occurred ? Mr. Weed had designated no time; but I say, without qualification, that at no time was there ever any unpleasant, much less stormy, interview between General Taylor and myself, or between him and any other person or persons in my pre sence. I never said a word to him in my life to induce him to veto any bill. Nothing could have been more out of place or absurd than to urge upon him to veto the bill admitting California, which had passed neither House of Con gress at the time of tis death. In sustainment of my position I sub mit to the public the following commu nication to me from Genera i Toombs, re ceived to-day : Washington, Ga., July 28, 1876. Dear Sir —My attention was called several weeks ago to ‘.he letter of Thur low Weed, of New York, touching an alleged interview betveen you and my self and the Hon. Thomas L. Cingman, of North Carolina, aad President Tay lor, in 1850. The whole story is a fabrication as far as I am concerned, and I believe equally so as to yourself. I never did call on General Taylor with you, Mr. Clingman or anybody else on the subject of vetoing the bill for the admission of California or any of the tills. No such bills passed Congress daring his lifetime; nor was it possible for such a bill, with a Congressional prohibition of slavery, to pass the Senate during that session. There was a large anil decided majority against such action in the Senate, led by Webster, Calhoun, Clay and other distinguished Senators. Therefore there was no necessity for any suoh folly as requesting Taylor to veto even such Territorial measure*. While the cir cumstances connected with the forma iton of what was called the California Con stitution were wholly irregular and highly objectionable, yet yon and myself and a majority of the Representatives of the slaveholding States vere willing to ac cept it in connection with other meas ures adjusting the question of slavery, as we then hoped, forever between the North and the Sonth. These other ques tions were slavery in the Territorities, the Fugitive Slave law and a settlement of the Texas claim upon the Territory of New Mexico. Taylor’s administration opposed this policy. This threw yon and myself, and many other of the earliest and firmest friends of General Taylor, in opposition to his administration. Six of us from the South deemed it our duty to defeat that able, accomplished states man, Mr. Wintbrop, for the Speaker ship, in order to deprive Taylor’s admin istration of the organisation of the House. We succeeded in that effort. Mr. Cobb was elected Speaker, Taylor died, Filmore came in and turned out Taylor a Cabinet and appointed one fa vorable to the oompromise measure, which were passed and approved by a large majority of the people, as demon strated by the election of Pierce. You and I supported these compromise measures and served our party relations in Georgia. Both of us were elected to Congress on these issues in 1851. Cobb was elected Governor in 1851 in opposi tion to the opponents of the measures, and I was elected to the Senate of the United States nnder the new party or ganization resulting from these meas ures; and the State of Georgia called a convention in I§so, of which we were both members, affirming the compromise, including the admission of California, as a final settlement of all the questions involved in them. Both of us had fre quent interviews separately and together with General Taylor, and urged upon him the abandonment of his policy ana the adoption of the compromise meas ures, gome of these interviews were earnest and decided on both sides, but no such language as that attributed to General Taylor by Weed was ever used by him in my presence. General Taylor was an honest, firm, truthful man, with but little knowledge of civil govern ment, and was incapable of making the statements attributed to him by Weed’s informants. As to Mr. Clingman, Ido nos remember that he was ever present at any of those interviews with Taylor. In fact, it how occurs tolne tb“J he was neither in sympathy with Taylor’s poli cy nor with wat Seated by us; but his sjiye and can speak for: himself. His character is a sufficient guarantee for any statement he s4ay Banks. It is aboye twentylfive'.years since these events transpired, ana I have not consulted any of the record* of the time, but will do so aa soon as J. am able, if it becomes necessary to correct my memo ry as to any of these events. I am, re spectfully, your obedient servant, R. Toombs. Hon. Alexander H. Stephens, Craw fordsville, Ga. With a few moreremarksl shall bring this communication to a dose. It will be recollecoted that I stated, in my first letter upon the subject, that there was but one point in Mr. Weed’s “Unwritten Chapter of History” that I intended to notice. I