Chronicle & sentinel. (Augusta, Geo.) 1838-1838, April 18, 1839, Image 2

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Tue .Hmlisoti Pup.:* ' Wo find in the Democratic Review for March the following particulars relative to the highly intcro ting and important papers purchased hy Mrs. Madison. M e learn that they are now in press in tills city, and will he published early in the autumn — NMvma! Intel! g nctr. It had long been rumored rhnt there existed among the papers of Mr. Madison, a complete and accurate report of the Debates in tire Con vention which framed the Constitution, and 1 lie verification of the fact since his death may he justly regarded ns one of the most interesting events in the history of our national literature. The feeling every day deepening and strength ening throughout the land, that to the political advantages secured to them hy that happy instru ment, the People of this country arc mainly in debted for the utterly unexampled national pros perity which has been the portion of the I.oiled States, and that with its inviolable maintenance that onward destiny is inseparably linked ; as well ns the conviction, every day becoming clear er with the great mass of the People, that the onlv guaranty for the continuance of these mani fold blessings is to he found in a strict construc tion of its provisions in regulating all public ac tion. and in bringing every political measure to the rigid test of its restrictions, have united to give a value almost sacred to every authentic do content calculated to throw light upon the history of the Constitution, and on I lie opinions and motives which actuated its framers in perfecting what, with all its faults, must he pronounced the noblest and most perleel political code the world has ever seen. The pan ity and meager character of the ma terials which we possess, bearing on the history of the Constitution, will give additional value to the richness of these newly discovered treasures. The imperfect Journal of the t onveution, which, hy order of the body, was transferred to the keep ing of its President, (ienural Washington, and was filed among his papers in the Department of Slate, was published, hy order of Cong ess, in 1819; and oven in this easn, we are indebted to tile provident industry of Madison, foi the cor rections and additions wliieh were necessary to make even this ollicial record of their proceedings intelligible, Ho accurately had litis illustrious man—as is forewarned hy Itia destiny of the va lue which future limes would attach to their la bors—kept ins private minutes of the proeeeedings in tlic t onventi n, that ho was aide, on tile ap plication of President Monroe, to complete, in all iis parts, the jou mil left unfinished more titan thirty years before, hy the Secretary appointed to record it; and wliieh thus constitutes not less a memorial of these important labors than an inte rosliti r tribute to a representative fidelity and care that wo may safely call without a parallel. The Debates in the .States of Massachusetts, New York, \ i gn a, JVnr.lt Carolina, and Pennsyl vania. on the adoption of the Constitution, are all that hive renclic I us. They have been col lected in a slovenly publication issued at Wash in gtou. hut contain contemporary materials of a sufficient value ti warrant their preservation in n form at once durable and respectable. These, with t ie minutes of Vales, ■> ho left the Conven- I o.t Img helore it adj iiirnod. end the very inte resting statein mis of Imlher Marlin and of Gov ernor IM iiiiinl Randolph to the Legislatures of Mi yl tnd and Virginia, i oiislitute all (he mate rials we p issess far the history of that memora ble assemblage, from which the broad and stately ■fib. ic of our pr‘sent syslo n lias dat <d its coin meiii'einent. The interest, therefore, which must attach to a full report of the entire debates, hy a hind of whose futlilul accuracy wo have above mentioned a striking lest, may he easily imagined; end every lover of his country will he toady to admit that one of the fathers of that Constitution which has safely conducted it through so many dingers to high a destiny did not over estimate its importance in the opinion of his grateful country, which he left it such a manuscript as at once the most precious legacy he could oiler, and and the best fruit of his lung and illustrious life. Wo do not propose more, in the present paper, than to give an account of the munusc.ipts and their history, reserving for future notice the ob servations that their contents may suggest, when they shall he in possession of the Public. The first distinct information of the character and extent of the work was communicated to the country in a letter from Mrs. Madison to President Jackson, and hy him transmitted to Congress, as a matter in every respect deserving their attention. It appeared from this letter that the departed statesman had, long previous to his doith, carefully written out his notes of the De bates in the Convention for the press, and had left directions in Ins will for their publication, charging several legacies on the profits which he reasonably expected the work would produce.