Chronicle & sentinel. (Augusta, Geo.) 1838-1838, April 18, 1839, Image 2
Tue .Hmlisoti Pup.:* '
Wo find in the Democratic Review for March
the following particulars relative to the highly
intcro ting and important papers purchased hy
Mrs. Madison. M e learn that they are now in
press in tills city, and will he published early in
the autumn — NMvma! Intel! g nctr.
It had long been rumored rhnt there existed
among the papers of Mr. Madison, a complete
and accurate report of the Debates in tire Con
vention which framed the Constitution, and 1 lie
verification of the fact since his death may he
justly regarded ns one of the most interesting
events in the history of our national literature.
The feeling every day deepening and strength
ening throughout the land, that to the political
advantages secured to them hy that happy instru
ment, the People of this country arc mainly in
debted for the utterly unexampled national pros
perity which has been the portion of the I.oiled
States, and that with its inviolable maintenance
that onward destiny is inseparably linked ; as
well ns the conviction, every day becoming clear
er with the great mass of the People, that the
onlv guaranty for the continuance of these mani
fold blessings is to he found in a strict construc
tion of its provisions in regulating all public ac
tion. and in bringing every political measure to
the rigid test of its restrictions, have united to
give a value almost sacred to every authentic do
content calculated to throw light upon the history
of the Constitution, and on I lie opinions and
motives which actuated its framers in perfecting
what, with all its faults, must he pronounced the
noblest and most perleel political code the world
has ever seen.
The pan ity and meager character of the ma
terials which we possess, bearing on the history
of the Constitution, will give additional value to
the richness of these newly discovered treasures.
The imperfect Journal of the t onveution, which,
hy order of the body, was transferred to the keep
ing of its President, (ienural Washington, and
was filed among his papers in the Department of
Slate, was published, hy order of Cong ess, in
1819; and oven in this easn, we are indebted to
tile provident industry of Madison, foi the cor
rections and additions wliieh were necessary to
make even this ollicial record of their proceedings
intelligible, Ho accurately had litis illustrious
man—as is forewarned hy Itia destiny of the va
lue which future limes would attach to their la
bors—kept ins private minutes of the proeeeedings
in tlic t onventi n, that ho was aide, on tile ap
plication of President Monroe, to complete, in all
iis parts, the jou mil left unfinished more titan
thirty years before, hy the Secretary appointed to
record it; and wliieh thus constitutes not less a
memorial of these important labors than an inte
rosliti r tribute to a representative fidelity and care
that wo may safely call without a parallel. The
Debates in the .States of Massachusetts, New
York, \ i gn a, JVnr.lt Carolina, and Pennsyl
vania. on the adoption of the Constitution, are
all that hive renclic I us. They have been col
lected in a slovenly publication issued at Wash
in gtou. hut contain contemporary materials of a
sufficient value ti warrant their preservation in
n form at once durable and respectable. These,
with t ie minutes of Vales, ■> ho left the Conven-
I o.t Img helore it adj iiirnod. end the very inte
resting statein mis of Imlher Marlin and of Gov
ernor IM iiiiinl Randolph to the Legislatures of
Mi yl tnd and Virginia, i oiislitute all (he mate
rials we p issess far the history of that memora
ble assemblage, from which the broad and stately
■fib. ic of our pr‘sent syslo n lias dat <d its coin
meiii'einent. The interest, therefore, which must
attach to a full report of the entire debates, hy a
hind of whose futlilul accuracy wo have above
mentioned a striking lest, may he easily imagined;
end every lover of his country will he toady to
admit that one of the fathers of that Constitution
which has safely conducted it through so many
dingers to high a destiny did not over estimate
its importance in the opinion of his grateful
country, which he left it such a manuscript as at
once the most precious legacy he could oiler, and
and the best fruit of his lung and illustrious life.
Wo do not propose more, in the present paper,
than to give an account of the munusc.ipts and
their history, reserving for future notice the ob
servations that their contents may suggest, when
they shall he in possession of the Public.
The first distinct information of the character
and extent of the work was communicated to
the country in a letter from Mrs. Madison to
President Jackson, and hy him transmitted to
Congress, as a matter in every respect deserving
their attention. It appeared from this letter that
the departed statesman had, long previous to his
doith, carefully written out his notes of the De
bates in the Convention for the press, and had
left directions in Ins will for their publication,
charging several legacies on the profits which he
reasonably expected the work would produce.—
The proposals, however, which his heirs received
from the publishing houses to which the copy
right was OHe rod. fell so far short of these expec
tations, that Mrs. Madison, with a just percep
tion of what was under the circumstances due
from the country, at otuo submitted a statement
of the circumstances to the President, who com
municated them tol‘digress in a special message
on lb ■ eighth of December, 1890. The remit
was the appointment of u committee, who re
co iiniei d d the purchase and publication of h‘
manuscripts as a National Work, uni th',ty
thousand dollars wore subsequently appropriated
to Mrs. Madison for the former object. The
novel and interesting features of the ease—the
venerated relict of one of tho founders of the
Republic coming before the country with a man
uicrii t precious in its relation to its national des
tiny as the Sybil’s hooks which the fables of my
thology have loved to associate with the infant
gl tries of the Roman Stale—were such that the
propositi m was not to he met with a cold appre
ciation of n e its, or with nice qurst'ons of Con
gressional power. Indeed, all the legislative pro
ceedings in relation to this matter rather resem
bled the tribute of a grateful country, through its
highest represent give body, to the family of a
cilixen so illustrious alike by his elm ncler, his
e n ploy incuts, and his services to the Stive, than
the purchase of a work, mere y useful or inter
esting, for a given value. It was this feeling also
which in.bleed I'digress to pass a subsequent
net, giving to Mrs. Madison the h morarv privi
lege of a copy right in foreign countries, with
the single proviso that the manuscripts in posses
sion of Congress should he used for the purpose,
doubtless to avoid the impropriety of a work h -
ing published ahmod, before its appearance in the
country where it was the national properly, and
to which its subject exclusively appertained; a
merely nomin d restriction, since one of thecoph a
printed here would all'ord every requisite facility
should its publics i n he desired.
