Newspaper Page Text
(Cftrottfcle attD £mtfnel.
AND
©jc Constitutionalist
WEDNESDAY, APRIL - -4, 1877.
THE PRESIDENT AND THE SOUTH.
We commence this morning the pub
lication in the Chronicle and Consti
tutionalist of a series of letters frc m
representative Southern men with regard
to what is known as President Hates’
■‘Southern Policy.” The first letter we
give to the public is from ex-Governor
Joseph E. Brown, of Atlanta—a man of
extraordinary political sagacity. He
writes fully and frankly and with h s
accustomed terseness. What he sajs
will be read with interest. Other letters
will be published from day to day.
THE CONTENTS OF SOME COTTON
BALE*.
The Superintendent of the Augusta
Factory, Mr. F. Cogin, has sent ns a
sample of trash found in some cotton
bales picked out prior to being manu
factured. We find in the lot sticks of
wood, wasps’ nests, twine, nails, stones,
clay clods, wire, and, most dangerous
of all, an unexploded gun-cartridge.—
The most rigorous search of the cotton
intended for milling purposes has to ke
instituted, for nails and gun cartridges
passing through machinery would very
likely cause a disastrous conflagration.
Planters cannot be too careful in pack
ing their cotton for market. Lnder the
new order of things in this section, a
great deal of the staple is raised
or packed by irresponsible or care
less persons ; but there alwajs
was more or less complaint, even in
the days before the war, of the intrr -
Auction of foreign substances into cot
ton hales. Much damage has been
caused by this “crooked” way of ma
nipulating “the King,” and not a little
litigation has ensued. From time to
time, the parties guilty of false packing
have been traced out; but, as a general
thing, this is not an easy job, and does
not seem to have stopped the practice.
We remember to have heard that a
Louisiana planter invariably commanded
for his cotton crop a cent or two above
the market price because of the careful
handling of his product. It should be
a matter of conscience as well as of in
terest for all planters to avoid even the
appearance of false packing.
HAVEN AND THE NOLTU.
We published yesterday mornißg an
exceedingly able and interesting letter
from ex-Governor Joseph E. Brown on
President Hates and his Southern
policy. This morning we print com
munications on the same subject from
ex-Governor B. F. Perry, of Greenville,
and General J. B. Kershaw, of Camden,
South Carolina, and Hon. A. C. Walker,
of this county. These papers deserve
and will receive the careful attention of
the people. It will be observed that the
writers take very different views of the
situation and give equally as different
counsel to the men of the South. Gov
ernor Perry sees no reason why South
ern men should not apply for office to
President Hayes, though they may feel
perfectly well assured that Tilden was
legally elected President. General Ker
shaw writes on the same line, with the
qualification that Carolinians should not
apply for or acoept office so long as the
Capitol is occupied by Federal soldiers.
Colonel Walker arraigns the Republi
can party for its past crimes against
liberty and good government and de
clares his want of faith in the fair words
of the President.
In an interview with a reporter of the
Atlanta Constitution, Senator Hill said
he saw no reason why Sonthern Demo
crats should not acoept office from the
new Administration. We of the South
have been complaining of bad officials
and if the President offers appointments
to good men they shonld be accepted.
Senator Hill has no doubt of the fall of
Chamberlain nnd Packard. He says
the President stands pledged in the most
solemn manner to give the country a
constitutional and non-partisan adminis
tration. He adds:
Ho ia especially pledged to give ua of tho
South a good civil Bervice and non-interference
with our local state government. I believe
these pledges have been made voluntarily, in
good faith and from conviction of duty. If
these pledges are not redeemed, we must sec
to it that no blame shall rest upon us of the
South. We must meet the President in a
spirit of generous coufidence. While preserv
ing our own self respect we must manifest onr
cheerful readiness to aid in restoring honest,
constitutional government. We must not, by a
hasty or captious distrust, aid the extreme
mon of his party in their efforts to drive him
from his patriotic position. We must give
him a fair chance, full time and every proper
aid and encouragement to redeem his pledges.
If he shall succeed he will make for himself a
great name, and our whole country will enter
upon anew era of unexampled prosperity and
happiness. If he fail he shall not be able to
able to say we of the South caused the failure.
THE LOUISIANA COMMISSION.
We are distinctly informed, by tele
graph, that the Louisiana Commission
consists of ex-Governor Brown, of Ten
nessee ; Wayne McVeigh, who was
Minister to Turkey in 1871 and is a son
in-law to Simon Cameron, a pronounced
Republican ; Geueral J. R. Hawley, of
Connecticut, moderate Republican;
General J. M. Harlan, of Kentucky,
emphatic Republican; Judge 0. B.
Lawrence, of Illinois, who was a promi
nent candidate for Senator last Winter
as Republican, and formerly Chief Jus
tice of the Supreme Court of Illinois.
The Commission will be instructed after
the President has consulted Vice-Presi
dent Wheeler.
Aceording to this make np, including
’Wheeler as Chairman, there are five
Republicans to one Democrat. This
has the appearance of being either a
first-class farce or a phenomenal fraud.
The solitary Democrat mast feel like a
single oyster in an acre of batter, and if
precedents are to be followed, the vote
of snch an inquisition will be on all
matters appertaining to Radicalism and
Democracy, Packard #r Nicholls,
as five to one. If Supreme Court
Judges, Senators and Representatives
of the United States coaid not rise above
party, in the grave question of the
Presidency, how, in the name of all
that’s rational, can we expect anything
better from Mr. Hayes’ extraordina
ry Committee ? This will, we doubt
not, be the almost universal opinion of
the public, and snch an opinion has too
much warrant in the past to be treated
with contempt We shell be very much
astonished if the people of New Orleans
•do not resent these appointments, and,
nnless he has had private advices of a
soothing character, we may not be sur
prised to learn that Gov. Nicholls has
determined to give them the cold shoul
der. It is of course within the range of
a bare possibility that these Commis
sioners have instructions to patch sp some
sort of a compromise with the rival gov
ernments; bnt if the prees of New Or
leans may be taken as an exponent of
the temper and determination of the
Louisiana people, any compromise with
in their power to offer will be spurned
by Nicholls, if not by Packard.
It is to be regretted that this Commis
bmku shonld iittve been appointed at all,
bnt still more is it to be deplored
that it shonld have a&ont it so palpable
an appearance of partisanship and hnm-
Ibng. It may be that the s*-jp-law of
Simon Cameron partaketb not *4 the
rascality of the late humiliated Senator
from Pennsylvania, and possibly ho
acquired a trick or to two in Turkey,
when Minister there, which specially
commended him to Mr. EUs'£3. Bnt,
from all we can learn of him, h* jp a
dyed-in-the-wool Radical, and therefore i
in active sympathy with the Maine
carpet-bagger who has so long made
Louisiana a place accursed. Of Mr.
Wheeler, we need speak bat little. Onr
readers know him of old. His report
upon Lonisiana Returning Boards was
severely condemnatory when he was a
his present office by virtue of the very
villainy he hid reprobated. A contem
porary well says that sending Wheeler
to inveetigate Louisiana affairs is like
employing Bbioham Young to ascertain
the true inwardness of the Mountain
Meadow massacre. Gen. Hawley, of
Connecticut, was born in North Carolina,
but fought against the South and is a
Republican of the Republicans. He has
been a member of Congress and had
something to do with the Centennial.
Gen. Harlan is placed as an emphatic
Republican. As he is a Kentucky mac
that word “emphatic” must mean a Re
publican who hates his own people with
all the venom of a renegade, and that
kind of hatred is said to be worse thaD
the depravity of ten Turks. We learn
that Judge Lawrence is so very pro
nounced in his Radicalism that, when
on a visit to the South, some time ago,
a friend hesitated about beiDg intro
duced to him because unpleasant conse
quencea might arise. In a day or two,
we shall know more positively about the
personnel of this “high old joint.
But the dominant thought constantly
recurring abont the Commission is,
what do they expect to investigate and
what new facts bring to light? The
whole subject has been discussed and
investigated microscopically already.
Besides this, we learn from the New
Orleans correspondence of the St. Louis
Republican that some days ago Packard
and his colleagues were hard at work
destroying, or putting out of the way,
all documentary evidence unfavorable
to the cause; and to cover up this char
acteristic rascality had reported “an
extensive robbery of the public records.
If this be true, the Commission have
already been put at a serious disadvan
tage.
There is one policy of the President
which must not escape attention or be
forgotten, and that policy he himself
embodied in a remark to a Republican
friend. “We must,” he said, “do what
we can by judicious movements to
break up the Democratic strength in the
South, and at the same time establish
on better and firmer foundations the Re
publican party in that section.”
As the case stands, and in the light
of the Louisiana Commission, the Presi
dent has not adopted judicious courses
to accomplish his alleged purpose. We
would like to be agreeably surprised by
the patriotic nature of the Commission s
report, but can hardly rely upon any such
good luck. Still, we are willing to wait
a little longer and let the President
have an opportunity to develop his
plans. There are wise men in the coun
try who counsel patience and prediot
that pleasant surprises are in store for
the South from this Administration.