still adhere to this posi tion, and shall not be drawn into any discussion with him upon other ques tions connected with the war. All these matters I have fully treated of in my work upon the late war, its causes, character, conduct and results. This subject of the admission of California, with the position of my colleague, Mr. Toombs, and myself upon it, is folly treated of in the second volume of that work, page 200, et sequens. Mr. Weed, in his last communication, gives General Taylor as his informant touching the facts set forth in his state ment. On this point I will not assume to assail his veracity or to attribute de liberate untrth to him, but I do assume to question the accuracy of bis memory. He must be mistaken. No fact was more notoriously known in Washington, and perhaps throughout the whole country than that I and my colleague, Mr. Toombs, sustained Mr. Clay’s measures of compromise as introduced in the Senate, which included the ad mission of California, notwithstanding the irregularities with which her con stitution had been formed. The terms of this compromise or adjustment of the various questions involved, were agreed upon at Mr. Speaker Cobb’s house on the uight of the 19th of February. 1850, between Mr. Cobb, Mr. Toombs, Mr. Linn Boyd, of Kentucky, and myself, from the South; and Mr. John A. Mc- Clernand and Mr. William A. Richard son, of Illinois, and Mr. John K. Miller, of Ohio, from the North. These I dis tinctly recollect, and think there were a few others from both sections, whose names do not now occur to me. As to how this meeting came about see “War Between the States,” vol. 2, page 208. The facts therein set forth have never been questioned by anybody as far as I know, though many of the actors con nected with them are still living. The parties at that meeting pledged them selves to do all in their power to carry the measures of adjustment as then agreed upon for the peace, qniet and harmony of the country and the frater nal union of the States. The terms of agreement were reduced to writing, and amounted in substance to this: California should be admitted un der her then Constitution, and Territo rial government should be formed for Utah and New Mexico, not only without the “Wilmot proviso” or Congressional restriction, &c., but with a guaranty that the people of these Territories should, when they come to form their Constitutions, exercise the same rights which the people of California had ex ercised in forming theirs, and be ad mitted into the Union either with or without slavery, as they might thus de termine for themselves. The boundary between Texas and New Mexico was also to be settled. Mr. McClernand was Chairman of the Committee on Ter ritories in the House, and drew up bills in accordance with this agreement, which he reported to the House on the 31 of April following, as he had uo op portunity of doing it sooner. Mr. Doug las was Chairman of the Committee on Territories in the Senate, and concur ring in the agreement entered into at Mr. Speaker Cobb’s house, drew up similar bills which were reported to the Senate the 25th of March. Mr. Clay’s committee of thirteen, to which had been referred his celebrated resolutions for a settlement of all the questions in volved, took up Mr. Douglas’ separate bills, ticked them together, and report ed them in one, which became known as Mr. Clay’s compromise. To this set tlement, embracing the admission of California as it d'd, my colleague and myself were pledged from the 19th of February, as just stated. Hence, on the 15th of June, Mr. Toombs, as stated in my former communication, in one of the stormiest debates that ever took place in the House, declared: “We do not oppose California on account of the anti-slavery clause in her Constitution, tt was her right, and I am not even pre pared to say that she acted unwisely in its exercise; that is her business.” [See Congressional Globe, Thirty-first Con gress, first session, page 1,216.] How irrational, then, is it* to suppose that he should have called upon Gen. Taylor and urged upon him the policy of vetoing a bill to admit California as a free State; and how irrational it is to suppose that Gen. Taylor could have so reported him to Mr. Weed. I repeat, Mr. Weed’s memory must certainly be at fault. Besides this, no facts are more notorious in our State history than that, after the passage of all these measures which he and I favored, as stated, and stood pledged to support when Gov ernor Towns, of Georgia, called a sover eign convention of the people to provide some mode of resistance on account of of the admission of California, Mr. Toombs and myself took the stamp and canvassed the State from the mountains to the seaboard in sustainmeat of the action of Congress on all these