J'he woik thui purchased was transferred hv
( ongr -s to the care ol tho Joint commit'ee of
the L lirary, and that ho ly, it is understood, af
ter inviting propositions from numerous publish
ers h ive nude arrangements for its early appear
an e iu suitable style, and. hv attaching a fixed
sum for the copy right ol the work to each copy
that in ay he soli sought to meet the original
coast tutianal objection hy putting it in the pow
er of the country to repay ti c liberal advance
which tue Legis .cure has m ule from the Na
t oti.il Treasury for the purch ise ol the wo k
M c now p o;eed to give a brief dcs r plion cf he
manuscripts,
the til es of the manuscripts, it c., is as fo'-
lows e, ates it, be Coiigres■ of the ( onh dera
tun, as » iken , n the years ITsS- 3, and 17'7 hv
Janes Madison Hum a member, with 1 tiers and
&T^r Ua<N * rhU tnanusctiptcon
ne Vvifn ' Convention <f :757 by
. member ' TU " manuscri P‘^-
The vvurk Consists 01 Iwo distinct phll»- ibe
first contains the i.nly records known to exist of
Debates in the Congo** or tlie Confederation ;
and as these Debates are merely fragment* of
those which occurred during the years 178 S and
1787, the inter**) ha» leen filled up with nu
merous letters and extracts oi letters descriptive
of passing events, which were written by Mr.
Madison, in hi* official capacity, to various dis
tinguished friends, and which will be received as
valuable accessions to onr materials for the his
tory ot the period. Inspecting these letters and
debates. .Mr. Madison, himself, gives the follow
ing circumstantial and authentic information in
a prefatory note attached to the volume;
“ Mr. Madison look his seal in the Congress
of the Confederation on the twentieth day of
Match, 1780, but did not commence his Diary
of its Debates till November 4th, 178”. It was
continued through the sequel of 11 1 si t year, anil
until the removal of Congress was decided on,
t e twenty-first of Juno, 1783, from Philadelphia
to Princeton, where the task was not renewed.
“In February, 1787, being again a member,
ho resumed his Diary, which was continued till
May 2d of that year, when he left Congress to
give liis attendance in the approaching Conven
tion at Philadelphia, which was to prepare a
new Constitution for the United States.
“On the close of that Convention, he returned
to Ills seal in Congress, which he held till March,
1788, when ho was called to Virginia with a
view to liis being elected to the State Convention
which was to decide on the Constitution proposed
by the General Convention. During this period
it appears that no Diary was kept—the edi ct
perhaps of the share lie had in writing the Fed
eralist. Nor was it resumed in the interval be
tween liis return font the close of the .Slate Con
vention and liis final departure from Congros,
then in the last stage of its existence, to become
a candidate for a seal in the approaching House
of Representatives under the new Constitution.
“The series of Debates now published, though
generally condensed into their substance, are not
without more detailed discussions on particular
topics; and being, with the exception of the de
bates in 1770 on the Declaration of Indepen
dence, and on a lew of the articles of the Con
federation preserved by Mr, Jefferson, which arc
also pielived, the only known or prohnhlc mate
rials of what passed in Congress in that form
they cannot fail to he particularly acceptable to
the public. The periods of the Diary comprise
much that has been least known, and is of a na
ture to gratify a just curiosity.
“ As Mr. Madison was engaged, whilst a mem
ber ol the old Congress, in regular and often
confidential correspondence* with several distin
guished friends, some of them at that lime his
absent colleagues, it was thought that a number
nl his letter , and extracts from others, ill which
he gives information of what occurred in Con
gress, as well as what related to the public affairs
generally, might advantageously make a part of
this publication. Such of the communications
in were contemporary with the Diary often add
to the lights which it ufTnrds. and such ns belong
tithe periods prior and subsequent to it will ft an
supply its place, and_somcliines perhaps more
lit in supp'y it.