— The proposals, however, which his heirs received from the publishing houses to which the copy right was OHe rod. fell so far short of these expec tations, that Mrs. Madison, with a just percep tion of what was under the circumstances due from the country, at otuo submitted a statement of the circumstances to the President, who com municated them tol‘digress in a special message on lb ■ eighth of December, 1890. The remit was the appointment of u committee, who re co iiniei d d the purchase and publication of h‘ manuscripts as a National Work, uni th',ty thousand dollars wore subsequently appropriated to Mrs. Madison for the former object. The novel and interesting features of the ease—the venerated relict of one of tho founders of the Republic coming before the country with a man uicrii t precious in its relation to its national des tiny as the Sybil’s hooks which the fables of my thology have loved to associate with the infant gl tries of the Roman Stale—were such that the propositi m was not to he met with a cold appre ciation of n e its, or with nice qurst'ons of Con gressional power. Indeed, all the legislative pro ceedings in relation to this matter rather resem bled the tribute of a grateful country, through its highest represent give body, to the family of a cilixen so illustrious alike by his elm ncler, his e n ploy incuts, and his services to the Stive, than the purchase of a work, mere y useful or inter esting, for a given value. It was this feeling also which in.bleed I'digress to pass a subsequent net, giving to Mrs. Madison the h morarv privi lege of a copy right in foreign countries, with the single proviso that the manuscripts in posses sion of Congress should he used for the purpose, doubtless to avoid the impropriety of a work h - ing published ahmod, before its appearance in the country where it was the national properly, and to which its subject exclusively appertained; a merely nomin d restriction, since one of thecoph a printed here would all'ord every requisite facility should its publics i n he desired. J'he woik thui purchased was transferred hv ( ongr -s to the care ol tho Joint commit'ee of the L lirary, and that ho ly, it is understood, af ter inviting propositions from numerous publish ers h ive nude arrangements for its early appear an e iu suitable style, and. hv attaching a fixed sum for the copy right ol the work to each copy that in ay he soli sought to meet the original coast tutianal objection hy putting it in the pow er of the country to repay ti c liberal advance which tue Legis .cure has m ule from the Na t oti.il Treasury for the purch ise ol the wo k M c now p o;eed to give a brief dcs r plion cf he manuscripts, the til es of the manuscripts, it c., is as fo'- lows e, ates it, be Coiigres■ of the ( onh dera tun, as » iken , n the years ITsS- 3, and 17'7 hv Janes Madison Hum a member, with 1 tiers and &T^r Ua<N * rhU tnanusctiptcon ne Vvifn ' Convention <f :757 by . member ' TU " manuscri P‘^- The vvurk Consists 01 Iwo distinct phll»- ibe first contains the i.nly records known to exist of Debates in the Congo** or tlie Confederation ; and as these Debates are merely fragment* of those which occurred during the years 178 S and 1787, the inter**) ha» leen filled up with nu merous letters and extracts oi letters descriptive of passing events, which were written by Mr. Madison, in hi* official capacity, to various dis tinguished friends, and which will be received as valuable accessions to onr materials for the his tory ot the period. Inspecting these letters and debates. .Mr. Madison, himself, gives the follow ing circumstantial and authentic information in a prefatory note attached to the volume; “ Mr. Madison look his seal in the Congress of the Confederation on the twentieth day of Match, 1780, but did not commence his Diary of its Debates till November 4th, 178”. It was continued through the sequel of 11 1 si t year, anil until the removal of Congress was decided on, t e twenty-first of Juno, 1783, from Philadelphia to Princeton, where the task was not renewed. “In February, 1787, being again a member, ho resumed his Diary, which was continued till May 2d of that year, when he left Congress to give liis attendance in the approaching Conven tion at Philadelphia, which was to prepare a new Constitution for the United States. “On the close of that Convention, he returned to Ills seal in Congress, which he held till March, 1788, when ho was called to Virginia with a view to liis being elected to the State Convention which was to decide on the Constitution proposed by the General Convention. During this period it appears that no Diary was kept—the edi ct perhaps of the share lie had in writing the Fed eralist. Nor was it resumed in the interval be tween liis return font the close of the .Slate Con vention and liis final departure from Congros, then in the last stage of its existence, to become a candidate for a seal in the approaching House of Representatives under the new Constitution. “The series of Debates now published, though generally condensed into their substance, are not without more detailed discussions on particular topics; and being, with the exception of the de bates in 1770 on the Declaration of Indepen dence, and on a lew of the articles of the Con federation preserved by Mr, Jefferson, which arc also pielived, the only known or prohnhlc mate rials of what passed in Congress in that form they cannot fail to he particularly acceptable to the public. The periods of the Diary comprise much that has been least known, and is of a na ture to gratify a just curiosity. “ As Mr. Madison was engaged, whilst a mem ber ol the old Congress, in regular and often confidential correspondence* with several distin guished friends, some of them at that lime his absent colleagues, it was thought that a number nl his letter , and extracts from others, ill which he gives information of what occurred in Con gress, as well as what related to the public affairs generally, might advantageously make a part of this publication. Such of the communications in were contemporary with the Diary often add to the lights which it ufTnrds. and such ns belong tithe periods prior and subsequent to it will ft an supply its place, and_somcliines perhaps more lit in supp'y it. “ It cannot he amiss to remark, that the letters d rive a value not only from their perfect authen ticity, and from the position of the writer ns a member of Congress, hut from the consideration that they were written without n thought that they would ever meet the public eye. So entirely absent was such u thought that no copies, with scarce an exception, were, or indeed, considering their number, the frequency and the haste of the letters, and the situation of the writer, cannot he retained. And il was owing to the kindness of his correspondents or their rcpvesen olives that the originals here used make a part of his files. 