questions. The result was an overwhelming ma jority of the Convention in favor of sus taining them, as appears in the celebrat ed Georgia Union Platform of 1850. But m.r. Weed argues that I was in error in stating that Mr. Toombs and myself favored the admission of California that session, inasmuch as the reoor4 shows that on the final vote fqr admission Mr. Toombs voted against the bill and that I did not vote at all, or, as he says, that I “dodged the vote.” In reply to this I have only to say that J did npt as sert that we had voted for it, So far as I am concerned, Mr. Weed and the pub lic may be assured, however, that there was no “dodging” on my part. I was called home in the latter part of the month of August of that year, before any of these compromise measures were reached in the House, and did not get back to Washington qnjiil a day or two after they were all passed; but, be fore leaving, I made a pair with Hon. Chauncy F. Cleveland, of Connecticut, upon all of them. Hence, if Mr. Weed will search the record, J think he will find neither my name nor that of Mr. Cleveland on any of these treasures. The reason Mr. Toombs gave me at the time for the vote on the final question for the admission of California was the re fusal of the House to entertain a very important amendment, as he deemed, offered by Mr. Linn Boyd, which Mr. Speaker Cobb held to be in order, which ruling was appealed from and the Speak er overruled by the House. He there fore voted against the bill without any change of vietvs upon tbe general sub ject. Qia subsequent course and action in sustaining the measure with all his power and eloquence in the State of Georgia, as I nave related, shows con clusively that he eoqld not have voted against the bill, because of any hostility to the admission of California as a free State. Alexander H. Stephens. HYDROPHOBIA IN FRANCE. The Treatment pi Dogs— Many Bad Cuiei Reported. Some information has recently been published regarding hydrophobia and the treatment of dogs during the season in which hydrophobia is supposed to regularly break out in France, which may be interesting to this country. Jn Paris, to take an all unmuzzled dogs are taken possession of by tfie po lice, but, instead of being indiscrimin ately slaughtered, are taken to what is known as “La Tourriere,” a sort of re ception house for dogs, apd ip which good care is taken of the animals until they are claimed. They are divided in to two classes, valuable and valueless. Ihe former are kept eight days; after that time has expired, if they are not called for, they are ppt up to sale by auction, and, in the eyent of no purcha ser being found} for them, they are hang up in the yard of “La Tourriere.?' The dogs considered of less value, or more likely to go mad, are allowed forty-eight hours’ grace, when they are summarily haDged. Their carcasses are sold to whoever cares to buy such carrion at seventy centimes per heal, and the ugly suggestion is made that it is at the time dogs are slaughtered that remarkably fine sausages are to be had cheap i Be that as it may, it would appear fhat in spite of the preeadiioni taken ' against hydrophobia, many'very'bad cases' of it occur in Paris. One of, these is pecu liar, as showing how long a tifne may elapse before the hateful virus of the disease takes effect. A map who Was bitten by a mad dog was taken to a hos pital, Where? he received such attention that in a short time he was discharged as cured. Some weeks passed, and the man appeared to be enjoying his usual health, when he was suddenly seized with hydrophobia in its worst form. The result was that he rushed into the street foaming at the month, and in such a state of madness that every one fled be fore him, and he died only a short time after he was secured, and placed onoe more in the hospital. French science has yet to show a better cure for incipi ent hydrophobia—or bite of a dog that may, for anght the bitten person know*, be mad—than the heroic one of cauteri zation. JUDGE MACKEY’S ACjCOCNT OF THE EDGEFIELD MEETING. Free Discussion Pro and Con Before the Col ored People Republican Testimony to General Butler’s Courtesy—Mounted on a Democratic Horse—The Curse of ltadieal Government in Edgefield. The following card from Judge Mackey appeared in the Columbia Reg ister yesterday morning: To the Editors of the Columbia Regis ter : The statements published in the Union-Herald and the News and Cou rier, of this date, regarding the Repub lican meeting in Edgefield, on last Sat urday, abounded in gross misrepresen tations. Abont two hundred white horsemen paraded on the occasion, arm ed with pistols only, according to their custom. Some of these galloped down the street, giving an occasional yell, and were passed and repassed by a number of colored