“ It cannot he amiss to remark, that the letters
d rive a value not only from their perfect authen
ticity, and from the position of the writer ns a
member of Congress, hut from the consideration
that they were written without n thought that
they would ever meet the public eye. So entirely
absent was such u thought that no copies, with
scarce an exception, were, or indeed, considering
their number, the frequency and the haste of the
letters, and the situation of the writer, cannot he
retained. And il was owing to the kindness of
his correspondents or their rcpvesen olives that
the originals here used make a part of his files. 1
It is regretted that some of those originals were 1
not effectually guarded against damage, and that '
others appear to lie missing.” 1
The more important Debates of the Convnn- 1
lion which framed the Constitution partake in no '
respect of the imperfections which must necessa
rily he expected in a preliminary volume thus
composed of historical fragments, which fortu
nate though accidental circumstances only ena
bled their author to preserve, and which were
never intended as portions of a more perfect and
permanent work. Mr. Madison entered upon the
duties of the Convention with a solemn sense of
responsibility to his country and to posterity,
which controlled all liis actions: and the record
of the debates which he preserved was the result
of a deliberate and systematic design, originating
in a profound appreciation of the importance of
the discussions ho recorded, which looked far into
the future, and beyond the grave for a reward.
These labors, which were viewed with distrust
by many, with unconcern or hopelessly by others,
and with doubt and anxiety by all contempora
ries, he, with a few other trusting spirits, as sure
ly saw would lie regarded by posterity with the
interest and veneration ever accorded to the de
liberations of a public body, and, unmindful of
the vexations and anxietit s of the day, the sol mu
minded child of the future sal down to liis task.
No hope of fame, or reward, or applause of his
fellow citizens cheered liis way ; but the light of
truth, manifested in the sublime development of
immortal principle*, flashed upon liis page, ns
day after day he urged his noble toil, and laid by
liis volumes for readers then unborn. The gener
ations around were too near to discern rightly die
value and importance of Ins record in all its full
and sublime proportions; and, with a faith and
trust characteristic of the man, he kept bin work
through all the phases of a long and trying po
litical life, sacred for its owner—the posterity for
which it was intended. Wo confess there is
something noble and almostgiouching in the fidel
ity with which this reliance was maintained.
How often, during the course of the last half cen
tury, have we not heard our prominent statesmen
radically differ in their interpretation of the Con
stitution ! How often during that time have not
- the intentions of its framers been misrepresented
or misunderstood 1 How often has not every po
litician, mingling in the party conflicts oi' the
time, felt the loss of the unerring guide which
this publication will horentbr afford ! Howofcn
have we not seen the parties and partisans of the
day interpret wrongfully, or darkly, or wilfully,
the thoughts ami meaning of the past, which can
now he illustrated and explained beyond the pos
sibility of a cavil, from a ivoik held hack in the
deep consciousness of its author that the time
for full revelation was not come, and that the im
penetrable cu t in of the grave should ho interpo
j soil between the survivor of its framers and the
i millions of the great ami prosperous nation who
I looked to the Constitution and the new system
of government which il created as the greatest
and noblest fruit of the Mood and toil of the Re
volution—t re the proper period for fully unbo
soming the secret proceedings of that time to the
re peelful veneration of the country should ar
rive !
The following extract from a preliminary es
say to the volume of Debates. by Mr. Madison
himscif. will he found most interesting in I will
satisfy every mind of the truth of the above re
nt irks, and fully shows how completely he was
possessed with the responsibility of his self-impo
sed task, and what thorough confidence mnv he
reposed in advance in reports prepared under
such circum-taiiccs by such a hand :
“On the arrival of the Virginia deputies at
Philadelphia, il occurred to them that, from the
early and p eminent put tiken by that State in
bringing about the Conveuli. n. some initiative
step might be expected from them. The resolu
* Hi* letters of an imnoitant mid secret nature
to Mr. Jefferson and >lr. Ran iolph were wri'ten in
cipher, but dei Sphered u der his eye, except a few
of a cipher us-d a short time with Vr. Randolph
the key 11 which could not be discovered.” v ’
c I om, inn wdlicvvl by CjoV'iliOi Kaleiolph won the
f result of a consultation on the subject, with an
; understanding that they left all the deputies en
s tirclv open to the lights of di*' ussfon, and free to
I concur in any alterations or modifications which
- their reflections and judgments might approve,
e The resolutions, as the journals show, became the
. basis on which the proceedings of the ('(invention
- commenced, arm to the developments, variations
s and modifications of which the plan of the gov
- eminent proposed by the Convention may be tra-
I ced.
“Thecuriosity I had felt during my researches
i into the history of the most distinguished confed
eracies, particularly those of antiquity, and the
< deficiency 1 found in the means of satisfying it
f more especially in what related to the process, the
' principles, the reasons, and the anticipations
( which prevailed in the formation of them, deler
-1 mined me to preserve as far as I could an exact
, account of what might pass in the Convention
i whilst executing its trust, wilh the magnitude of
which I was duly impressed,as I was by the grat
ification promised to future curiosity by an au
thentic exhibition of the objects, the opinions and
(be reasonings from which the new system of
government was to receive its peculiar structure :
and organization. Nor was 1 unaware of the
value of such a contribution to the fund of mate
rials for the history of a Constitution on which
would he staked the happi'ie r s of a people great
even in its infancy, and possibly the cause of lib
erty throughout the world.