1 It is regretted that some of those originals were 1 not effectually guarded against damage, and that ' others appear to lie missing.” 1 The more important Debates of the Convnn- 1 lion which framed the Constitution partake in no ' respect of the imperfections which must necessa rily he expected in a preliminary volume thus composed of historical fragments, which fortu nate though accidental circumstances only ena bled their author to preserve, and which were never intended as portions of a more perfect and permanent work. Mr. Madison entered upon the duties of the Convention with a solemn sense of responsibility to his country and to posterity, which controlled all liis actions: and the record of the debates which he preserved was the result of a deliberate and systematic design, originating in a profound appreciation of the importance of the discussions ho recorded, which looked far into the future, and beyond the grave for a reward. These labors, which were viewed with distrust by many, with unconcern or hopelessly by others, and with doubt and anxiety by all contempora ries, he, with a few other trusting spirits, as sure ly saw would lie regarded by posterity with the interest and veneration ever accorded to the de liberations of a public body, and, unmindful of the vexations and anxietit s of the day, the sol mu minded child of the future sal down to liis task. No hope of fame, or reward, or applause of his fellow citizens cheered liis way ; but the light of truth, manifested in the sublime development of immortal principle*, flashed upon liis page, ns day after day he urged his noble toil, and laid by liis volumes for readers then unborn. The gener ations around were too near to discern rightly die value and importance of Ins record in all its full and sublime proportions; and, with a faith and trust characteristic of the man, he kept bin work through all the phases of a long and trying po litical life, sacred for its owner—the posterity for which it was intended. Wo confess there is something noble and almostgiouching in the fidel ity with which this reliance was maintained. How often, during the course of the last half cen tury, have we not heard our prominent statesmen radically differ in their interpretation of the Con stitution ! How often during that time have not - the intentions of its framers been misrepresented or misunderstood 1 How often has not every po litician, mingling in the party conflicts oi' the time, felt the loss of the unerring guide which this publication will horentbr afford ! Howofcn have we not seen the parties and partisans of the day interpret wrongfully, or darkly, or wilfully, the thoughts ami meaning of the past, which can now he illustrated and explained beyond the pos sibility of a cavil, from a ivoik held hack in the deep consciousness of its author that the time for full revelation was not come, and that the im penetrable cu t in of the grave should ho interpo j soil between the survivor of its framers and the i millions of the great ami prosperous nation who I looked to the Constitution and the new system of government which il created as the greatest and noblest fruit of the Mood and toil of the Re volution—t re the proper period for fully unbo soming the secret proceedings of that time to the re peelful veneration of the country should ar rive ! The following extract from a preliminary es say to the volume of Debates. by Mr. Madison himscif. will he found most interesting in I will satisfy every mind of the truth of the above re nt irks, and fully shows how completely he was possessed with the responsibility of his self-impo sed task, and what thorough confidence mnv he reposed in advance in reports prepared under such circum-taiiccs by such a hand : “On the arrival of the Virginia deputies at Philadelphia, il occurred to them that, from the early and p eminent put tiken by that State in bringing about the Conveuli. n. some initiative step might be expected from them. The resolu * Hi* letters of an imnoitant mid secret nature to Mr. Jefferson and >lr. Ran iolph were wri'ten in cipher, but dei Sphered u der his eye, except a few of a cipher us-d a short time with Vr. Randolph the key 11 which could not be discovered.” v ’ c I om, inn wdlicvvl by CjoV'iliOi Kaleiolph won the f result of a consultation on the subject, with an ; understanding that they left all the deputies en s tirclv open to the lights of di*' ussfon, and free to I concur in any alterations or modifications which - their reflections and judgments might approve, e The resolutions, as the journals show, became the . basis on which the proceedings of the ('(invention - commenced, arm to the developments, variations s and modifications of which the plan of the gov - eminent proposed by the Convention may be tra- I ced. “Thecuriosity I had felt during my researches i into the history of the most distinguished confed eracies, particularly those of antiquity, and the < deficiency 1 found in the means of satisfying it f more especially in what related to the process, the ' principles, the reasons, and the anticipations ( which prevailed in the formation of them, deler -1 mined me to preserve as far as I could an exact , account of what might pass in the Convention i whilst executing its trust, wilh the magnitude of which I was duly impressed,as I was by the grat ification promised to future curiosity by an au thentic exhibition of the objects, the opinions and (be reasonings from which the new system of government was to receive its peculiar