men, also mounted atid hur rahing as they galloped. These last were Republicans, and no attempt was made to molest them. The Republicans marched in proces sion about eight hundred strong, with the United States flag and many party banners flying along their line, which was preceded by the Aiken colored band, and the white horsemen opened their ranks promptly, and allowed them to pass through without molestation or in sult. Not one mounted Democrat ap peared at the platform; on the contrary, they were all dismounted when the Re publican procession arrived on the ground, and the whites stood on the right and front of the stand, and the blaoks on the left, throughout the entire meeting, not the slightest attempt being made to disturb the colored auditors, either by word or deed. The Democrats did not take forcible possession of the meeting. Two hours before we assembled a committee of Democrats, headed by J. C. Sheperd, Esq., called on Governor Chamberlain and myself, and requested the privilege ef meeting in joint discussion. Both the Governor and I expressed our cordial assent to the proposition, bnt stated that the matter rested in the hands of Senator Cain, the Republican County Chairman, who arranged the programme, and that we would commu nicate with him and request his consent thereto, and inform them of the result. They again called on us after the laDse of about an hour, and we inform ed them that we had not been able to see Senator Cain; upon which they re tired, with our assurance that we did not object to dividing the time with them at the meeting. On reaching the place of meeting, Governor Chamber lain and Senator Cain, colored, and I, mounted the stand at almost the same instant with Generals Butler and Gary, the latter of whom stated to us that the Democrats of Edgefield had demanded the right to be heard at the meeting, that we had shirked the demand, and that they intended to be heard, and wanted a definite answer. I sprang up on a chair, aud addressing the audi ience, I stated the facts as above re lated, and declared the readiness of Governor Chamberlain and myself to meet the Democracy of Edgefield then and there in joint discussion. General Butler then asked how many Republicans proposed to speak on the occasion, and I answered “six or seven.” We then agreed, Governor Chamberlain, Generals Butler and Gary, and myself, that each speaker should he limited to thirty minutes. Jt was arranged that Governor Chamberlain should speak first, General Butler next, and that I should follow General Butler and be re plied to by General Gary, and that Mr. J. C. Sheperd and others should reply to any other Republican speakers, in their proper order. Senator Cain then came forward to introduce Governor Chamberlain, but the Governor sug gested to him that he should not intro duce the speakers, and for that reason, and that alone, the usual form of intro duction by the County Chairman was not had on the oocasion. I kept the time and notified the speak ers when their time was up. Governor Chamberlain was occasionally interrupt ed by questions from Democrats in the audience, such as “how about Mc- Devitt, the defaulting County Treasur er?” “what about the 'conversion bonds 9” Ac. But these interruptions were promptly checked by General But ler, who sternly rebuked the persons who made them. General Butler re plied to Governor Chamberlain in a speech, which though thoroughly earnest did not exceed the just limits of courte ous debate, paying a splended tribute to the United States flag that waived over the platform, every star of which he truly said had derived some of its lustre from the heroic deeds of the white men of Edgefield, who had marched under it to sustain the honor of the Bepublicau in foreign wars. He also vindicated himself from the false, maignant charges of those who had traduced hing by coupling his name with the filling of unarmed persons at Hamburg, and asserted that he was in nocent of any complicity in that great crime, and gave it no sanqtiou. I step ped forward to qcldiess the auflience, and Gen. Gary, in order, doubtless, to bespeak a courteous hearing for me, ex claimed, “this is judge Mackey, he is witli the Radicals, but he is a Democrat in disguise.” I began ray remarks by stating that I was no disguised Democrat. “Fellow citizens, I am a Republican; elevated to high office by Republicans,' and I shall never desert colors and betray the trust reposed in me by the dark race, and above all, it would dishonor me to desert here in Edgefield ip the face of the enemy.” I mad? a,n earnest Repub lican speech, ip which I said; “J am pro.ud of being a citizen of this great Republic, “Where freedom hand in hand with labpt walk the stout and braye, And op the forehead of hv> neighbor no man