“In pursuance of the task I Lad assumed, I
eljose a seat in front of the presiding member,
wilh the other members on my right and left
hands. In the favorable position for hearing all
that passed, I noted in terms legible, ami in ab
breviations and marks intelligible to myself, what
was read from the chair or spoken by the inrin
bers ; and losing not a moment unnecessarily
between the adjournment and reassembling of the
Convention, I was enabled to write out my daily
notes during the session, or within a few finishing
days after its close, in the extent and form preser
ved in my own hand on my files.
“ In the labor and correctness of this I was not
a liitie aided by practice, and by a familiarity with
the style and the train of observation and reason
ing which characterized the principal speakers.
It happened also that I was not absent a single
day, nor more than n casual fraction of an hour
in any day, so that I could not have lost a single
speech, unless a very short one.
“ It may he proper to remark, that, with a very
few exceptions, the speeches were neither tar
nished, nor revised, nor sanctioned by the speak
ers, but written out fiom my notes, aided by the
freshness of my recollections, A further remark
tuny ho pioper, that views of the subject might
occasionally be presented in the speeches and
proceedings with a latent reference to a compro
mise on some middle ground, by mutual conces
sions. The exceptions alluded to were, Ist, the
sketch furnished by Mr. Randolph of his speech
on the introduction of his propositions on the
twenty-ninth day of May. 2d. The speech of
Mr. Hamilton, who happened to call on mew lieu
putting the lust hand to it. and who acknowledged
its fidelity, without suggesting more than ave y
few verbal alterations which wore made. 3d.
The speech of flouvcrnenr Morrison the second
day ol May, which was communicated to him on
a like occasion, and who acquiesced in it without
a verbal change. The correctness of his lan
guage and the distinctness of his enunciation
were particularly favorable to a reporter. The
speeches of Dr. Franklin, excepting a few brief
ones, were copied from the written ones read to
tbo Convention by his colleague, Mr. Wilson, it
being inconvenient to the Doctor to remain long
on his feet,
“Os the ability and intelligence of those who
composed the Convention, the debates and pro
ceedings may he a test; ns the character of the
work which was the ulfspring of their delibera
tions must he tested by the experience of the fu
ture, added to that of nearly half a century which
has passed,
“lint whatever may be the judgment pro
nounced on tbo competency of the architects of
the I onslilutiou, or whatever may lie the destiny
of tbc edifice prepared by lhem,l feel it a duty lo
express my profound and solemn conviction, de
rived from my intimate opportunity of appreciat
ing the views of the Convention, collectively and
individually, that there never was an assembly of
men, charged willia great and arduous trust, who
were more pure in their motives, or more exclu
sively or anxiously devoted to the object commit
ted to them, than were the members of the Federal
Convention of 1787 to the object of devising and
proposing a constitutional system which would
best supply tbo defects of that which it was to
replace, mid best secure the permanent liberty and
happiness of their country.”
That resolution of the Convention which closed
Ils doors to the Public gave much umbrage at the
time, and exposed the body to great animadver
sion. Yet how wise and judicious was the pro
vision. Their labor was not for their eontempn
raries. They worked for the far-off future.
They spoke to mi audience that no legislative ns
sembly yet has ever addressed. And as posterity
was to tost the value of their labors, so posterity
will now have an opportunity of judging rever
ently and candidly of their motives, their reasons,
their intentions, their fears, and their hopes. The
injunction of secrecy has been removed, and (lie
People ot the United Slates may now and hence
forward learn and judge for themselves.
One extract only are we tempted to make. It
is the last sentence of the work thus scaled up
for fifty-two years. And we give it, not merely
for the striking and deeply interesting anecdote
which it contains, Iml to share wilh the thous
ands who will now sec it for the first lime, the
exultation that must come home to every bosom.
, in the feeling that the prophetic emblem of Frank*
, lin has been so completely verified in an amount
. of national greatness, prosperity, happiness, and
i tumor without a slain, never reached, even np
-1 preached, by any human community in the same
. space of time. May the sun that rose on that
, day never go down !
( “ Whilst the last members weresigning, Doctor
, Franklin, looking towards the President’s chair,
, nl the back of which a rising sun happened to be
painted, observed to a few members nenrh m that
painters had found it difficult lo distinguish in
. their art a rising sun from a setting sun.
, “ I have," said he, “ often and often, in the
, course of the session, and the vicissitudes of my
. hopes and fears as to its issue, looked at that be
hind the President, without being able to toll
, whether it was rising or setting. lint now. at
, length. I have the happiness lo know that it is a
i rising and not a setting sun.”
Anthony Benjamin, convicted at Providence
last week of manslaughter, was sentenced on Sa
turday lo solitary confinement, at hard labor, for
' five years.
For the information of those who arc unacquain
ted with stale prison discipline, and to hold up ils
| terrors as u preventive of crime the Providence
Courier gives the following outline of a few of
the rules adopted at the K. island prison.
Flic convict is taken to a preparatory room
where he is divested of his clothing. He is then
c'othed ill the uiiifoiin of the prison, mid has his
head shaved, He is now led, blindfolded, to the
door of the coll allotted to him, incarcerated in the
cell, and locked up. The prisoner is thus lost
1 1 the world. His name is n i longer known in
1 the establishment, and he is designated only bv the
n imber ol bis cell. From this mo net t, du i c
' j the period of his confinement, he is 1 1 hold no
I communication with any one but his keeper, nor
to behold the person or face of any othei. He is
l put lo labor in Ins cell, and that ami the Holy
; Scriptures constitute His diversion and means of
i instruction.
rIIHONICi.K AM) SKNTINKU.