By all means, then, let us be patient, if
that will do any good.
WENDELL PHILLIPS ATTACKS THE
PItESIDENT.
We print this morning a lecture re
cently delivered in Philadelphia by
Wendell Phif lips, an able and elo
qnent apostle of the doctrine of hate.
We publish the fanatic’s screed for two
reasons. It shows the devilish senti
ments with regard to the South enter
tained by that faction of the Republican
party which has for itsleaders such men
as Morton,Butler and Blaine. It shows
also how formidable is the opposition
with whichthe President will haveto con
tend when he attempts to do justice to
the South. Iu the eyes of the men for
whom Wendell Phillips speaks the
Southern people are a band of traitors
and assassins, who can be kept in sub
jection only by the strong hand of mili
tary power. Before an audience of cul
tivated men and women assembled in
the second city of the Union
he gives utterance to sentiments that
would shock the sensibilities of a bashi
bazouk. The South needs “taming.”
It most be treated as a vicious horse
must be crushed and subdued. Sixteen
years of war and of hollow peace, of race
troubles and bastard governments are
not enough for such men. The struggle
between Cavalier and Roundhead lasted
a hundred years, therefore in America
we must have a century of discord and
violence. Blood enough has not been
shed to satisfy Phillips & Cos. The
wounds of war must not be allowed to
heal. The are to be kept open and
bloody in order that a political party
may enjoy the spoils of government.
President Hayes has committed the
deadly sin of calling to his counsels the
moderate and reputable.men of his par
ty, of taking into his Cabinet a Demo
crat from the hated South. Convicts in
the penitentiary could not be assailed
with viler abuse than that heaped upon
men whose offending consists simply in
their desire to give peace and good gov
ernment to thirteen millions of people.
A man, who, when an officer of the Gov
ment and sworn to enforce the laws,
caused a fugitive slave to be returned
to his master is denounced as a “slave
hound” and likened in infamy to the
apostle who betrayed to a bloody death
Jesus, the Saviour of Man. He warns
the Administration that its policy will
be resisted to the bitter end by the men
who think with him. The President is
reminded that Morton and the other
heroes of the bloody shirt pnt him in
office, nnd ttaut they claim the right to
shape the course of his government.
South Carolina and Louisiana must be
kept in the chains they now wear, and
the other States must be manacled as
soon as possible. Wendell Philips’
lecture is a fitting sequel to the letter
wbioh Garrison recently wrote to
Blaine. It is perfectly apparent that
the President cannot adopt a Southern
polioy that will please a formidable fac
tion of his own party unless it be a
policy based upon hatred and proscrip
tion. It is evident that he will have to
encounter the determined opposition of
the Blaines, Butlers and Mortons
unless he makes an entire change of
front. He cannot hope to conciliate
them by temporizing and delay. He
must make up his migd to break with
them at onoe aad forever, or else to give
the lie to all his fair promises and pro
testations, and commence anew the war
upon the South that was waged by his
predecessor.
THE LYNCHING IN BURKE.
We publish this morning a communi
cation asserting that the people of Burke
county had nothing to do with the
lynching of O’Brirn’s murderer. As
the deed was done in Waynesboro the
pnblic might naturally suppose that the
people of that county were its perpe
trators. This is indignantly denied,
and, we think, with perfect truthfulness.
The Waynesboro Expositor speaks on
the same subject even more emphatical -
ly, It says :
Let it he understood that the men who mur
dered the prisoner were not citizens of onr
town or connty. lua e rowd that did the mur
derous deed came here oa iu. down night
train, and left on the train before day, and
we are reliably informed came from Au
gneta. Reliable information is also had that
a collection was made there to defray the ex
pense* of the party. We are exceedingly re
joiced to know that the prees acd clergy of
that city are bitter in their denmuattipne of
the murder.
The Board of Commissioners ofßnrke
connty also caused a letter to be writ
ten to the Governor asking bun to offer
a reward for the arrest of the lyncher?, i
Governor Colquitt has offered a reward
of three hundred dollars eaoh for the
apprehension of the guilty parties, aad
there ia a prospect that some of them
may be brought to jnstice.
8. h. MclyiN, of the Florida Return
ing Board, has Loan appointed an Asso
ciate Judge of _ the territory of Mon
tana. The World thongbt be ws £ ne
gro and pitched iDto him accordingly.
AoeoajtfNo to the New York Tribune,
the statesmen who are to serve on the
Lonisiana Commission insisted on guar
antees against being invited to quad
roon balls. On the other hand, it is
announced that the quadroon girls of
New Orleana are looking anxionsly with
HAYES AM) THE SOUTH.
WHATTHE south should do in
THE CRISIS.
Letters from Distincaiabed Southern Men—
Wbat Ex-Gsreniar Brown Thinks.
Atlanta, Ga., March 26.
Editors Chronicle and Constitutionalist:
Dear Sibs-I have to ackn wledgethe
receipt of your communication, suggest
ing that it is important , in view of the pol
icy which it is said President Hayes will
pursue towards the South, to know what
the attitude of the Southern Dem
ocracy should be towards President
Hayes -whether Southern men should ap
ply to him for ortakeofficeunderhim, &c.
And you invite my views on this subject
for publication. While Ido not flatter
myself that my views will be of much
interest to the public, I give them to
you, as requested, for what they are
worth.
I consider the counting in of Governor
Hayes to the Presidential office as the
greatest fraud ever perpetrated upon
the American people. He was beaten
by an immense popular majority, as all
men of all parties admit; and a majority
of the electoral votes were given to him
in defiance of the popular will in at least
two States, which unquestionably gave
clear and decided majorities to his op
ponent; thereby electing Governor Til
den, not only by an immense popular
majority, but by a majority of the
electors. Being fully satisfied of
the correctness of this state
ment, I could, as a Democrat, under no
circumstanes, accept at President Hayes
hands any office within his gift. Enter
taining this view, I cannot, with proprie
ty, recommend any friend to President
Hayes for any position whatever; and I
shall uniformly decline to do so.
President Hayes, in his inaugural ad
dress, by the nse of phrases that were
general and indefinite, indicated a more
liberal policy towards tho South than
his party had heretofore pursned, and
his friends and certain public journals
supporting his views have announced
that it is his policy to distribute the
patronage of the Government in the
South in such a manner as to divide the
Democratic party and build up the Re
publican party, and place it in the ma
jority in at least part of the Southern
States. It seems to me this is only an
instance of the Greeks bringing gifts in
their hands, and that we have reason to
fear them. . .
if is true Mr. Hayes began his admin
istration by appointing, as one of his
Cabinet, officers, a Sonthern Democrat
from a sister State; and other appoint
ments of Democrats may be made for
other offices. But I think I hazard lit
tle in saying that Democrats who accept
these appointments will be expected to
conform to the general polioy of the
President, and to so conduct themselves
while in office as to strengthen the Re
publican party. If I am right abont
this, the result will be that all true Dem
ocrats who are placed in office and who
maintain their Democratic integrity with
independence, will, before the end of the
administration, be removed to make
room for others who are more pliant, and
all Democrats who accept offices un
der the Administration and lend them
selves while in office to the work of
building up the Republican party and
dividing the Democracy will be classed
in future, as they shonld be, with the
Republican party, and they will be
without Democratic following; and will
no longer be able to influence the
action of Democratic voters. The
effort te divide the solid Democratic
South by the distribution of offices
among them will, therefore, prove a signal
failure; and Democrats who have lent
themselves to the enterprise by accept
ing the offices may consider themselves
fortunate if they escape unharmed po
litically. I have no censure for any
honest Democrat who chooses to make
the experiment by accepting office under
the Administration. I think the experi
ment, however, in each case will prove
hazardous and fruitless of good results.
Others taking a different view certainly
have a right to act upon their own con
clusions.
At the end of the war the United
States Government, then in the hands
of the Republican party, was triumphant
as conqueror. The conquering North
had a million of bayonets in their hands;
and we were compelled to surrender the
last one we possessed. We were, there
fore, at their mercy; and when they dic
tated the terms of reconstruction and
readmission of the Southern States into
the Union, they did it, whatever reason
may have been given to the contrary, by
virtue alone of their power as the con
queror. Being fHlly satisfied that there
was no mode of escape left to the South
by which we could avoid a compliance
with the terms dictated by the con
queror, I advised our people to accept
the situation, return to our allegiance to
the Goverument, live orderly and peace
ably, to conciliate the colored race and
make them our friends, as the Govern
ment bad placed the ballot in their
hands; and do all in our power to elect
to the Conventions that were to frame
Constitutions for the Southern States
the very best citizens of each State whose
services could be obtained, aod who
were eligible under the Reconstruction
acts. My advioe further was that the
Convention in each State conform liter
ally to the requirements dictated by the
conqueror, so far as the ratification of
the constitutional amendments, &c.,
was concerned; and that we then in each
State make the best Constitution that
the best talent of the State could devise,
so that we might be able, on our return
to the Union, to manage our own local
affairs in our own way.