wpteth slvm.”' I was interrapted once or twice by questions, one of which was, “where is Parker?” General Gary followed in a most bit ter attack upon Governor Chamberlain, firing, as usual, red hot.snot from hi 9 heavy ordnance. ]} arose to reply to General Gary, who protested against my being heard, on the ground that I had already spokes, my allotted, time. I insisted, on being heard,, however, and General, Rutlei; 'came forward pnd it was arranged that 1 should speak another half hour, auq sfioulfibe replied to. I was thou hear<f in what f regard ed as au effefttiye reply to General Gary. As I closed my speech the platform fell for the fourth time, apd tfie v;hite audience, after a brief reply from general Sutler, adjourned to the Qe.ipoprutiu sfund, on'the'public square, distant three hundred yards. When I had nearly closed my last speech, the colored portion of the audience reform ed their line, and retired undisturbed, so far as I hearth either by threats or jeers. The sfatemsnt of Mr. Blackman, the reporter of the Nev/s and Courier, in regard to this matter, was derived from other parties, wfio have misrepresented the facts to him. ife did not arrive upon the ©rijWU until the Democrats started | for their own stand, and he then ap proached me and asked me to furnish him a statement of the facts, to which I replied that I had no time to do eo f I know him to be incapably of any inten tional misrqp^eveu'tafiou, Ifo also erred in stating that I made a Democratic speeeh at the Democratic meeting. On the contrary, in reply to a remark there made, to the effect that I shonld return as a repentent prodigal to the Democratic fold, J said: “No, fel low-citizens of Edgefield, I am unalter ably a Republican, proud of my politi cal faith. Tour Democratic party, more over, can kin back no prodigals, for yon have not any fatted calves to draw them home. I %m, however, the friend of gbofl government, and those who stragamte red eem South Carolina from misnue, will find no foe in me, while' they act within the lines of law. I shall now retire, yankingyou sincere ly for ha'rifig reipeotea the right of free , speechlfiere to-day, although that right ' was asserted under circumstances which must have greatly irritated the feelings of every white citizen of Edgefield.” When I made my fek brief remarks, I was mounted on a large gray horse that had been placed at my disposal by Gen $2 A TEAR—POSTAGE PAID eral Butler. As T concluded, I heard a load “well, although you are a Repub lican, you are mounted on a Democratic horse,” to whioh I answered, “I know him to be a Democratic horse by Iris solemn and hungry look and his lean ribs, and he wears the gray.” I should add that I did not hear a single fire arm discharged at any time during the day, nor did I see any weapon drawn, or any attempt at violence in Any form. The colored men were not excluded from the stand, aud if they had been, I would not have spoken. They did not attempt to mount the stand, neither did Mr. Jillson nor Mr. Baskett, two white Republicans, who intended to speak on the occasion. The statement is equally false as to any attempted violence at Johnson’s Depot, on our return. Some ten or fifteen white men there, walked up near the train, and one of them cried out, “There’s our Congressman Smalls, let’s kiss him;” while anothersaid “Let’s ask the Governor for a lock of his hair.” They were all in a jesting mood and at my request they ceased their offensive remarks. The government of Edgefield has been for eight years a festering ul cer upon our body politic, and a dili gent attempt is now being made to hide with the bloody shirt the appalling wrongs committed by the Republican party on the white population of that section. For example, there have been three county treasurers, all Republicans, appointed in Edgefieid since 1868. The first, Woolev. proved a defaulter to the amount of $25,000; the second, Eichel berger, in the sum of about $30,000; and the third, MoDevitt, estimated at $40,- 000 or $50,000. The government is wholly composed of negroes, elected on the raoe issue, as serted even against white Republicans, and the very doors of the Temple of Jus tice have been slammed by a Republi can Judge in the face of the white peo ple of Edgefield when they invoked the law to protect them in their rights. (See my report on Edgefield of Jauuarv, 1875.) [Signed] T. J. Mackey/ THE SHINE ’EM-UPS. A Society for the Protection of Newsboys mul Bootblacks. A numerously-signed meeting of the newsboys and bootblacks of Philadel phia was organized in the editorial rooms of the Times' office last evening. The object of the gathering was the for mation of a society to be known as the “Independent Order of Shine Em-Ups,” the purposes of which would be mutual protection against