A l (.US T A .
THURSDAY JIOHMV;, APRIL IS.
Mail from North of Charleston received
last night.
From Ihe Charleston Courier of yesterday.
Commercial Con vent ion.
CiiAiinrsiox, April 16, 1839.
! The Convention met at 13 o’clock, M. The
minutes of the previous meeting were read. The
| lollowing additional Delegates appeared and re
i gislcrcd their names:
SOUTH CAIIOUXA.
j Chariest nr,. —Hugh 8. Legate.
St Johns, Barkley. —R. W. Kopcr.
Lexington District. —11. J. Cnughman, John
i A. Addison.
On. ngehiirgh. —Jacob Stroman.
Barnwell, —Win. 8. Reynolds.
Edgefield. —M. M. Gray, James Jones.
>olll'll CAIIOUXA.
FuyeHeviUe. — Edward J. Hale, Juhn V\ .Sand
' ford, E. W. U ilkings.
(. no it in a.
Augusta —A. 13. Longstrcct.
hi,Hedge.edit .—Richard K. Hines, Isaac New
ell.
Chancellor Harper, from the Comm ttec ol
Twenty-One, stated that the Committee had
agreed to report the Resolutions of Genet a Havne,
with some amendments, and that they hud adopt- [
ed Reports on a Direct Trade with Europe, and
on the Taxation ol Commercial Capital, and a
proposition for the revival of the Southern Re
view, which would he severally read or submitted
by other members of the Convention.
Gen.-Hayne then read the report on a Direct
Trade with Europe, an able and eloquent docu
ment, demonstrating the ability ol the South to
resume the control of her own commerce, and
reap her just share of the profits and advantages
of a trade, which her own supincncss chiefly has
so long surt'ered to enrich the tollers of others
and pointing out limited paitnershlps, the em
barkation of the surplus capital of the planter in
trade, and the establishment of lines of packet
ships and steamers, ns aniongthe means of ellcet
ing this happy revolution. [This Report is too
long for publication at present.]
The Resolutions, with which the Report con
cludes, arc. as follows:
lit. Resolved, That, in the opinion of this
Convention, the present stale of our trade, by
wh cb the supplies of so eign goods, received in
exchange for the productions of the Southemand
South Western States, are chiefly obtained
through the cities of the North, is highly injuri
ous to the citizens of these States, and we are
therefore called upon by every consideration of
duly and patriotism to correct the evil.
2d. Resolved, That as the producers of the
great staples which constitute the basis of the
foreign commerce of the Union, it is right and
proper that wc should enjoy a fair share of the
profits of that commerce, of which, however, we
have heretofore been deprived by the unequivocal
act on of the Federal Government and the too
exclusive devotion of our own citizens to other
pursuits,
3d. Revolved, That, in order to secure to these
States, the inestimable advantages of a dine
import and export trade, commensurate with
their resources and their wants, it is, in the opin
ion of this Convention, indispensably necessary,
that the public mind should he enlightened on
this subject by full and free discussions, and that
a general sympathy should he enlisted, and har
mony of feeling and concert of action secured,
by earnest and reiterated appeals to the public
spirit of our fellow citiz ns.
4 th. Resolved, 'That the progress already made
in this work, as manifested by the wise Legisla
tion of several of the States—in the deep and
growing interest every where felt upon the sub
, ject—Uu* great increase of our foreign and do
mestic trade, and the number of merchants from
the interior who now obtain their supplies from
our own ports, affords great encouragement for
tho continuance of our efforts, and should urge
us on, with renewed zeal, energy, and perseve
rance.
sth. Resolved, That the following measures
arc in the opinion of this Convention, necessary
to he adopted for the purpose of ensuring onr
success, viz:
Ist. That the commercial capital and credit of
the Southern and South-western States should
be so extended and enlarged, as to enable our
merchants to carry on tho business of direct im
portations on an extensive scale, and on the
most advantageous terms.
2d. That for this purpose,it is highly important
that a portion of the capital now absorbed in
other pursuits, should he directed to commerce,
for which Ih 1 strongest inducements arc now of
fered by the passage of laws in several of the
Stales, authorizing the formation of limited co
partnership, and from the reasonable assurance
that such investments will he as profitable to in
dividuals as they must be beneficial to the com
munity.
3d. That our Banks should extend all the aid
in their power to this trade, and alTord the neces
sary facilities for carrying it on successfully, by
enlarging the capital and extending the credit of
those who may engage in it, to the utmost ex
tent, consistent with the safely of these institu
tions and the public welfare.