structure : and organization. Nor was 1 unaware of the value of such a contribution to the fund of mate rials for the history of a Constitution on which would he staked the happi'ie r s of a people great even in its infancy, and possibly the cause of lib erty throughout the world. “In pursuance of the task I Lad assumed, I eljose a seat in front of the presiding member, wilh the other members on my right and left hands. In the favorable position for hearing all that passed, I noted in terms legible, ami in ab breviations and marks intelligible to myself, what was read from the chair or spoken by the inrin bers ; and losing not a moment unnecessarily between the adjournment and reassembling of the Convention, I was enabled to write out my daily notes during the session, or within a few finishing days after its close, in the extent and form preser ved in my own hand on my files. “ In the labor and correctness of this I was not a liitie aided by practice, and by a familiarity with the style and the train of observation and reason ing which characterized the principal speakers. It happened also that I was not absent a single day, nor more than n casual fraction of an hour in any day, so that I could not have lost a single speech, unless a very short one. “ It may he proper to remark, that, with a very few exceptions, the speeches were neither tar nished, nor revised, nor sanctioned by the speak ers, but written out fiom my notes, aided by the freshness of my recollections, A further remark tuny ho pioper, that views of the subject might occasionally be presented in the speeches and proceedings with a latent reference to a compro mise on some middle ground, by mutual conces sions. The exceptions alluded to were, Ist, the sketch furnished by Mr. Randolph of his speech on the introduction of his propositions on the twenty-ninth day of May. 2d. The speech of Mr. Hamilton, who happened to call on mew lieu putting the lust hand to it. and who acknowledged its fidelity, without suggesting more than ave y few verbal alterations which wore made. 3d. The speech of flouvcrnenr Morrison the second day ol May, which was communicated to him on a like occasion, and who acquiesced in it without a verbal change. The correctness of his lan guage and the distinctness of his enunciation were particularly favorable to a reporter. The speeches of Dr. Franklin, excepting a few brief ones, were copied from the written ones read to tbo Convention by his colleague, Mr. Wilson, it being inconvenient to the Doctor to remain long on his feet, “Os the ability and intelligence of those who composed the Convention, the debates and pro ceedings may he a test; ns the character of the work which was the ulfspring of their delibera tions must he tested by the experience of the fu ture, added to that of nearly half a century which has passed, “lint whatever may be the judgment pro nounced on tbo competency of the architects of the I onslilutiou, or whatever may lie the destiny of tbc edifice prepared by lhem,l feel it a duty lo express my profound and solemn conviction, de rived from my intimate opportunity of appreciat ing the views of the Convention, collectively and individually, that there never was an assembly of men, charged willia great and arduous trust, who were more pure in their motives, or more exclu sively or anxiously devoted to the object commit ted to them, than were the members of the Federal Convention of 1787 to the object of devising and proposing a constitutional system which would best supply tbo defects of that which it was to replace, mid best secure the permanent liberty and happiness of their country.” That resolution of the Convention which closed Ils doors to the Public gave much umbrage at the time, and exposed the body to great animadver sion. Yet how wise and judicious was the pro vision. Their labor was not for their eontempn raries. They worked for the far-off future. They spoke to mi audience that no legislative ns sembly yet has ever addressed. And as posterity was to tost the value of their labors, so posterity will now have an opportunity of judging rever ently and candidly of their motives, their reasons, their intentions, their fears, and their hopes. The injunction of secrecy has been removed, and (lie People ot the United Slates may now and hence forward learn and judge for themselves. One extract only are we tempted to make. It is the last sentence of the work thus scaled up for fifty-two years. And we give it, not merely for the striking and deeply interesting anecdote which it contains, Iml to share wilh the thous ands who will now sec it for the first lime, the exultation that must come home to every bosom. , in the feeling that the prophetic emblem of Frank* , lin has been so completely verified in an amount . of national greatness, prosperity, happiness, and i tumor without a slain, never reached, even np -1 preached, by any human community in the same . space of time. May the sun that rose on that , day never go down ! ( “ Whilst the last members weresigning, Doctor , Franklin, looking towards the President’s chair, , nl the back of which a rising sun happened to be painted, observed to a few members nenrh m that painters had found it difficult lo distinguish in . their art a rising sun from a setting sun. , “ I have," said he, “ often and often, in the , course of the session, and the vicissitudes of my . hopes and fears as to its issue, looked at that be hind the President, without being able to toll , whether it was rising or setting. lint now. at , length. I have the happiness lo know that it is a i rising and not a setting sun.” Anthony Benjamin, convicted at Providence last week of manslaughter, was sentenced on Sa turday lo solitary confinement, at hard labor, for ' five years. For the information of those who arc unacquain ted with stale prison discipline, and to hold