frost-bites, starvation and Stoakley’s police during the coming Winter. The boys went about their business in an orderly way, and one or two of the number, who have been at tendants on Common Council proceed ings, manifested a mastery of the stern er parliamentary rules. Master W. J. Quinn was elected President; Thomas McElhoine, Secretary; and I. McCahn, Treasurer. Among those present were James M. Meighan, Thomas Jones, John Quinn, A. Ash, Thomas Williams, Robt. Spencer, Dennis Casey, James Harri son, John Coogan, Louis Walters and Michael Williams. “Now take your places, fellers,” said President Quinn, depositing his box under the table and rolling up his coat sleeves. “I move we take a recess for five minu tes to consult on a platform,” re marked “Tommy” Williams, "Oh, git out I yer not at Cinceruaj.ter,” in terrupted a member. “What de ye say?” asked “rotuniy.” Nobody said nothin’ ’bout Cineiunatter. What we want is principles. Give us somethun to stand on, or let us fall apart—one of the two; that’s all I got ter say,” and “Tommy” sat down on the "up end” of his box “Bah ! bah !” shouted the meeting. “We don’t want uo platform.” That’s so,” remarked President Quinn. We get platform enough, and cellar door enough, and door-steps enough, too. What we want is shirts and a beneficial sooiety—somethun to keep ua warm next Winter. So all in favor of no plat form or oonstertaoshun or any thing like that, let em sing out.” let they sung out, aud “Tommy” Williams retir ed to the shades of private life. On motion of the boys, it was then agreed that all the newsboys aud bootblacks in Philadelphia in sympath with the move ment to afford mutual protection to each other shonld be invited to attend the meetings of the association, to take place hereafter at Seventh and Jayne streets every Monday evening at 7 o’olook. A collection was thfen taken up, and as each boy was assessed fifteen cents, there was soon $1 50 in the pool. The boys will endeavor to purchase uni forms, and at a subsequent meeting will adopt by-laws and constitution, which will bind them together during the re mainder of their mercantile lives.—Phil adelphia Times. A DEAD MAN’S STORY. A Remantie Episode in llie life of a Fron tiersman-Daring Rescue from Sioux Cap tivity. [From the Kansas City Times.] Jimmy Kannon is supposed to be dead. He was reported dead by the Piper expe dition which passed throught Kansas City a year ago for Arizona, and was pub lished as dead. But some msu never die. You may kill them a dozen times iu type, ink and paper, and still they will pop up again alive and as natural as ever. Jimmy Kannon is a frontier char acter, well known in every Indian tribe from the Rio Grande to the Yellowstone. He is also well kown in Washington, where he figured as interpreter for seve ral delegations of Indians which have visited that city at various times. He is better known perhaps to the people of Piper City, 111., for he led an expedi tion of 60 or 70 of the people of that city to the Middle Park, in Colorado, about a year ago, where the crowd mu tinea and broke up, and afterwards re ported Jimmy Kannon killed. Rut Jim my Kannon is not dead, and he appeals to the Times to prove ft, and as he oan not read or write—having been reared from childhood by the Indiana—he beg ged that the report o* hia death be con tradicted Those who know old Jimmy Kannon, and his acquantianoea are legions, will recognize the following sketch of the old man as fee was found in the Black Hifla, There had been an Indian scare on Deadwood, and everybody who had a horse or rifle had been sent out in pur suit towards the Belle Pourofia, A num ber of the returned seeu.iing party were collected in Colwell’s store. Among tfioae collected together, discuss ing thfi raid, was an old man with white hair and long, gray beard, and attired in g rments which were a, combination of patches. Alter the first surprise of re cognition tfie old man sat down upon a I log stop} anj commen<jsj-. “ Dead 1 Lord, UP, sonny. Don’t ye see I ain’t dead ?j So, tfiev said I was , dead, fiid, tfiey ?. Yea, sir ; that’s jest ; what tfiey would do. No, sir, I ain’t : dead; no.t a bit of it. Them Piper City boys bed; yes, so they did. What made me leave ’em, eh ? Why, you see they wor the worsted kind ‘of tender feet, I gift 'em dP after trying to get ’em to. ou with me to Arizona.” Then the old man proceeded to clean his rifle, while ho told his adventures for the last year. He was on hia way to the Big Horn country with a large party of Mon tanians, where fie is now, if he has not lost his scalp. Old Jimmy Kannon, wha is so hastily introduced above, i. the hero of a ro mance. A real, complete, natural ro maupe-r-oae that has never been in print. The old map. lives to tell it, and the main, details