4th. That the proper efforts should also he
made to bring in foreign capital and credit, in aid
of the resources of onr own country, and that
for this purpose suitable agents should he sent
abroad to induce foreign capitalists and Mer
chants, to establish agencies and form co-partner
ships in our cities, with the assurance of their
I receiving a cordial welcome, and zealous support.
sth. That similar rHurts should ho made to
I bring about a co-operation, between our Mcr
i chants and Capitalists, and those of Et.rope, for
I the purpose of immediately establishing lines ol
Packet Ships and Steamers, whereby regular
I comm jnications.nt stated periods may he secured
—and that all other proper measures should he
i adopted to effect as speedy as possi! le, this all
important object.
lilh. Th u in the opinion of this Convention,
it, is essential to the sue ess of any scheme of di
rect importation, that a demand should he created
' in onr own Ports for all the go als so imported,
winch can only he eliectcd by opening free cont-
I tnunications with the interior, by an expensive
i system of Rail Roads, Canals, and Turnpikes, by
: which the Merchants of the interior may he cna
i Med to lay in their supplies on better terms th in
| they could procure them from any other quarter.
7th. That a committee office he appointed in
each of the States represented. In carry out and
effect as tar as practicable, the measures recom
mended by the Convention.
6th. That we regard the trade between the
‘ Ports of the Southern and Southwestern Sta , s
and all other porta ol the Union, as governed hv
1 the some principles which are applicable to our
foreign trade, and while the same shall consist in
the direct exchange of our productions for those
ol other Mates, as entitled to our support. But
in this, as in the foreign trade, we regard a direct
i n portal ion in our own ships, through onr own
1 resident Merchants, as essential to enable us to
enjoy all the benefits of this intercourse.
7th. That among the measures auxiliary to the
' imp. r a.it objects we have in view, this Conven
tion cannot hut regard as of deep interest and im
part;,e.cc the adoption o r the proper means for
•ntro hieing commercial cducati it among the
j youth of our country—the training them up to
] habits of business, and thereby e: tablishing a body
j •»! Ml rebuilt.-, W’llOve fin} Uilole&l olid
shall l>e identified with the country which lias i
reared and sustained them.
Bth. That in the opinion of this Convention,
the establishment of a Southern Review, under i
the direction of aide and learned men, to he faith
fully devoted to the promotion of science and bt
-1 erature, and also to the delenee of the institutions
the'vindication of the r.ghts and the develope
menl otthe resources of the Slave-holding States,
is an object of the deepest interest, and one
which should command the cordial co-operation
and support of every citizen ol these States.
Mitchell King. Esq., read the following
■ UKfOUT ON THE TAXATION OF COMMERCIAL
. CAPITAL.
• Your Committee are deeply convinced that j
much of the Legislation of the South, instead ol
fostering and encouraging, has tended to discour
age and depress commerce. The same princi
ples which in England have sustained the coin
laws of that country, have prevailed here. J lie
Legislative power has been chiefly in the hands
of the ag ieultu Us. They have been accustom
ed to pay a tax on their property, according to its
estimated value. Tlieir capital is fixed and can
not escape from the impost, i hey have natu
rally enough considered, that capital invested in
trade ought to contribute its fair proportion to the
revenue of the country, and without sufiicicntly
considering its floating character, the facility with
which it can he removed beyond the reach of
their taxation, and its constant tendency to es
cape from it, they have generally imposed taxes
on this floating on the game principles as on fixed
capital. It is believed that much heavier taxes
have generally been imposed on the former than
on the latter. In one ol tile Southern States, 30
cents ad valorem is levied on eveiy hundred dol
lars of the lands granted by the Slate, and sixty
cents per head on all slaves; and lor a number ol
years in that very Stale, a tax of sixty cents on
the hundred dollars of stock in trade has been
levied. This ad valorem tax on the lands is lev
ied on an estimate of their value, which in most
instances is very greatly below their real value—
and slaves may now be stated at an average value
of three hundred dollars, so that in fact lands and
slaves do not pay one fourth, certainly not one
third of the tax imposed on slock in trade, and
your committee believe a corresponding taxation
prevails in all the Southern and South-Western
Stales. Resides, no rcgaid has . ecu had to the
productiveness or unproductiveness of this stock
in trade. Goods may have come to a falling
market, when it might be ruinous to sell. 11 they
are kept for better times—if they arc not forced
cm the market, and arc at the end of the year
found still in the hands of the merchant, they arc
again compelled to pay the tax, while In the
mean time interest and all other incidental ex
penses are accumulating on the investment. In
paying a tax on land and agricultural capital, it is
paid on what almost without fail yields an income
or profit. In paying lion commercial capital, it
is paid on what may or may not, in the fluctua
tions of trade, make either a profit or a loss. It
is scarcely to be expected that large slocks of
gords. in the face of such a tax. can ever accu
mulate in the hands of our merchants, \c.ur
co.i miltce know that it has produced this evil
and drive goods from us, which otherwise would
have remained here to seek a market. To secure
the trade at which we aim and to which the south
is justly entitled, large stocks of goods are indis
pensable. The foreign merchant and our breth
ren at the north, must be encouraged to bring
their goods hereto await a sale, with the lull as
surance that they shall be subject to no taxation
until sales shall have been effected. Then may j
we expect to sec our warehouses filled with all
kinds of commodities—the merchant of Man
chester, or Leeds, or Lowell, will not hesitate to
send his goods to be stored here. The importing
merchant will not have his capital diminished
without the certainty of being able to make a
profit to replace it. The merchant, vho comes
from the interior to lay in his supplies, will have
no need to go to another market to find an assort
ment, or to make his purchases here, burdened
by a tax from which he derives no benefit. It is
not easy to estimate the impulse which such a
state of things would give to our trade—how
much would both encourage the importing mer
chant, to have always on hand a large slock of.
goods, and attract the merchants from the interior
to our Emporiums. It would encourage a com
i petition of both sellers and buyers in our mar
kets, and which could scarcely fail to produce the
most favorable results.