I saw very clearly that we would be
compelled to live at least for a consider
able period of time under the Constitu
tions made by the Conventions ordered
by virtue of the act of Congress, wheth
er those Constitutions were made by the
wisest and best of our own people, or
by carpe’-baggers and by our former
slaves. The result was as I anticipated,
and in some of our sister States, where
the white people stood aloof entirely
from the Conventions, the people had
put upon them Constitutions and laws
under which they have not only been
plundered, but by virtue of wbioh they
have been denied the benefits of local
self-government up to this time. And
the illegal governments which usurp the
power in those States, and have been
sustained by the military power of the
United States, have, iu the hands of the
Radical party, been made the instru
ments with which they have been en
abled to perpetrate the outrageous fraud
whieh resulted in the perpetuation of
their power for another term of four
years.
Fortanately, in our own State, a large
number of the white people went to the
polls and elected some of onr wisest and
best native men to the Convention, who
were able to secure lor us a Constitution
u nder which the virtue and intelligence of
the State have been enabled to take con
trol of its government and the manage
ment of onr affairs. The result has been
that Georgia has outstripped her sister
States in material development and pros
perity; and our credit now stands far in
advance of any of our Sonthern sisters.
It must be remembered that the con
quering government pledged to the
Sonthern States readmission of their
Senators and Representatives in Con
gress as soon as the terms of reconstruc
tion were complied with- When com
plied with by each State it was the duty
of the Government to carry out in good
faith its pledges and readmit such State
aDd leave her people to regulate their
own local self governments, without
Federal interference.
This pledge has not been carried cut,
but in some of the States, whose Con
stitutions, owing to the failure of the
white people to take partin the election,
were formed by carpet-baggers and ne
groes, the white people, in connection
with such intelligent colored voters as
now aot with them, would before this
time have obtained control of their local
self-governments, bnt for the military
interference of the United States Govern
ment. They elected their own Governors
and Legislatures; and returning boards,
by infamous frauds, counted them oat and
declared elected those whp bad no just
claim to the positions which they
assumed; and the military arm of the
United States, nnder the late Adminis
tration, came to the relief of the usurpers
and sustained themiD defiance of popu
lar yill as expressed at the ballot box.
Even in on; own State, after we had
fully complied’with tjie terms dictated
by the conqueror, the military power
took control of onr Legislature and re
modeled it at their pleasure.
It is a safe rale to lay down in a pop
ular government, that the party who
favors and sustains a great war, if the
war is a success, jvill be npheld by the
popnlar voice, and will control the Gov
ernment for a very considerable period
of time after the termination of the
war. It ia equally certain that the party
opposing a succesfal war will go out of
power for a series of years. .Our own
war of 1612 with Great Britain is an apt
illustration. Knowing this to be a rule j
of popular action, f participated in none
of the hopes entertained by our South
ern leader*, that the Democracy who
had opposed our civil war would be
able, by the popular vote of the people
of the United States, to obtain control
of the Government and reverse the
terms of reconstruction dictated by it
in the fcpn-ip of the Republican party.
I was therefore' of the opinion that it
was best for the South to offer no oppo
sition to the eleetion of a Republican
President, while the Reconstruction acts
bad not been executed. This wonld no
donbt have facilitated the admission
of our Southern Senators and Repre
sentatives, and wonld at a much earlier
period have given ns control of our own
. 1 -g-- tml „ mn thia /nnvictinn
1 acted. Bat when we had complied
fully with the Reconstruction acts, and
the Government of the United States
then refused to carry out its pledges for
onr fe-admission and used the military
arm to interfere in our local affairs, I
felt that there Was something for the
Democracy of both sections to stand
upon, with good hope of success ; and
from that time nntil the present I have
voted for the Democratic candidates
and advised onr people to do so, in the
hope that the American people might
then be ready to drive from power those
who had not only dictated unreasonable
terms to ns, bat had failed to keep faith
in carrying them out. Unfortunately
the popular mind was not ready for this
in 1872. Bat in 1876, so gross had been
the outrages of the Federal Administra
tion in the use of the military, to put
down legal State governments in the
Sontb, for party purposes, that the peo
ple rose in their might at the ballot box
and condemned this bad faith and usur
pation, as already said, by an over
whelming majority, by the election of
the Democratic candidates for President
and Vice-President.
My jndgment then was that the De
mocracy of the North, knowing that they
had elected their candidates, shonld
have stood firmly by them, announcing
their fixed determination to inaugurate
them; and the solid South should
have moved up to their support.—
And the result would not have been
doubtful ; as the moral conviction
rested upon the minds of the
capitalists of the Republican party
North that we had been successful, and
they would not have hazarded their for
tunes on a civil war to sustain an un
doubted fraud. But the Democratic
leaders at Washington were outgeneral
ed by the superior management of their
antagonists, and Governor Hayes was
counted in and has been inaugurated.
He is now the de facto President of the
United States, and we shonld be order
ly and obedient to the laws during his
term; and hope that he will give us
a fair administration. I counsel no fac
tious opposition to his administration,
and think we should not hesitate to give
him credit for all good acts performed
by the Administration.
If he would come to the just conclu
sion that the Republican party has had
its mission, and that the sixteen years
of power which it has enjoyed is as
much as it is entitled to on account of
conducting a successful war, and if he
would adopt the policy of Washington
and disregarding party, would call about
him the best men of both parties and
distribute the offices among them, per
mitting each to act politically with per
fect freedom while holding position, his
action would then entitle him to respect
and confidence and there might be less
question about the expediency of Demo
crats accepting office under him.
I must confess, however, that I have,
from the beginning, seen no sufficient
evidence that this is the purpose of the
President. Instead of his taking a
broad, patriotic view of the situation,
and resolving firmly to restore peace
and prosperity to the country, at the
sacrifice of party, the policy adopted by
him seems to me to point only to an ef
fort on his part, by the bestowal of pa
tronage, to strengthen his own party.
The only fruit borne of his policy of
Southern conciliation, so far as I have
noticed up to this period, is the ap
pointment of a single Southern Demo
crat to a Cabinet office; while his va
cillating coarse, in reference to the re
moval of troops from Louisiana and
South Carolina, and his reference of the
question to a Commission, wholly unau
thorized by any law, Federal or State, a
majority of which I have no doubt will
be composed of his own party, have but
confirmed my distrust.
We may, however, be asked by North
ern men, how is conciliation to take
place if the South is still to stand firm
and solid and will meet no advance
made to her by the Administration ? To
this I reply : The is not in the
market. We cannot be purchased by
patronage. But if the purpose of the
President is to restore peace and har
mony to the oountry, and to divide the
South by lines other than the color line,
there is an easy and patriotic mode of
doing it. Let him and his party offer
us no bribe of. office ; and let them, in
the administration of the Government,
do equal and exact justice to every State
and to every section of the Union ; let
them bury the war issue and let there
be made no further allusion to it. In a
word, let the Republican party cease to
flaunt the bloody shirt in our face ; and
let them, as pledged, we having com
plied with the Reconstruction acts, con
cede the same right to local self-gov
ernment to Louisiana and South Caro
lina which is conceded to New York
and Ohio; and let all ffiorts to keep up
division, on account of past connection
with the war, cease; and the result will
naturally be, that new issues will spring
up; tariffs and banks and the internal
revenue system, internal improvements,
&e., will then occupy the attention of
the people. Upon these, men of both col
ors and both parties, South and North,
will naturally differ, and they will di
vide upon them, In this mode and this
alone can the South be divided by lines
other than substantially the color line.
So long, however, as the Republican
party labors to keep the war issues
alive, and to divide the people and in
flame their prejudices, on account of the
war, we will naintain a solid Democratic
South, no matter what efforts may be
made to buy, to bully, or to bribe us.
Whatever view individual Democrats
may take as to tho expediency or inex
pediency of accepting office under the
present Administration—the Democratic
party, and each individual member of it
—should bear constantly in mind the in
justice and fraud by which their gallant
leaders—Tilden and Hendricks—were
cheated out of the positions to which
the people, following the lead of the
Democracy, had legally and fairly elect
ed them; and each apd every Democrat
should resolve, whether in or ont of of
fice, to do no act, and to make no con
cession which can in any way divide us,
or endanger the triumphant success of
the party, in the next election, by oter
wbelming majorities in such number of
States as will place the result beyond
the reach vf infamous Returning Boards,
or partisan Commissions,
Very respectfully, your obedient ser
vant, Joseph E. Brown.
Camden, S. C., March 27, 1877.