have been fully corrobora ted by others. His romance is as fol lows : A few years ago Jimmy was fiifieshig about Fort Laramie, receiving his S£ per day as Goverumpfit soont and inter preter. (fim evening the post was star tled by the report that an emigrant train had' been massacred about two miles and a half from the fort. Wqrne than all, a white woman, a Mias Mary Brand, had been carried 0$ by the Sioux. Kannon volunteered as guide for a company of cavalry. At dark the cavalry halted for the night in a ravine about ten mile3 northwest of Fo;t Laramie, on the Raw hide trail, tfie white men in the train cm tfie Platte had been massacred, and no one had been left to tell the stcxry except an Irishman, who died soon after being found. He had been fishing. with Miss Brand some distance from the main camp when the Indian attack was made. Ifrom him Kannon learned emußgb to satisfy him that tfie Sioux had gone over to Rawhide river. Then he resolved to go gjonp and ahead of the soldiers, and* if possible, effect a rescue. Hp reached the Indian camp about midnight and secured his pony to a bush in the valley, and soon afterward crawled into tfie Indian camp. His long residence with the Indians taught fiirn where to look for the captive. He w,as'soon lying flat on his belly in the Hear of the lodge Brand. H,e found one old squaw sitting in front of the lodge, humming a doleful dirge, and on raising the edge of the tepee or lodge he discovered another old hag seated near a small feeding a feeble flame with straws. Re also saw the cap tive white woman lying with her head to the outside of the tepee, less than two feet away. He whispered words of cau tion and cheer to Miss Brand, who started up in alarm Tnis startled both of the squaws, and the one ou the out side walked round to the rear of the lodge, where she met a sudden, a silent death at the bands Of the old scout. The other squaw, suspecting something gave the alarm. Quick as a flush Kannon raised up the edge of the .lodge' and drew out the captive, and throwing her upon his shoulders made a dash out into the darkness. The camp was soon in an uproar. But Kannon made his escape with his horse, although an arrow had pierced his body through. He took a course eastward down the Rawhide, while the Indians started towa and Fort Laramie, which was due southward from their camp. Find ing himself getting weaker from loss of blood, Kamion drew forth the arrow which had passed through his body and projected in front, and filled his buck skin shirt around the wound with wet mud, and theu continued liis fl ght. At daylight he found himself on the head of Dry Cottonwood Creek, twelve miles from Laramie. But the Indians were between him and the fort. He kept out of sight and saw them meet and eugago the soldiers he had left the night before, and made his way half dead to Fort La ramie without being discovered by the Indians. The result is soon said. Kannon was taken into the post hospital, and his nurse was Miss Brand, the resoued white woman. She stood by the side 6f the prisoner until he recovered, and being without friends or home, all having been taken from her in the massacre, she married the old scout. Mrs. Knn non lives in Keytefeville, a station onithe North Missouri Railroad, where she waits longingly for this cruel war to end. Jimmy Kannon is now with Gen. Crook, and is one of his most trusted scouts. He is the last survivor of the massacre of the Alamo, where liis parents were killed. His early life, up to the time he reached the age of manhood, was spent with the Gomanches, who, with General Santa Anna massacred Davy Crockett and his brave band at San Antonio. ROMANCE OE A POOR YOUNG GIRL. A Maiden from Muncie, wlio Pined lo Oonlii for Ledford, one of tlic Train Robbers. [From the Kansas City Times. 1 Yesterday morning they pulled poor Kate Ledford out of the cool, rippling waters of the Kaw. Jim Curry, the butcher, found her near the water’s edge not far from his slaughter house. Jim at once proceeded to pull the inanimate form of the girl from her chosen death bed. It was evident at first sight that the deoeased had made a determined effort to die, for the water was shoal and shallow, so shallow and dead that the suicide had not depth sufficient to sink in. She died from grief, and her story of trouble deserves more than the ordi nary notice as a suicide. Katie'Donovan was the only daughter of a poor but hard-working farmer near Muncie Station, a few miles west of iN.ansas City on the Kansas Pacific Rail road. n atie did not agree well with her stepmother, and left home about two years ago and came to Kansas Oily to work for herself. In due time she met, loved, and married a brakemau named Edward Ledford, who was employed ou the Missouri Pacific Railroad. They