up ils | terrors as u preventive of crime the Providence Courier gives the following outline of a few of the rules adopted at the K. island prison. Flic convict is taken to a preparatory room where he is divested of his clothing. He is then c'othed ill the uiiifoiin of the prison, mid has his head shaved, He is now led, blindfolded, to the door of the coll allotted to him, incarcerated in the cell, and locked up. The prisoner is thus lost 1 1 the world. His name is n i longer known in 1 the establishment, and he is designated only bv the n imber ol bis cell. From this mo net t, du i c ' j the period of his confinement, he is 1 1 hold no I communication with any one but his keeper, nor to behold the person or face of any othei. He is l put lo labor in Ins cell, and that ami the Holy ; Scriptures constitute His diversion and means of i instruction. rIIHONICi.K AM) SKNTINKU. A l (.US T A . THURSDAY JIOHMV;, APRIL IS. Mail from North of Charleston received last night. From Ihe Charleston Courier of yesterday. Commercial Con vent ion. CiiAiinrsiox, April 16, 1839. ! The Convention met at 13 o’clock, M. The minutes of the previous meeting were read. The | lollowing additional Delegates appeared and re i gislcrcd their names: SOUTH CAIIOUXA. j Chariest nr,. —Hugh 8. Legate. St Johns, Barkley. —R. W. Kopcr. Lexington District. —11. J. Cnughman, John i A. Addison. On. ngehiirgh. —Jacob Stroman. Barnwell, —Win. 8. Reynolds. Edgefield. —M. M. Gray, James Jones. >olll'll CAIIOUXA. FuyeHeviUe. — Edward J. Hale, Juhn V\ .Sand ' ford, E. W. U ilkings. (. no it in a. Augusta —A. 13. Longstrcct. hi,Hedge.edit .—Richard K. Hines, Isaac New ell. Chancellor Harper, from the Comm ttec ol Twenty-One, stated that the Committee had agreed to report the Resolutions of Genet a Havne, with some amendments, and that they hud adopt- [ ed Reports on a Direct Trade with Europe, and on the Taxation ol Commercial Capital, and a proposition for the revival of the Southern Re view, which would he severally read or submitted by other members of the Convention. Gen.-Hayne then read the report on a Direct Trade with Europe, an able and eloquent docu ment, demonstrating the ability ol the South to resume the control of her own commerce, and reap her just share of the profits and advantages of a trade, which her own supincncss chiefly has so long surt'ered to enrich the tollers of others and pointing out limited paitnershlps, the em barkation of the surplus capital of the planter in trade, and the establishment of lines of packet ships and steamers, ns aniongthe means of ellcet ing this happy revolution. [This Report is too long for publication at present.] The Resolutions, with which the Report con cludes, arc. as follows: lit. Resolved, That, in the opinion of this Convention, the present stale of our trade, by wh cb the supplies of so eign goods, received in exchange for the productions of the Southemand South Western States, are chiefly obtained through the cities of the North, is highly injuri ous to the citizens of these States, and we are therefore called upon by every consideration of duly and patriotism to correct the evil. 2d. Resolved, That as the producers of the great staples which constitute the basis of the foreign commerce of the Union, it is right and proper that wc should enjoy a fair share of the profits of that commerce, of which, however, we have heretofore been deprived by the unequivocal act on of the Federal Government and the too exclusive devotion of our own citizens to other pursuits, 3d. Revolved, That, in order to secure to these States, the inestimable advantages of a dine import and export trade, commensurate with their resources and their wants, it is, in the opin ion of this Convention, indispensably necessary, that the public mind should he enlightened on this subject by full and free discussions, and that a general sympathy should he enlisted, and har mony of feeling and concert of action secured, by earnest and reiterated appeals to the public spirit of our fellow citiz ns. 4 th. Resolved, 'That the progress already made in this work, as manifested by the wise Legisla tion of several of the States—in the deep and growing interest every where felt upon the sub , ject—Uu* great increase of our foreign and do mestic trade, and the number of merchants from the interior who now obtain their supplies from our own ports, affords great encouragement for tho continuance of our efforts, and should urge us on, with renewed zeal, energy, and perseve rance. sth. Resolved, That the following measures arc in the opinion of this Convention, necessary to he adopted for the purpose of ensuring onr success, viz: Ist. That the commercial capital and credit of the Southern and South-western States should be so extended and enlarged, as to enable our merchants to carry on tho business of direct im portations on an extensive scale, and on the most advantageous terms. 2d. That for this purpose,it is highly important that a portion of the capital now absorbed in other pursuits, should he directed to commerce, for which Ih 1 strongest inducements arc now of fered by the passage of laws in several of the Stales, authorizing the formation of limited co partnership, and from the reasonable assurance that such investments will he as profitable to in dividuals as they must be beneficial to the com munity. 3d. That our Banks should extend all the aid in their power to this trade, and alTord the neces sary facilities for carrying it on successfully, by enlarging the capital and extending the credit of those who may engage in it, to the utmost ex tent, consistent with the safely of these institu tions and the public welfare. 