Editors Chronicle and Constitutionalist:
I am in receipt of your circular re
questing my views as to the policy of
the Southern Democracy at this junc
ture, affecting our attitude towards the
Administration of Mr. Hayes, and re
spond to the request without delay or
hesitation.
The propriety of the acceptance and
exercise of a public office by a citizen
should only be determined by a consid
eration, first, of the interests of the pub
lic, and, ne*t, gf those of the individual.
If after due reference tp these points it
is clear that the public gpod would be
promoted and the private interest of tke
individual would not be unduly sacri
ficed, it is impossible to suppose a case
in which it would not be proper to ac
cept such office. To hold that one
should not accept office at the hands of
a party to which he has been politically
opposed, would be to admit that the
public would be better served by a mem
ber of su.ch party, and to approve a poli
cy whiph has cursed and degraded the
country, who ß ® maxim is, “to tfie vic
tor bplgnys tf\e spoils,’ a maxim whose
fundamental vice is, that it substitutes
as a motive the greed of gain for the
love of country, and considers public
office with reference to its emoluments
of the holder, rather than to its duties
to the public.
It is considered that these principles
exclude all those cases which involve in
the acceptance of office degrading or
dishonorable conditions, expressed or
implied. If, for instance, office were
tendered by Mr. Hayes and accepted by
one of us with an understanding that
the h,older should use the office to
strengthen or support Mr. Hpyes politi
cally, while his policy was really hostile
to eur people, and injurious to the pub
lic interests: or, if the acceptance of of
fipe by an individual would, of itself,
strengthen the Administration, whose
policy was adverse tp the interests .of so
ciety, it shonld be refused —because it
is not compatible with the public inter
est, in any case, that a citizen shonld
permit himself to give strength to a
Government which employs that strength
to injure the people.
To apply these principles practically,
and to answer for myself, I would not
seek or accept office under Mr. Hayes,
so long as he maintains a guard of sol
diers in the State House at Columbia,
in violation of the Constitution and
laws of the United States, and of this
State, and of the rights of the people of
South Carolina, unless with the distinct
pledge that this unlawful exercise of
military power 3jiould cease within such
time as would practically avoid the in
compatibility of holding office under a
President whom my dnty as a citizen
required that I should oppose and de
nounce a tvxapnical usurper of arbi
trary and unconstitutional power?.
Jf, op the other h?no, Sir. Hayes did
withdraw those trpops and udministgred
his office $8 a Republican, within the
limits of his eonstitntjonal powers with
Bimple justice, even without any special
kindness or favor to our people, I would
accept office under him.
Lastly, if the administration of Mr.
Hayes was kindly and liberal towards
ns and tended to restore peace, order
and good government to the Sontb, with
its attendant blessings of prosperity and
happiness, I would give his administra
tion a hearty support, whether an office
holder or not. My party allegiance is
subordinate to—nay, is founded upon
mv love to my State and oountry.
snail always link my political fortunes
witb that party which, in m/indgment,
best promotes the welfare of the coun
try. My test of the effect of public
meas ares upon the country IB found in
its effect upon the State of which I am
a citizen; whatever is best {pr my State
is best for all, under our system, and
vioe versa.
My opinion, theiefore, is clear and de
cided, that should President Hayes
sincerely administer the function of his
office in accordance with the principle
avowed in his inaugural address (which
I am still unwilling to doubt), we ought
by all means cordially and earnestly to
support sach administration, let the re
sults npon present party organization
lead whither they wonld. Very respect
fully yours, Joseph B. Kershaw.
Greesville, S. C., March 27, 1877.
Editors Chronicle and Constitutionalist:
I have just received your letter asking
my opinion as to “ What the attitude of
the Sonthern Democracy shonld be to
President Hayes; whether Southern
men should apply for or take office un
der him, etc,”
There is not an intelligent man in
America, whether Democrat or Repub
lican, who does not know that Governor
Tilden was elected President of the
United States and ought to have been
inaugurated. General Grant most truly
said that no one worthy of the office
shonld desire it through a fraudulent
count of the votes. But it was obvious,
last Fall, that the Republican Senate
was disposed to declare Governor Hayes
elected, and Grant was concentrating
the Federal army in Washington to have
him inaugurated. This the Democratic
House of Representatives was bound in
honor to resist. A civil war wonld have
been the consequence. In order to pre
vent this, both parties acted wisely and
patriotically in referring the contest to
a Commission, composed, in part, of
the Judges of the Supreme Court. _ It
was thought that these learned jurists
would, at least, divest themselves of all
partisan feeling and decide the great
question according to law, the Constitu
tion and justice. How sadly disappoint
ed the Democratic party have been is
well known.
But having referred the matter to ar
bitration they were in honor bound to
accept the arbitrament, however unjust
and contrary to truth it may be. We
must, therefore, accept Hayes as Presi
dent of the United States, and support
or oppose the measures of his adminis
tration as if he had been legally and
constitutionally elected. His inaugural
promised fairly and his cabinet is better
than was anticipated. The Postmaster-
General is a Democrat; and the Secre
tary of State and Secretary of the In
terior both voted with the conservative
party, four years ago, in opposition to the
re-election of President Grant. Blaine,
Morton, Logan and Cameron have been
repudiated by Hayes in forming his
Cabinet. Sherman is, perhaps, the most
objectionable member of it.
Knowing that his title to the Presi
dency is bad, and that a large majority
of the people of the United States voted
against him, it is to be presumed that
Hayes will be in some measure influenced
qy these considerations in his adminis
tration of government. We should
make no factions opposition to him, bnt
render all the assistance we can in sus
taining all his wise, patriotic and just
measures. In order to do this, I
set no impropriety in a Democrat’s ac
cepting office under President Hayes.
It would certainly be desirable, in my
opinion, to have as many of the Federal
offices in the Southern States filled by
good competent Democrats as possible
Nor do I apprehend any division of the
Democratic party by pursuing such a
course. We all supported the election
of Horace Greeley, an avowed leader of
the Republican party, without any sacri
fice of principle, because we thought he
would make a better President than the
corrupt military tyrant who sought to
be and was re-elected. It has been, and
I hope ever will be, the boast of the
Democratic party to go for principles
and not men.
I am sorry to say that the signs of the
times at present are not so favorable to
a wise and just Southern polioy as they
were supposed to be at the inauguration
of President Hayes. But we must not
despair of the Republic. Time, pa
tience and forbearance will right us ulti
mately. The Republican party must go
down, with the load of infamy which it
has to carry, as the old Federal party
did after the passage of the alien and
sedition laws, aimed at the liberty of
the press and the immigration of for
eigners. The situation or condition of
the South is infinitely better than it was
immediately after onr Congressional re
construction. Then all the States were
under Radical rule, governed by the
most infamous set of scoundrels that
ever disgraced civilization. Now all the
Southern States, except one or two,
have been redeemed and restored to hon
est government. South Carolina and
Louisiana will bo in a short time.
The Southern States committed a
fatal error when they declared that no
one should acoept office under President
Lincoln, who was legally and constitu
tionally elected, though sectionally
elected, by a minority of the people of
the United States, owing to divisions in
the Democratic party. We must not
commit a similar error now, although
Hayes is only de facto President by
sufferance of the American people.
I am, with great respect, very truly
and sincerely yours, &0.,
B. F. Perry.
Letter from Hon. A. C. Walker.
Mcßean, Ga., March 24, 1877.
Editors Chronicle and Constitutionalist:
When the question, “Whether Sonth
ern men should apply for or accept office
under Hayes?” (on which you have
honored me by asking the expression of
my opinion) was first propounded to me
in individual and interested cases, un
der the glamour of a prospective “justice
to the South” policy, I answered briefly
that as the villainous character general
ly of the Radical officeholders at the
South had been all along one of the main
sources of our many troubles, if Mr.
Hayes was willing to appoint men of our
own choice we should gladly accept
the proffered relief. I am willing to
stand by that, still, but I utterly con
demn the general recognition of
the principle that we should apply for
and accept office under Hayes as we
would have done under Tilden.
Timeo Danaos et dona ferentes; I
distrust the whole Radical party, from
the most conspicuous leader to the low
est bummer. There is not, in my judg
ment, a single man who would hold hon
or and honesty inviolate if individual or
party interest was at stake. Can an in
stance or a fact be pointed out in deroga
tion of this belief ?
The superstructure known as the Re
publican party is built upon the g d
less and desperate fanatics formerly
styled abolitionists. The Commune
of Paris was a God-fearing and patriotic
association, compared with the wicked
and vicious conglomeration of men and
women who used and still use negro
slavery and its pernieious sentimenta
tism, in the attempt to reverse the de
crees of Omnipotence, to uproot all that
is venerated in governments,or sacred in
human rights. This superstructure of
Republicanism is saturated from turret
to foundation stone with the virus flow
ing from the frothingjaws of these rabid
human beasts, and just a3 mad .dogs
are affected by the sight of water, so are
they affected by the mildeßt exhibition
of justice or generosity to the Southern
white people. As long as we were villi
fied and oppressed and the negro unduly
exalted, we were likely to forget in its
motley garb of Republicanism the orig
in and animus of the party in power,
but the moment that “justice to the
South” was barely hinted at, out rushed
the same, but now toothless
old brutes the Garrisons, Phil
lips, Stantons, &c., who formerly so
stunned our ears with their fiendish
howls. They at least refresh our mem
ory, as they seem to halve refreshed Mr.