were married by Father Dalton at the residence of Aid. Patrick Fay, in West Kansas City. Soon after the marriage Ledford was arrested with others, for an alleged theft of goods from a railroad train. Ledford was sent to jail in Law rence, where he aided and assisted Budd McDaniels the Muncie train-robber, to make his escape. McDaniels was killed in the pursuit, and Ledford escaped, His wife, then only seventeen years of age, and devotedly attached to her hus band, took her disgrace much to heart. She went to work for a living, and while she could reach her husbund. sent all her earnings to him in jail. She worked for John Kelley, at the Astor House, where she was generally liked and re spected. She worked at Jeremiah Down’s residence up to. the time of the death of Mrs. Dawn, and at times appeared grief-stricken and sad ou account of her husband. Some said he was in the penitentiary, others said he had changed his name and escaped. But it was all the same to poor Kate. About two months ago she went down to work in the dining-room at the Mansion Hon <e in West Kansas. She continued to work there, sad, disconsolate, and oftej sick with grief. On Monday morrAag she left the Mansion House, dressing herself in her best calico Areas, It was her shroud. She said Ane was sick, and was going home. 'She bade Mr. and Mrs. Cunningham and their daughter farewell. Instead of going down to Muncie, she went to the house of a Mrs. Lee, where she spent the night in evi dent misery. On Wednesday she went out and paid one or two little trifling debts for sewing. Then went to the Kansas river, and selecting a shallow place, in the cool of the evening laid herself down in the water and died.— Poor girl 1 Hers was a brief history— raised in the Kaw bottoms, step-mother, no schooling, no friends, early marriage to a worthless scoundrel, and a tragic close to a life which to her seemed all sadness, all barren of beauty and happi ness, In her despair she quietly sought the placid, still Kaw river, and In she plunged boldly, No matter li w coldly ; Mad from life’s history, Glad to death’s mystery; bvriit to be hurl, and Anywhere, anyhow. Out of this world. Dr. Scott, the coroner, bad the body brought to the shore, and examined it after summoning the jury. He found nothing to indicate that she had been dealt with foully, and found just one bare five-cent, piece tied in one corner of her pocket handkerchief. The Jury returned a verdict that Kate Ledford committed, suicide by drowning in the Kaw river. THE WAR IN THE WEST. ' Chicago, August 15.—A correspondent of the Times, writing from Fort Bu fort,. August 11, concerning Terry’s movements, says : Crow scouts report that the main body of Sitting Bull’s band is encamped on Stinking river, a tributary of Big Horn and to engage them it will be nec ssary to cross the Big Horn Mountain which will be an almost impossible umlertakin g at this season of the year. Th re appears to be no prospect of another engagement with the Sioux, unless the Indians de sire to make a fight, as the troops will be unable to overtake them before the approach of cold weat her. It is report ed that large bauds of Northern Indians have been crossing the Missouri below Fort Benton, going north into the Brit ish possessions, and it is not believed they will make a stand against our troops again this year. Washington, August 16 —A Bismarck special says: A party which arrived from the Black Hills had a skirmish with the Indians, losing one kil.'.ed and one wounded. Nothing is known of Terry’s fight, except that Qapt. Weston, from Benton, heard that Terry fought the day before he left, losing 300 killed. In dian loss was 700 killed. To tlie Front. Sixty recruits have been ordered to the Fourth, ninety to the Ninth, and eighty to the Fourteenth Infantry, to rendezvous at Cheyenne. Chicago, August 16.—Assistant Adju tant-General Drum has just received a dispatoh from Fort Brown, Wyoming Territory, stating that a Shoshone In dian had just come io, who had left Gen. Crook on the 10fh instant, well down on the Tongue river. He thought Gen. Crook would strike Indians by the 11th or 12th instant. County Taxes.—Below is a list show ing the rate of county taxation in eight of the largest counties in this state. It will be seen that Fulton leads off with the lowest tax of any of the eight, though Richmond is not far behind : Bibb—rate on the $lO6. 60 cents Chatham—rate on the 8100 78 cents Clarke—rate on the SIOO 50 cents Fulton—rate on the SIOO 20 cents Floyd—rate on the SIOO 100 cents Muscogee—rate on the $100... 40 cents Richmond—rate on the $100... 25 cents Troup—rate on the SIOO. 40 cents Boston, August 16. —A heavy hail storm prevailed in parts of Maine yes terday. Two- inches of bail fell. The, orops axe badly damaged.