4th. That the proper efforts should also he made to bring in foreign capital and credit, in aid of the resources of onr own country, and that for this purpose suitable agents should he sent abroad to induce foreign capitalists and Mer chants, to establish agencies and form co-partner ships in our cities, with the assurance of their I receiving a cordial welcome, and zealous support. sth. That similar rHurts should ho made to I bring about a co-operation, between our Mcr i chants and Capitalists, and those of Et.rope, for I the purpose of immediately establishing lines ol Packet Ships and Steamers, whereby regular I comm jnications.nt stated periods may he secured —and that all other proper measures should he i adopted to effect as speedy as possi! le, this all important object. lilh. Th u in the opinion of this Convention, it, is essential to the sue ess of any scheme of di rect importation, that a demand should he created ' in onr own Ports for all the go als so imported, winch can only he eliectcd by opening free cont- I tnunications with the interior, by an expensive i system of Rail Roads, Canals, and Turnpikes, by : which the Merchants of the interior may he cna i Med to lay in their supplies on better terms th in | they could procure them from any other quarter. 7th. That a committee office he appointed in each of the States represented. In carry out and effect as tar as practicable, the measures recom mended by the Convention. 6th. That we regard the trade between the ‘ Ports of the Southern and Southwestern Sta , s and all other porta ol the Union, as governed hv 1 the some principles which are applicable to our foreign trade, and while the same shall consist in the direct exchange of our productions for those ol other Mates, as entitled to our support. But in this, as in the foreign trade, we regard a direct i n portal ion in our own ships, through onr own 1 resident Merchants, as essential to enable us to enjoy all the benefits of this intercourse. 7th. That among the measures auxiliary to the ' imp. r a.it objects we have in view, this Conven tion cannot hut regard as of deep interest and im part;,e.cc the adoption o r the proper means for •ntro hieing commercial cducati it among the j youth of our country—the training them up to ] habits of business, and thereby e: tablishing a body j •»! Ml rebuilt.-, W’llOve fin} Uilole&l olid shall l>e identified with the country which lias i reared and sustained them. Bth. That in the opinion of this Convention, the establishment of a Southern Review, under i the direction of aide and learned men, to he faith fully devoted to the promotion of science and bt -1 erature, and also to the delenee of the institutions the'vindication of the r.ghts and the develope menl otthe resources of the Slave-holding States, is an object of the deepest interest, and one which should command the cordial co-operation and support of every citizen ol these States. Mitchell King. Esq., read the following ■ UKfOUT ON THE TAXATION OF COMMERCIAL . CAPITAL. • Your Committee are deeply convinced that j much of the Legislation of the South, instead ol fostering and encouraging, has tended to discour age and depress commerce. The same princi ples which in England have sustained the coin laws of that country, have prevailed here. J lie Legislative power has been chiefly in the hands of the ag ieultu Us. They have been accustom ed to pay a tax on their property, according to its estimated value. Tlieir capital is fixed and can not escape from the impost, i hey have natu rally enough considered, that capital invested in trade ought to contribute its fair proportion to the revenue of the country, and without sufiicicntly considering its floating character, the facility with which it can he removed beyond the reach of their taxation, and its constant tendency to es cape from it, they have generally imposed taxes on this floating on the game principles as on fixed capital. It is believed that much heavier taxes have generally been imposed on the former than on the latter. In one ol tile Southern States, 30 cents ad valorem is levied on eveiy hundred dol lars of the lands granted by the Slate, and sixty cents per head on all slaves; and lor a number ol years in that very Stale, a tax of sixty cents on the hundred dollars of stock in trade has been levied. This ad valorem tax on the lands is lev ied on an estimate of their value, which in most instances is very greatly below their real value— and slaves may now be stated at an average value of three hundred dollars, so that in fact lands and slaves do not pay one fourth, certainly not one third of the tax imposed on slock in trade, and your committee believe a corresponding taxation prevails in all the Southern and South-Western Stales. Resides, no rcgaid has . ecu had to the productiveness or unproductiveness of this stock in trade. Goods may have come to a falling market, when it might be ruinous to sell. 11 they are kept for better times—if they arc not forced cm the market, and arc at the end of the year found still in the hands of the merchant, they arc again compelled to pay the tax, while In the mean time interest and all other incidental ex penses are accumulating on the investment. In paying a tax on land and agricultural capital, it is paid on what almost without fail yields an income or profit. In paying lion commercial capital, it is paid on what may or may not, in the fluctua tions of trade, make either a profit or a loss. It is scarcely to be expected that large slocks of gords. in the face of such a tax. can ever accu mulate in the hands of our merchants, \c.ur co.i miltce know that it has produced this evil and drive goods from us, which otherwise would have remained here to seek a market. To secure the trade at which we aim and to which the south is justly entitled, large stocks of goods are indis pensable. The foreign merchant and our breth ren at the north, must be encouraged to bring their goods hereto await a sale, with the lull as surance that they shall be subject to no taxation until sales