Hayes’ also. Every Northern Radical
understands that the entire stock in
trade of the party consists of a rather
threadbare commodity known as the
negro, and their mental calibre seems
nnequal to the task of diversifying the
contents of their peddler’s pack. Mr.
Hayes has, it seems, attempted, in a
feeble way, to add another exceedingly
cheap article, known to commerce in
Grant’s time as “let ns pave peace,” but
now, ch' nging with the fashions, called
“my Southern policy;” but his partners
demur to this novel addition to the
stock in trade. He seems to have found
a numerous array of customers at the
South; some are ready to take the goods
without guaranty, others are eager to
purchase, but, mindful of the past, are
afraid of being cheated. This is abont
the way matters now stand, and here,
Mr. Editor, should properly come in my
answer to your question.
Now in view of the composition, the
past history, and present status of the
Republican party, of the evident weak
ness and vacillation of Mr. Haves, with
a tainted title to his office ever present to
his,thoughts; allowinghim todifferfrom
his party in' having a conscience; in
view of tne envenomed haired of the
abolitionists, who will control him, to
the SontyiefU of the fact that if
they leave tfie negro in peape and to the
operation and influence pf the natnral
fjnd other laws whiph shonld pontrol his
destiny they will virtually disrupt their
only bond of ooheaion except that other
bond of cohesion, public plunder; in
view of the fact that infractions of the
Constitution can never be repaired, the
Government restored to its ancient
pnritv, or the rights of the people re
spected nnder Republican rule; that
compromises and concessions always
eventually enure to the advantage of
the stronger; in view of the fact that
Georgia has worked out her own salva
tion through the union and co-operation
of her own gallant sons, not- only with
out Federal help, but in spite of Fed
eral hinderance, and that one great
cause of our union and success has been
the presence among us (a constant
source, by comparison, of our self-re
spect), of the generally abject and con
temptible Federal office holders; in
view of the fact that one Federal
officeholder, a Democrat, must inevit
ably be brought into constant business
contact, and eventually into political
association with other Federal office
holders, Republicans, carpet-baggers,
scalawags ai.d negroes, friends and
family finally follow, and the result—
party and social disintegration; last
ly, but not leastly, in view of the
fact that John Sherman is a member of
the Government, one of the very mean
est and bitterest of our enemies—he
would taint purity itself, I would place
no faith in any administration where he
had a voice—ln view of all these things
and many others, which space forbids
me to mention, I believe that Georgians,
at least, are bound by every considera
tion of manhood and safety for our
selves, to maintain the same attitude of
law-abiding, but manly and unrelenting
opposition to the tyrants and robbers,
who, for twelve long years of persecu
tion, of poverty, hardship and suffering
have never, from the brutal Grant down,
uttered one kindly sentiment or per
formed one gracious act toward a gallant
people who found neither “strength in
their arms nor mercy in their woe.”
We have done without Federal pat
ronage for many weary years. I think no
man has fared the worse for that. We
should at least have learned patience.
Let us wait a while longer; preserve in
tact a solid South ; keep faith with the
true Democrats of the North. The
money changers will yet be driven from
the temple, and the offices will come to
us enhanced by self-respect and a clear
conscience and as our rightful inherit
ance. Very respectfully, yours,
A. 0. Walker.
THE NINTH DISTRICT.
A Defense of tlie Candidacy of Mr. Emory
Speer.
Editors Chronicle and Constitutionalist:
The official returns of the vote for
Congressman in the Ninth District are
all finally received. Mr. Bell is elected,
and now the ringmasters of all the little
political performing troupes are holding
up the Ninth as a warning to independ
ent candidates, and mustering thereby
their little forces into line. It is with
no view to attacking an organized De
mocracy, or of encouraging independ
ent candidates, but soiely to set Mr.
Speer and his move aright, that I ask the
use of your oolumns. Mr. Speer’s can
didacy arose first from a conviction that
the Convention as at present organized
would succeed in foisting upon us a
candidate who was not the choice of
the Demooruoy and whose Democraoy is
doubtful and doubted. After the nom
ination had, in the minds of many, con
firmed these fears, he continued in the
field, believing that the nomination of
Mr. Bell was not a true expression of
the will of the party. It is needless
to comment upon the methods by which
Mr. Bell was nominated. They were
extraordinary, to say the least. It is
sufficient to say, in vindication of Mr.
Speer, that af er the nomination he was
encouraged to remain in the field by
many prominent members of the Con
vention, including the gentleman who
presided over its deliberations. If Mr.
Speer has erred he has had the best of
company in his error. It was charged
against Mr. Speer that his selfish ambi
tion would take the control of this Dis
trict from the Democrats, by dividing
the party, and give it to the Repub
licans, and many honest minded
though ignorant people believed this,
even when there are known to be nine
teen thousand Democrats to less than
five thousand Republicans in the Dis
t ict. In the election just held there
were three candidates in the field, two
Democrats and one Republican, and
though the Democratic vote was exceed
ingly small, both Democrats distanced
the Republican. It is useless in the
face of this election to say there was a
reckless disregard by Mr. Speer of all
else except his own advancement and an
indifference to the good of the Democra
oy, as the event has proved beyond a
peradventure what Mr. Speer and all
well informed people knew all the time,
that there was no earthly danger of
electing a Republican in this District.
This race has shown another thing, that
the people of this District were with Mr.
Speer, and the result of the election
shows that they will be no longer man
aged to suit the wishes of politicians.
Mr. Speer had to oontend with the or
ganized and well drilled politicians of
both parties, with the press of the Dis
trict, except the Gainesville Southron,
with many meddling outsiders, and with
almost all the lawyers and speakers of
the District. His race under the cir
cumstances is more than creditable.
Many good Democrats who preferred
Speer voted for Bell, influenced by the
fear that a Republican would run in,
and excited by the dreadful threats that
they would be responsible for such a
calamity should it befall our District.
This fear, skilfully managed, in the
opinion of many, changed enough votes
to defeat Mr. Speer. The Republican
candidate was brought out for the ex
press purpose of defeating Mr. Speer,
who is far more objectionable to that
party than Mr. Bell. The people of this
District have found out their power and
they have found out that the Republi
can party managers and the Convention
proxy gatherers work for tho same end,
and in the future they will demand that
the Conventions shall be organized and
conducted upon such fair and just prin
ciples that the true choice of the party
may be nominated. When this is done
no man in the District will be found la
boring more zealously for the election
of the nominee, no matter who he may
be, than Emory Speer.
An Old Line Democrat,
THE MOUNTAIN MEADOW MASSACRE.
Confession of the Condemned Murderer—A
Number of Confederates Implicated.
New Yoke, March 22.—A Herald
special from Pioche, Nevada, gives the
full confession of John D. Lee, regard
ing the Mountain Meadow Massacre, in
which he states that it was the result of
the direct teachings of Brigham Young.
It was done by order of those high in
authority in the Mormon community,
and its perpetrators believed it a duty
which they owed to God and the church.
The immediate orders were issued by
Col. Dame, Lieut.-Col. Isaac C. Haight
and the council at Oedar City, Utah, at
that time. Lee says he had no position
either in the civil or military depart
ments or in the church. Haight gave
Lee an account of the emigrants who
were coming, and Lee was ordered to
raise the Indians to attach the train, run
off the cattle, and have the Indians kill
the emigrants. The Indians were to
receive all the blame. In the first attack
the Indians killed seven and wounded
sixteen emigrants. The latter then for
tified themselves. It was arranged be
tween the Indians and the Mormons
that the emigrants should be enticed
from their fortifications by treachery.
Major Higby had made a speech saying
that all emigrants who could talk were
to be killed. At the council at which
the programme for the massapre was ar
ranged, there wero about §8 whites and
400 or 600 Indians. A flag of truce was
sent forward, and the surrender by the
emigrants of their arms agreed upon.
Lee was to get the arms of the emi
grants and their sick and wounded, and
also the children into the wagons, and
start ahead. The Indians were to re
main in ambush; the women were to fol
low after the wagi ns. The Indians were
to kill the women. The militia to kill
the miD, and Lee and the drivers to kill
the wounded k&d sick in the wagon3.
This programme was carried out ; the
firing commence 4 when the wagons
were half a mile off. Seventeen chil
dren were left. The horrors attending
the massacre were beyond description.
The brethern were all sworn to secresy.