Your Committee believe that by a different
f mode of laying taxes on the commercial eommu-
I nity. the Southern and Soulh Western States
- might avoid all the evils which your Committee
■ are”persuaded, have arisen from the mode hitherto
; pursued without any dimunition of revenue. Let
the tax bo imposed on the income of the merchant,
t on the interest which he derives from the capital
i invested, and on the clear profit which lie makes.
, The States may well depend on his honor; on bis
- ambition to bold or raise bis standing among bis
s competitors, on bis desire to maintain bis emlit—
- for faithful returns of bis income. The risk may
a be that he will overestimate rather than under
- value it, and a moderate equitable tax on it. your
- Committee believe, would assuredly make up for
all that would be lost by abandoning the prevalent
.1 mode of taxing his capital—and they submit two
i- resolutions, which, it carried out into advised Ic
f gislalion, might, they trust, aid us efficiently in
f ibe great object in which we are now engaged.
- Repair d, 'J'hat this Convention earnestly re
- commend to (be respective Legislatures of the
Southern and South Western States, so to
c frame their Legislation, ns to encourage the ac-
J cumulation of • otnmcrcinl capital in tire South
t ern Atlantic and Western Sea Ports—in oilier
t. words, to make these ports Emporiums of Com
- mercc, and so far as may be prar trouble, free
•- ports, whore the objects of trade may be collected
r and remain exempt from all State or Corporution
:. taxation, until sales of them be effected—and
0 that the taxes then he levied only on the interest
-of the capital invested in such sales and on the
r nett profits derived from them.
if Rusolred, That, in the opinion of this Con- !
r vent ion, the oljoi tof the last preceding rosqlu-
J tion,could be best effect! dby exempting caiilal j
e j employed in commerce from ail taxation, except
II | and annual tax on the interest and profits derived
! from the capital so invested.
i, i Col. Blinding, tlnn rose and stated that inqtii
• j lies had been made, in proper quarters, and that
1 I it had been ascertained that the former Snu'lmn
I. | Rev cw had been supported with 1300 yearly
- subscribers, at £5 each, 500 of whom were fn m
e Ginn lesion, 500 from the interior of this Slates,
y and 300 from other Southern Stales, the city of
- Savannah being the largest contributor out of j
a Soulh Carolina—dial 20(11) annual subscribers i
•. would, it is thought, amply suffice to sustain the j
ii Rvtiv, of which number 8. Carolina would
il doubtless contribute her former quota of 1000, i
i- and the other Southern and South-Western Siam
the other 1000; ami that a proposition would be
e submitted that the Mcmhe s ol the Convention
s sh add he furnished with subscription lists, in
v order to use their best efforts to procure the largest
r number of subscribers possible, in every part of
r the South and South-West, and that a Commit
b fee he appointed to superintend the establishment
t of the Review, and put it under editorial and lit
t erary auspices calculated lo ensure its permanent
i success.
a The Lon. F. H. Elmore, Chairman of the
Committee of Ten. gave notice that the Com
ii m ttee would be ready to report at 12, M., to
- morrow.
On motion of Judge Longs! reel, the considera
r tion of the sevaral r ports and resolutions was
» postponed until to-morrow, at 10 o’clock. A, M.,
j to which tin e the Convention a lj< u md.
r RICHARD VEABON, '-..Secretary.
i r 7v Hr; 111 the ,mmai ot the Delegates from
i 'Hion District, published yesterday, “Jno. H
| Down „w« printed by mistake for " Joseph 3.
1 n C .°Tu tee ° f Ten - ,he "•"» «f Mr. J.
; n. Low land, of Macon, was inadvertently omitted.
For the Chronicle ts Sentinel.
: Wc would advise the Editor of “ The Augusta
Mirror,” when he attempts to work up his “ R E .
COLLECTIONS OF THE PtOKIIU CAMPAIGN OP
1836,” for the entertainment of his readers, to
stick closer to facts than he has done in “Num
| IIFU ° Vl ”’ "ot to trespass too much upon the
j poet s license to swerve from the truth, and, above
all, to take care how ho shows himself up as the
hero of his s/orics, as there arc many livtng wit
nesses, of those scenes, whose “ recollec
tions” arc quite as good as his.
WHO ODES THERE 1
row the New York Commercial Advertiser.
imWfr~itsna Halifax.
Thoiule in Nova Scotia. -We have re
cctvc.l Irom our Halifax correspondent a Nova
Scotian ol the 4th instant— one day later than
the advices brought us yesterday i„ the Boston j
papers. !■ rora it we learn that a collision has *'
again sprung up between the Legislative Council
and the House of Assembly, which appears to have
caused some excitement.