shall have been effected. Then may j we expect to sec our warehouses filled with all kinds of commodities—the merchant of Man chester, or Leeds, or Lowell, will not hesitate to send his goods to be stored here. The importing merchant will not have his capital diminished without the certainty of being able to make a profit to replace it. The merchant, vho comes from the interior to lay in his supplies, will have no need to go to another market to find an assort ment, or to make his purchases here, burdened by a tax from which he derives no benefit. It is not easy to estimate the impulse which such a state of things would give to our trade—how much would both encourage the importing mer chant, to have always on hand a large slock of. goods, and attract the merchants from the interior to our Emporiums. It would encourage a com i petition of both sellers and buyers in our mar kets, and which could scarcely fail to produce the most favorable results. Your Committee believe that by a different f mode of laying taxes on the commercial eommu- I nity. the Southern and Soulh Western States - might avoid all the evils which your Committee ■ are”persuaded, have arisen from the mode hitherto ; pursued without any dimunition of revenue. Let the tax bo imposed on the income of the merchant, t on the interest which he derives from the capital i invested, and on the clear profit which lie makes. , The States may well depend on his honor; on bis - ambition to bold or raise bis standing among bis s competitors, on bis desire to maintain bis emlit— - for faithful returns of bis income. The risk may a be that he will overestimate rather than under - value it, and a moderate equitable tax on it. your - Committee believe, would assuredly make up for all that would be lost by abandoning the prevalent .1 mode of taxing his capital—and they submit two i- resolutions, which, it carried out into advised Ic f gislalion, might, they trust, aid us efficiently in f ibe great object in which we are now engaged. - Repair d, 'J'hat this Convention earnestly re - commend to (be respective Legislatures of the Southern and South Western States, so to c frame their Legislation, ns to encourage the ac- J cumulation of • otnmcrcinl capital in tire South t ern Atlantic and Western Sea Ports—in oilier t. words, to make these ports Emporiums of Com - mercc, and so far as may be prar trouble, free •- ports, whore the objects of trade may be collected r and remain exempt from all State or Corporution :. taxation, until sales of them be effected—and 0 that the taxes then he levied only on the interest -of the capital invested in such sales and on the r nett profits derived from them. if Rusolred, That, in the opinion of this Con- ! r vent ion, the oljoi tof the last preceding rosqlu- J tion,could be best effect! dby exempting caiilal j e j employed in commerce from ail taxation, except II | and annual tax on the interest and profits derived ! from the capital so invested. i, i Col. Blinding, tlnn rose and stated that inqtii • j lies had been made, in proper quarters, and that 1 I it had been ascertained that the former Snu'lmn I. | Rev cw had been supported with 1300 yearly - subscribers, at £5 each, 500 of whom were fn m e Ginn lesion, 500 from the interior of this Slates, y and 300 from other Southern Stales, the city of - Savannah being the largest contributor out of j a Soulh Carolina—dial 20(11) annual subscribers i •. would, it is thought, amply suffice to sustain the j ii Rvtiv, of which number 8. Carolina would il doubtless contribute her former quota of 1000, i i- and the other Southern and South-Western Siam the other 1000; ami that a proposition would be e submitted that the Mcmhe s ol the Convention s sh add he furnished with subscription lists, in v order to use their best efforts to procure the largest r number of subscribers possible, in every part of r the South and South-West, and that a Commit b fee he appointed to superintend the establishment t of the Review, and put it under editorial and lit t erary auspices calculated lo ensure its permanent i success. a The Lon. F. H. Elmore, Chairman of the Committee of Ten. gave notice that the Com ii m ttee would be ready to report at 12, M., to - morrow. On motion of Judge Longs! reel, the considera r tion of the sevaral r ports and resolutions was » postponed until to-morrow, at 10 o’clock. A, M., j to which tin e the Convention a lj< u md. r RICHARD VEABON, '-..Secretary. i r 7v Hr; 111 the ,mmai ot the Delegates from i 'Hion District, published yesterday, “Jno. H | Down „w« printed by mistake for " Joseph 3. 1 n C .°Tu tee ° f Ten - ,he "•"» «f Mr. J. ; n. Low land, of Macon, was inadvertently omitted. For the Chronicle ts Sentinel. : Wc would advise the Editor of “ The Augusta Mirror,” when he attempts to work up his “ R E . COLLECTIONS OF THE PtOKIIU CAMPAIGN OP 1836,” for the entertainment of his readers, to stick closer to facts than he has done in “Num | IIFU ° Vl ”’ "ot to trespass too much upon the j poet s license to swerve from the truth, and, above all, to take care how ho shows himself up as the hero of his s/orics, as there arc many livtng wit nesses, of those scenes, whose “ recollec tions” arc quite as good as his. WHO ODES THERE 1 row the New York Commercial Advertiser. imWfr~itsna Halifax. Thoiule in Nova Scotia. -We have re cctvc.l Irom our Halifax correspondent a Nova Scotian ol the 4th instant— one day later than the advices brought us yesterday i„ the Boston j papers. !