Lee was sent te Report the massacre to
Brigham Young, who said, “Brother Lee,
not a drop of innpcent bloofl has been
shed. I have gone to God in a prayer,
and God has shown it was a just act;
the people did right, bqt were only a
little hasty. I haye direct evidence
from Go'd that the act was a just one;
that it was in accord with God’s will. I
sustain you and the brethren in all that
you did; all I fear is treachery on the
part of the brethren concerned.
Go home and tell the breth
ren I sustain them ; keep all
secret as the grave; neyer tell any one,
and write me a letter laying all the
blame on the Indians. I will then re
port to the United States Government
that it was an Indian massacre.” Lee
further says that it was years afterward
before he knew that he had been the
tool of his leaders. He had only obeyed
the orders of his superior®. He then
beliewd he was serving God, and would
receive a celestial reward. Now he
knows it is wrong and that his reward
will not be celestial. He complains that
the witnesses at his trial did not tell the
whole truth, ahd that they were all
guilty of helping to kill the emigrants.
Chamberlain invites the prayers of
the church for his administration. —
Washington at Valley Forge did his own
praying and if it is not too late we ad
vise Dan'l to use his own orisons.
Caroline Smith, a kind of colored
seerese living in Fort Pickens, alarmed
the natives laat week by telling them
that Jesus would come in three days
and that they had better put their
ho'i* is order.
HAYES ATTACKED,
WENDELL PHILLIPS CALLS THE
PRESIDENT TO ACCOUNT.
Political Tinkering—Nicholls nml Hampton
Promise—To Deceive—The Sooth Unchang
ed—A Cabinet of Compromise A Con
queror's Hand Needed.
Philadelphia, March 26. —Mr. Wen
dell Phillips, of Boston, delivered a
most remarkable lecture in the Academy
of Music, under the auspices of Mr.
Pugh's star course, this evening. It
was, in fact, more a political speech
than a literary lecture, or rather a com
prehensive and eloquent criticism of
men and measures, and ou account of
the boldness and source of the senti
ments is likely to attract universal at
tention.
“The Holy Alliance—Rom and the Revol
ver.”
This was the significant and expres
sive subject which Mr. Phillips announc
ed for the evening’s consideration. He
referred in the beginning to the fact
that this was the Centennial period of
the country’s existence, and then went
on to say that we may, without lack of
modesty, call on the world to notice the
grandeur of our work. We have actual
ly done what no nation ever dared to
attempt. We have tested government
ou every grown up man. This was never
risked before. Neither Greece, Rome,
Switzerland nor Holland ever ventured
it. Our duty is to show the same bold
ness in searching for the dangers that
threaten us, and the same courage in
facing them that our fathers did. The
epoch in which we live is one given over
to a struggle between two organizations.
The Northern rests on the Declaration
of Independence—the Southern on a
denial of it. Ever since Calhoun was
graduated at Yale College the South has
been educated to believe that universal
suffrage was the road to ruin. She be
lieves that as sincerely as Massachusetts
believes the opposite. In due time the
antagonism cnlminated in the rebellion.
Both sections were equally sinoere and
equally in earnest—the North sincerely
right, the South sincerely wicked—“be
lieving a lie.”
Does human nature or history allow
us to think that the deep-rooted convic
tions of seventy years have been chang
ed by a dozen defeats in battle and a
dozen years of angry submission ? Tne
struggle between Cavalier and Round
bead lasted a century. The struggle
between similar forces iu France began
in 1780 and has not yet ended. How
can sixteen years be expected to finish
the war here between forces as angrv
and as radical as these which shook
England and France for a century ? A
single man may change his opinions.
Millions of men rarely do, and when
such changes take place it requires gen
erations to ripen and complete them. If
Lee had driven Grint into Ohio, and
our men bad been paroled at Columbus,
would Massachusetts have taken down
Bunker Hill Monument or set fire to
Faneuil Hall with her copy of the Dec
laration of Independence ? No. We
should have closed up our ranks and
sworn to live and die with Sam Adams.
Billiots vs. Bullets.|
The South went home, an idle mass,
to plot for getting by the ballot what
the bullet had lost. Our soldiers melted
into lawyers, mechanios, merchants,
every profession and trade of busy men.
The South had no Buch resource. She
was never trained to earn a living. She
must steal it from somebody. Her
burglars’ tools are the revolver, domi
neering over the ballot box, and cabal
blinding polities and Congress. If the
Democratic party had succeeded it
would have owed its success to a “solid
South,” the old slave power with anew
name. Her ally was, as of old, the rot
ten mass of the great cities. Under our
present working of universal suffrage
the magistracy of cities represents and
is chosen by their criminal and danger
ous classes. The journals proclaimed
last October that Tilden could have New
York city if Morrissey, Kelly ami
O’Brien chose. How could they give it
to him ? By their control of its Blums.
If Tilden had entered the White House
it would have been the revolvers of
Carolina the grog shops of New York
that lifted him there. The white South
believes to-day that she is contending
for good government and the highest in
terests of civilization. In political mat
ters the two sections do not speak
the same language. Right and jus
tice mean different things at the North
and at the South. The South clings to
her ideas with all the energy of angry
defeat. Men always love what they suf
f4r for. The North has abolished sla
very, but it lasted loDg enough to make
almost every Northerner a fluDky, hence
the danger that the South will be finally
victorious. Oh ! that Rarey were living
and President of these Stateß ! His is
the hand to save us. The South needs
the Rarey treatment—first show that we
can crush it and are determined, at any
cost, to be obeyed; then you may “gen
tie” the brute and conciliate all you
please. Until then the South sees that
all this conciliation is only cowardice
trying to pass for magnanimity.
What Graul Gained at Appomattox Surren
dered by Hayes at Washington.
History repeats itself. What the
South needs to-day is the element which
Charlemagne, William the Conquerer,
and Cromwell contributed to their times
—the heavy hand and fearless grasp
which holds disorderly and struggling
forces quiet, until peace tempts and wins
to action the elements which mould our
modern civilization —capital, labor, com
merce, education, hope and (quality be
fore the law. This grasp Grant would
fain have used, but the senseless clamor
of timid Congressmen and silly jour
nalists prevented. Hayes proclaims his
purpose to forego and surrender it.—
When he took office Appomattox ;faded
out of sight and the South was victorious
in spite of it. Half of what Grant
gained for us at Appomattox Hayes sur
rendered in Washington on the sth of
March. The South has no purpose to
use such forces as I just named. Peace
and honesty on her part, in Andrew
Johnson’s day, would have won ample
capital to her use. She defied law, en
couraged Ku-klnx and laughed at good
faith—the cement of States—and hence
she starves and rots to-day. She hasno
business training—no part or lot in the
spirit of the century. Her only trade is
politics ; that is her only tool. Bullets
failed. She has neither finance nor
trade, mechanics nor educated class to
work with. Plot and cabal are her only
tools. With these she plans to force
from the North the wealth she cannot
earn, lost the opportunity to attract, and
must wither and rot without. In An
drew Johnson’s day the North urged the
Southern white to take his place at the
head of society and heartily aid the new
order of things. Hampton and his
caste fluug scorn cm the offer and
haughtily bid us build with such mate
rials as we could find. If the days are
dark now, whose fault is it ? Theirs. It
is useless to deny that the South cher
ishes the color line. We need no com
mittees of investigation, no testimony
of individuals. Laws are unexception
able evidence of a people’s purpose.
Examine the statute books of Virginia
and Tennessee. The cruel ingenuity
with which the tools are there fnrnished
to oppress the negro is equalled ody in
the bloody and infamous code which
England built up, in 200 years, to crush
Ireland, and drive the Irish race out of
it. Capital is the most delicate test snd
thermometer to measure the heat or cold
of men’s confidence in the peace of a
community. If the Southern white man
were really moved by such feelings as
he professes capital would eagerly seek
that golden field of matchless invest
ment, as, for the last forty years, it has
sought the West. But neither the oily
rhetoric of the journals, nor the soft
solder of Presidential messages, can
draw dollars from Republican or Demo
cratic pockets for investment in the
Gulf States. Yet in spite of this indn
dubitable evidence the President af
fects to believe Hampton and As
sissin Butler, of South Carolina,
and he calls on Joseph Surface to write
his inaugural of “fine sentiments.” We
need only that and his Cabinet to fore
cast his future. TheOabinet of Lincoln
was one made of trimmers. Except
Stantop and Cameron every member be
lieved in whittling down justice to suit
customers. Grant’s Cabinet was one of
mediocrities. He seems to have shrunk
from counselling with £rst rate men.
Hares and His Slave-Honnd Cabinet.