The Assembly, representing the people of the
Province, has long been at odds with the Council
and delegates were appointed by the former, early
in the session, to proceed to England, and lay the
grievances of the Assembly, beiore the Imperial
.Parliament.
On the 2d ofMarch an appropriation of £lOOO
to pay the expenses of these delegates, was intro
duced in the House, and subsequently passed,
imt in the Council, the appropriation was nega
tived; and a demand was made for delegates to bo
sent by the Council. Thcieupon the House ap
pointed a committee to examine the journals of
the Council, and see what resolutions had passed
that body. This committee reported that the ob
ject of the Conned was to send delegates who
should defend its present constitution, and oppose
the plan of union recommended by Lord Durham
and thereupon the House adopted counter resolu
tions—passed a vote of credit for the payment of
its own delegates—and sent it to the Lieutenant
(Governor. This was on the 3d of April. On
the same day the Lieut. Governor sent a message,
refusing to advance the money, the vote of credit
not being sanctioned by the Council; and imme
diately thereafter closed the session.
This is the stale ol the case, as well as we can
make it out. We annex the remarks ol the No
va Scotian, as showing the effect ol the Council’s
opposition.
Delegation or no Delegation ! ! !— lt
will be seen by the publication of the above pro
ceedings, that a desp -rate attempt has been made
by Ibe official party of Nov.- Scotia to prevent the
people from submitting their complaints to Her
M ijesty, by denying to the delegates the means
of providing for their necessary expenses. Every
stop that their representatives could take has been
taken—every exertion has been made. It is for
the people now to say, shall the delegates go or
slay 1 Will those who have been denied £lOOO
from the public Treasury, which is their own, to
truly exhibit the features of a system that annually
robs them of thousands, submit tamely to such a
denial, or will they resort to those resources
which arc beyond the control of the Council I , 1
Upper Canada.
In the provincial House of Assembly, on the
18th of March, a petition was presented from per
sons engaged in the forwarding trade on Lakes
Huron, Erie, and Ontario, fir ;he passaac of a
law to prevent the trade from being monopolized
by American vessels, and for an act restricting
the importation of salt from the United States.
Col. Prince gave notice of a bill to prevent
aliens and foreigners from practising as civil en
gineers within the, province.
Mr. Gowan gave notice of an address,declaring
the readiness of the House to make common
cause with the “gallant New iirunswickers,"
against the “ violent and unjust aggressions” of
the state of Maine—which address was subse
quently introduced and agreed to.
From the Kingston Herald.
The most remarkable feature that the political
aspect of Upper Canada presents at present, is
the general prevalence of a feeling of despondency
and distrust, or in many cases, of indilferenee to
the course of events or the fate of the province.
That such a feeling can he justified either by cur
past history or future prospects, may wi ll bo
doubled ; buttlia it extensively prevails we have
unqucsl onablecvi. erne. Even >Sir George Ar
thur's despatch on the finances of the province
betrays it. And we have heard of a leading man
among the reformers who, when conversing on
the probability of a new i lection, said; “I should
like to see one election in which I should take no
interest. I would slay at home and not vote at
all.”
But more than all this is shown by the prepa
rations that are making for emigrating from the
province. Wc have heard of several poisons in
thi s neighborhood who have determined In leave
the country at any cost, and have offered llici I
farms at much loss than half value. And there
are many thousands who would leave the conn
try. if they could wake arrangements for it with
out incurring too great a sacrifice. When we
see many thousands of the Americans yearly
leaving the Eastern for the Western states, merely
in hope of bettering their ciicuinstances, we need
not bo surprised that a similar desire prevails in
Upper Canada, in which so many other powerful
causes are added to pecuniary reasons. The near
| and certain prospect of additional taxation in
I some shape or other may have its influence. In
I this point, wo think that more apprehension is
j felt Ilian need be entertained. If the country
| were placed under good government, it would
■ soon sinriount its oresent difficulties.
: - - 77
j Mor.vs M'-lticavlis.—The uninitiated are
j sometimes deceived in their purchases of the
j morns nuillic.aiilis at auction. Many perhaps
i never saw the tree in their lives who bid for it ;
. and having been always “in populous city pent,”
l itre not sufficiently acquainted with the natural
j economy of vegetation to understand the merits
: of their purcln si; is it to he wondered at then,
| that they somcliu os failto ge; precisely what they
j a.c in quest of?
We cannot well sec how any one who knows
I any thing of the principles of arboricultural life,
| after an examination of trees before a sale, can
fie deceived in bidding unless he negotiates with
his eyes shut. The freshness of the roots; the
fullness and structure of the eyes or buds; the
color of the lurk, or frccncss of its separation '
when parted with the thumb nail, all afford such
de isive tests, to one who knows how to apply
them, that deception, supposing it safe, which in* A
any case it is not —is with proper precaution,
nextto impossible.
The ce t lin y that this tree will he in increastd
demand for years, renders these simple directions
not mare v proper, but indispensable.— Phil. Ouz.
Web ve thought it well to give currency to
the foregoing caution, for more reasons than one.
It is not only on account of extinguished vitality,
of width they arc not aware, that purchasers are
obnoxious to deception in the pu;chase of the
morns n.uUicaulis. O her and very different
ahrubs arc sometimes sold under that name, and