■ rora it we learn that a collision has *' again sprung up between the Legislative Council and the House of Assembly, which appears to have caused some excitement. The Assembly, representing the people of the Province, has long been at odds with the Council and delegates were appointed by the former, early in the session, to proceed to England, and lay the grievances of the Assembly, beiore the Imperial .Parliament. On the 2d ofMarch an appropriation of £lOOO to pay the expenses of these delegates, was intro duced in the House, and subsequently passed, imt in the Council, the appropriation was nega tived; and a demand was made for delegates to bo sent by the Council. Thcieupon the House ap pointed a committee to examine the journals of the Council, and see what resolutions had passed that body. This committee reported that the ob ject of the Conned was to send delegates who should defend its present constitution, and oppose the plan of union recommended by Lord Durham and thereupon the House adopted counter resolu tions—passed a vote of credit for the payment of its own delegates—and sent it to the Lieutenant (Governor. This was on the 3d of April. On the same day the Lieut. Governor sent a message, refusing to advance the money, the vote of credit not being sanctioned by the Council; and imme diately thereafter closed the session. This is the stale ol the case, as well as we can make it out. We annex the remarks ol the No va Scotian, as showing the effect ol the Council’s opposition. Delegation or no Delegation ! ! !— lt will be seen by the publication of the above pro ceedings, that a desp -rate attempt has been made by Ibe official party of Nov.- Scotia to prevent the people from submitting their complaints to Her M ijesty, by denying to the delegates the means of providing for their necessary expenses. Every stop that their representatives could take has been taken—every exertion has been made. It is for the people now to say, shall the delegates go or slay 1 Will those who have been denied £lOOO from the public Treasury, which is their own, to truly exhibit the features of a system that annually robs them of thousands, submit tamely to such a denial, or will they resort to those resources which arc beyond the control of the Council I , 1 Upper Canada. In the provincial House of Assembly, on the 18th of March, a petition was presented from per sons engaged in the forwarding trade on Lakes Huron, Erie, and Ontario, fir ;he passaac of a law to prevent the trade from being monopolized by American vessels, and for an act restricting the importation of salt from the United States. Col. Prince gave notice of a bill to prevent aliens and foreigners from practising as civil en gineers within the, province. Mr. Gowan gave notice of an address,declaring the readiness of the House to make common cause with the “gallant New iirunswickers," against the “ violent and unjust aggressions” of the state of Maine—which address was subse quently introduced and agreed to. From the Kingston Herald. The most remarkable feature that the political aspect of Upper Canada presents at present, is the general prevalence of a feeling of despondency and distrust, or in many cases, of indilferenee to the course of events or the fate of the province. That such a feeling can he justified either by cur past history or future prospects, may wi ll bo doubled ; buttlia it extensively prevails we have unqucsl onablecvi. erne. Even >Sir George Ar thur's despatch on the finances of the province betrays it. And we have heard of a leading man among the reformers who, when conversing on the probability of a new i lection, said; “I should like to see one election in which I should take no interest. I would slay at home and not vote at all.” But more than all this is shown by the prepa rations that are making for emigrating from the province. Wc have heard of several poisons in thi s neighborhood who have determined In leave the country at any cost, and have offered llici I farms at much loss than half value. And there are many thousands who would leave the conn try. if they could wake arrangements for it with out incurring too great a sacrifice. When we see many thousands of the Americans yearly leaving the Eastern for the Western states, merely in hope of bettering their ciicuinstances, we need not bo surprised that a similar desire prevails in Upper Canada, in which so many other powerful causes are added to pecuniary reasons. The near | and certain prospect of additional taxation in I some shape or other may have its influence. In I this point, wo think that more apprehension is j felt Ilian need be entertained. If the country | were placed under good government, it would ■ soon sinriount its oresent difficulties. : - - 77 j Mor.vs M'-lticavlis.—The uninitiated are j sometimes deceived in their purchases of the j morns nuillic.aiilis at auction. Many perhaps i never saw the tree in their lives who bid for it ; . and having been always “in populous city pent,” l itre not sufficiently acquainted with the natural j economy of vegetation to understand the merits : of their purcln si; is it to he wondered at then, | that they somcliu os failto ge; precisely what they j a.c in quest of? We cannot well sec how any one who knows I any thing of the principles of arboricultural life, | after an examination of trees before a sale, can fie deceived in bidding unless he negotiates with his eyes shut. The freshness of the roots; the fullness and structure of the eyes or buds; the color of the lurk, or frccncss of its separation ' when parted with the thumb nail, all afford such de isive tests, to one who knows how to apply them, that deception, supposing it safe, which in* A any case it is not —is with proper precaution, nextto impossible. The ce t lin y that this tree will he in increastd demand for years, renders these simple directions not mare v proper, but indispensable.— Phil. Ouz. Web ve thought it well to give currency to the foregoing caution, for more reasons than one. It is not only on account of extinguished vitality, of width they arc not aware, that purchasers are obnoxious to deception in the pu;chase of the morns n.uUicaulis. O her and very different ahrubs arc sometimes sold under that name, and