Hayes’ Cabinet reminds one of a story
of Turner, the English painter. He had
hußg up at the Exhibition a painting
snbdued in color. As he studied it on
the wall the canvas seemed to fade out
of sight in the presence of its bright
rivals. After gaspngawhile Tnruerflnng
a drop of bright red on the centre of
his piece, and the picture glowed into
startling effect. So I can see Hayes
gathering his Cabinet. There is Sher
man, who will leave a name linked to no
measure or idea—his qnly record that
he entered Congress poor and leaves it
rich. Eyarts reminds one of the Pro
testant riots in London, when men
chalked oh their closed shutters “no
popery,” to colefliste the mob. ©ne
timid citizen, anxious to stand well with
both sides, chalks np “no religion ”
Amid this death grapple between Caste
and the Declaration of Independence
Evarta writes on bis flag “No princi
ples. ” Then comes Scburz, the' Swiss
soldier, always to let. Hayes gazed at
the colorless piece, which was hardly
visible. Suddenly he remembers Slave
hound Devons—the low monotony of
whose life rose only once into noticeable
infamy, when, with his own hands, he
Eut chains on Thomas Sims and dragged
im down State street. Hayeß flung
that blood-red drop on the canvas, and,
behold 1 it glows immortal—the slave*
hound Cabinet! Perhaps yon will say
Devens sinned long ago; so did Judas
Iscariot. And Jndas besides repented
and hung himself. If Devens had done
that Judas would have no right to resent
the comparison. But in spite of repent
ance, and after 1,800 years, I hear of no
proposal to add a St. Judas to Mark,
Luke and John. No years can sweeten
a slave catcher any more than the whole
ocean would cleanse Lady Macbeth’s
hlordy hand. I can forgive Foote and
Longstreet; O’Conor, who voted for
slavery; yes, and Lincoln, who helped to
extend the area of slave hunting; for I
remember where all of them lived and
were born. But the being base enough
actually, with his own bands, to crush
back into slavery the hero who proved
his title and firmness for freedom by the
courage of flight—such a hound has, in
this world, no forgiveness. It is not
safe, considering the moral training of
the world, to risk forgiving such a one.
A Massachusetts man, in the full blaze
of anti-slavery truth, in theoity of Chan
ning, Parker and Garrison, to volunteer
at slave catching ! Such a hound should
ever after be hidden in privacy and her
mitage; he has no right to obtrude him
self on the disgust of mankind. Fanoy
him entering the Cabiuet chamber !
Sherman, never an abolitionist, neither
knows nor cares about his history.
Evarts received him with the suave in
difference of one who is “everything by
turns and nothing long.” Schurz has
neither brain nor heart enough to un
derstand why slave hunting should dis
credit any one, provided it pays well.
Key, accustomed, like all Southerners,
to use slave catchers and dispise them,
makes no effort to hide his disgust. Sucb
a Cabinet—a s’lave-houud Cabinet—to
pilot this ship, tossed on the hot indig
nation of twenty million Northerners
and the tireless hate of ten millions at
the South*! Only “ gush” and idiooy
would dream of such a thing ! A gush
ing thing was the younger Miss Peck
sniff, but that lovesick girl would not
take passage on such a oraft.
Alas far Blaine, Morton anil Butler !
What name shall we give to the cool
and bare-faoed assumption whioh claims
that the Cabinet represents all the ele
ments of our politics ? Where do you
find in it the element whioh Blaine,
Morton and Butler stand for ? Without
that idea in tho forefront of the canvass
Tilden would be to-day iu the White
House and the Republicans not only de
feated, but humbled by their over
whelming annihlation. Every other ele
ment appears in the Cabinet. This only
—the Hamlet of the place—is omitted.
There is Evarts, who represents ‘the
neutrals—men so indifferent that, in this
battle of giants and struggles of princi
ples,’they could see nothing either in the
Republican or Democratic party worth
working for. Schurz stands for the
treachery, self-conceit and morbid office
seeking that rebelled with Greely. Key
brings in Tilden and secession. Devens
keeps fresh before us the men who ate
diet and wore collars in the pro-slavery
days. If the Presidential canvass had
contained only these forces Hayes would
dwell quietly to-day in Ohio. Blaine
and the bloody shirt elected our Presi
dent. During the long doubt of Decem
ber and January the only words that
reached us from Governor Hayes was
the assurance how “deeply he felt for
the negroes; how he pitied them if the
count should show Tilden elected !” He
knew well enougjf then what chord would
reach the nation’s heart and make them
pray for his success. If Tilden had
been counted in what more would the
South have asked of him ? what more
would he have dared to do than to with
draw the troops ? Fanoy Hayes pro
claiming in October that he contemplat
ed calling home the troops ! If the tel
egraph had announced such a purpose
on his part that moment the canvass
would have virtually ended, and Tilden
would have walked unchallenged over
the course. If tV.e Cabinet calls home
the troops I affirm they hold seats whioh
have been obtained ou false pretences.
Besides, the almost unvarying custom
and courtesy of our polities is for the
President to offer to the next strongest
candidate of his party the position of
Secretary of State. When Hayes omit
ted this ofier to Blaine, and, further,
excluded from his Cabinet the idea Mr.
Blaine represents, he not only insulted
Blaine, he revealed himself as purposely
betraying the ranks that elected him.
But Lamar and Hill “prophesy soft
things.” Yes, while their white con
stituents will not speak to Longstreet.
Besides, Blaine’s spear once revealed
Hill’s black heart. Does any cun Ding
man, after notice, stumble twice over
the same stone ? They both are behav
ing well before company. We have
tried conciliation before. Andrew John
son, made Vice-President, was our first
experiment. No one will claim that as
a success. Acker a an, Mosby, Long
street are later instances. The South
lost three men and we gained just three;
that is all. But Wade Hampton and
Nicholls promise that, if recognized,
they will keep the peace and protect the
negro. Promise ! Why, the whole soil
of tlie South is hidden by successive
layers of broken promises made the last
forty years. She never yet has kept a
promise. To trust a Southern promise
would be fair evidence of insanity. The
white South stands to-day perjured be
fore the world, her cartel of honor
broken and forfeited. Unasked she
offered her oath of submission, and took
life, land, citizenship and all its privi
leges, in return pledging herself to obey
the Constitution and secure to every
man of every race his rights. Deliber
ately, in the face of the world, over and
over again she has broken the oaths she
volunteered to take, and stands perjured
before the world. Such men presume
to call themselves gentlemen and talk of
promises ! It was a gross insult to the
American people when the President re
ceived the Hamburg assassin, Butler,
into consultation. What can consulting
with assassins lead to? Nothing but
more murders of innocent men.
No, the epoch is not. Whoever says
so is either a dupe or a knave. The bat
tle is only adjourned from Waterloo to
the coup d'etat of 1851 and the stuffed
ballot boxes of November, 1852. Then
France tried to create a republic; wo are
trying to save one. What do we owe
the men of ’76? Not empty eulogies.
Rhetoric is the talent of decaying States.
The debt we owe our fathers is to give
the world proof that they really launch
ed the best Government ever framed.
What is that proof ? Not swelling
numbers, nor vast wealth, nor wide
lands. If that were so Russia could
compete with us. The test of govern
ments is the men they produce. Hum
boldt said the “fi est fruit earth holds
up to its Maker is a finished man.”
So of States. If this be so, then what
we owe the fathers is to show that the
government they founded—and which
we claim to be the best—does produce
men; wise, brave, far-seeing, devoted
men; able and ready to save the State
their fathers created; men cheated by
no juggle of words, blinded by no tinsel
of pretense, able to discover the foe of
liberty and justice under any disguise;
and whether he comes as Southern as
sassin, Northern panderer to vice, or a
cheat disguised as patriot—sure to un
mask and orush him under foot. After
a day’s weary march, Mohammed was
ca-r ping with his followers. One said ;
“I will loose my camel, and commit it
to God.” Mohammed said, “Friend,
tie thy camel, and commit it to God.”
Beware of the Future.
Let us heed the moral. Do not melt
into gush. Do not believe that human
nature has all of a sudden changed, and
history is no longer any lesson. Do not
think, with childless, guileless inno
cence, that now-a-dav grapes do grow
on thorns and figs on thistles; that we
have been mistaken when we believed
the South to be a tiger—she had been
all the time a cooing dove, whose plum
age we have cruelly ruffled while misled
by this mistake! Do not fling the reins
loose on the neck of an angry people in
suoh senseless fo ly, and then fancy
God will bless us. He promises no
blessing to such improvidence. Tie the
State to good common sense, to the les
sons of history, to the great forces of
civilization, law, order, justice and
peace. Use all possible means to secure
the aid and protection of these, and
then, only then, trust the great future
to God.
Three Old Boys.
There arrived at the" Wheeler House
last night by one of the Northern trains,
three young gentlemen by the name of
French. They are brothers, from Fall
River, Massachusetts. The wife of each
accompanies her lad, and np to this
point there is nothing remarkable in
their appearance in oqr midst, but when
we take into consideration the fact that
the average age of the brothers is 75,
and that the youngest is 72, and that
the ladies to whom they are married are
their first and only wives, and that none
of them have been married less than
forty years, it loqk ß tt little remarkable.
A hearty welcome is extended to the
visitors, and we hope that fifty years
more may be added to the lives of every
one of the six by their visit Sonth.—
Columbia Register, 27?d
to the Bar.
Last Tuesday Capt, F. Edgworth
Eve, after a very creditable examination
in Columbia Superior Court, by a com
mittee composed of Judge Wm. M.
Reese, Maj. W. T. Gary, Judge Snead,
and Solicitor General Salem Dnteher,
was admitted to plead and practice in
all the Courts of law and equity, except
the Supreme Court, in this State. Gapt.
Eve was complimented upon the knowl
edge of common and statute law which
be gave evidence of throughout the ex
amination.
WaYNKHBORO LYNCMNO.
The Ciliaens of Burke County Dill Not
■nit tlie Crime.
Editors Chronicle and Constitutionalist:
Allow me to occupy a short space in
the columns of your valuabl" journal
for the purpose of exonerating the peo
ple of Burke from any censure that they
may apparently deserve relative to the
recent lynching of the negro Ed. Welsh,
the murderer of Mr. O’Brien. Burke
has always been one of the most con
servative counties in the State, and her
people have borne much and suffered
more at the hands of the law breakers ;
but they have never allowed their pas
sions or prejudices to prevail over their
cool judgment,'nor have they permitted
outrageous wrongs which probably de
served quick judgment and immediate
-xccution to influence their notions, but
they have ever preferred to yield their
wrongs to be redressed by the majesty
f the law. I have made many inquiries
if any of the oitizens of Burke were en
gaged iu the recent lynching, and the
information received was that the law
breakers were from an adjoining county,
and it is to be presumed that they acted
from hasty passions and ill-oonceived
judgment, which does not rel.eve them
from the orime they committed, and it is
to be sincerely hoped that tbe authorities
of Burke county will have sufficient nerve
to offer a reward for the apprehension and
conviction of the men who had the te
merity to invade a neighboring county
to commit a crime which admits of no
excuse, as the laws of Georgia are am
ple and sufficient to eonviot and punish
all criminals, and any set of men who
presume that they are the Judge, the
law, and tbe sheriff of the State, it is
then time that the law-abiding people
have such meu punished as the law di
rects.
Welsh deserved death through the
process of the law, as the crimes he
committed were murder aud robbery in
their most heinous and dastardly form;
but the manner in whioh he was exe
cuted simply amounted to murder,
as the priest properly designated it.
Asa people we have no cause to
complain, as our State aud local
affairs are in our own hands,
and if we do not enforce the
laws, we are alone to be oensured. Let
passiou and hate have no abiding plaee
in Georgia, but let judgment, reason
and justice rule her people, thereby
making the law supreme. Burke.
Waynesboro, March 30.
CAPITAL CONJECTURES.
The Political aud Bintiuess Outlook in Atlan
tii'-Indepeudenta— Journalistic There is
1 Jvely Work Ahead.
I Correspondence Chronicle and Constitutionalist
Atlanta, March 29. —Atlanta has been
opposed to a Gonvention from the start,
and her opposition will be disguised no
longer. The wrangle over the location
of the Capitol has stirred the Gate City
to her deepest depths. The cotton fac
tory, in tbe language of a disgusted
“rural rooster,” is a “plumb bust,” but
the average Atlantese is consoled by the
reflection that his burg can run the !-tate
government, even if she can’t run a fao
tory. Besides, it isn’t a good day for
factories, anyhow. They are a low,
Yankee invention. They make the
atmosphere smoky, and the falling soot
would iujure the immaculate shirt
bosoms of the dainty politicians who
most do congregate about the Capitoline
Hill. Yes, the Capitol is a good thing
for Atlanta. It brings crowds of wealthy
strangers to the city. It has organized
sooiety, aud it keeps the retail mer
chants up. *
With this much promised, you will
understand the situation when I state
that tbe Atlanta politicians now feel as
sured that no Convention will be called.
They ridicule the very mentiou of the
con-con. They admit the waywardness
of the populace in general, but in this
particular matter they know that the
people will kill the Convention by the
biggest majority ever heard of. And the
“ killing” is to be done by the nigger
vote ! But while this is the drift of the
loud talk you hear anent the subject,
there is an underourrent iu favor of get
ting thiDgs ready iu case the con-con
should be called. In that event splen
did bids will be made to secure the Cap
itol. There is considerable talk here
about Independents. It is perhaps rath
er early iu the day to devote much time
to the discussion of such a problemati
cal movement, but still it is discussed.
Grady is keeping the thing before tbe
people. He is said to be strongly in fa
vor of the movement, and expects to be
the chief grinder of an organ in its
interests, if he can find somebody who
has wit and cheek enough to buy Bob
Toombs press and seven barrels of type
—on time, of course. Grady, at the
head of an independent paper, would;
have a slashing time while it lasted.
Bat there is another journalistic rumor.
It is whispered that the Hon. William
L. Scruggs, recently Minister to Bogota,
contemplates starting a political journal
on the independent, conservative line.
Scruggs is one of the ablest political
writers in the country. If he enters
journalism again in Atlanta he wilt
make himself felt. Interest in na
tional politics is on the ware.
Hayes is universally objurgated. The
450 Democrats here who expected to ob
tain office under him, now decline to en
ter into entangling alliances. But they
haven’t been invited to tangle to any
very great extent.
Business is duller than I ever saw it.
Nobody has any money. Nobody sees
any prospect of getting any. Nobody
has any trade to speak of.
George Adair’s failure naturally cre
ated a sensation. But there is Dothiug
very remarkable in it. Within the last
four years real estate has been a fancy
stock in Atlanta. Cotton futures afford
ed about as safe an investment. The
men here who have dabbled in real
estate and contracted liabilities are
in a bad fix. Some property
here has depreciated fifty per cent, with
in the last three years. This is fright
ful. The retail merchants are doing
nothing, and some of the best wholesale
houses saj that they do not expect to
be in existence until Fall. The Spring
trade is opening late, and not muon is
expected from it. About the cotton fac
tory, I hear that a Northern firm haa
attached some of its maohinery for thei
purchase money. This is pretty rough
on the budding Manchesterof the South.
But I must close and make a rush for
tbe Goober train on the Georgia Road.
Perhaps I’ll enjoy the fun of hearing
Tom Howard talk all the way to Kirk
wood. A. B.
BLOODY COLLISION.
An Armed Band of Neirroet* Attack Che Mar*
tdial of Oglethorpe County—Two
Whites Badly Wounded—MuchExcitement)
and Arrest* of Suspicious Characters.
[Special to the Chronicle and Constitutionalist.l
Lexington, Ga., via Athens, March.
91. —A collision between the Marshal of
Crawford, Oglethorpe couDty, and an
armed band of negroes occurred Friday
night. Jasper Hopkins, the Marshal,
and Mr. J. M. Norton were badly,
though not mortally wounded. Consid
erable excitement prevails, and the in
stigators are being sought alter. A few
suspicious characters have been arrested.
A Fearful Fall.
Yesterday morning, abont half past
seven o’clock, a little boy about two and
a half years of age, son of Mr. 0. A.
Robbe, was leaning ont of one cf the
first story windows of the Augusta
Hotel, where its parents are living, it
suddenly lost its balance and fell to the
pavement below, a distance of nearly
twenty feet. Capt. J. T. Denning and
Mr. Geo. W. McLaughlin, who saw the
little fellow fall, ran to him and picked
him np. He was earned up stairs to his
mother’s room and a physician sum
moned. Examination showed that no
bones were broken. The child struck
bis head and hip on the pavement.—
While it was impossible to determine
the exact extent of the injuries yoster
day, it was thought that they were net
of a serious nature.
HAMPTON’S! REQUEST TO HAYEB.
He Want* to be Avonnd When the Troop* Aro
Withdrawn.
Washington, Marsh 30.— 1n his con
ference with the President to-dsy, Gov
ernor Hampton requested, in case the
troops are ordered to be withdrawn, that
the order be postponed until his (Gov
ernor Hampton’s) return to Columbia.
It is expected that Governor Hnmpton
and Chamberlain will both be on the
ground before a final decision is made.
Legal Advertising.
By a notice elsewbeie it will be seen
that all aheriff’s advertisements of Seri
-1 ven county will hereafter be published
i in the Weekly Chbonicee and Constitu
tion alist,
Obstinate minds must surrender and
admit that the wonderful cures of
Coughs, Colds and Bronchitis are effect
ed by Dr. J. H. McLean’s Cough and
Lung Healing Globules. This new
> way, new principle, producing a gas,
: going direot to the affected parts, is the
only remedy. Trial boxes by mail,
twenty-five cents. Dr. J. H. McLean’s
office, 314 Chestnut street, St. Louis,
Mo. w
Catching a Tartar
Is unpleasant, but a tartar on the teeth
i far worse. Obliterate it with the de
lightful Bozodont, which yields tbem
beauty and health, hardens and im
proves the gums, and impregnates the
breath with a most delectable aroma, t