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A WORD TO UNION DEMOCRATS.
” 0 greut pleasure in transfering to
Our columns the subject extracts from u letter
Written by Dr. R. D. Arnold, of Savaewah,
to the editor of the Savannah Georgian, giv
ing his reasons for supporting Mr. Cobb in
preference to Judge McDonald. Arnold is
•ell and favorably known in Georgia, both
professionally and politically, Re is a gen
tleman highly esteemed at home, and has
long been recognised as one of the leaders of
the old Democratic party. He is too pure
and too patriotic to stand idly by, and see
that party prostituted to the ignoble cause of
disunion* Accordingly, he has arrayed him
sell on the side of the Constitution and the
country In his new position we are pleased
to learn by such men as Judge Wayne,
Judge Nirhnl, Judge Charlton, Judge Henry,
Judge Jackson, by the Anderson’s, Wald
butg’s, Ward's Lloyd’s, and scores ofothers,
who will all yield to Mr. Cobb and the Un
ion, their most cordial support, M hen such
men assume position, we cannot doubt the
result in‘Old Chatham.’ All we ask of the
honest, thinking men of the State, is to read
such calm and conclusive appeals as ate coo*
tained in the following
Extract from Dr. Arnold'* Letter.
And now, my dear sir, I turn from your
history of the past, to your recent appeal
to Democrats to unite with you in the sup
port of your candidate, Charles J, McDonald. 1
Two candidates are presented to the people
of Georgia by Conventions, neither of which I <
was composed ot Whigs or Democrats alone, ,
and neither of which was convened as a
Whig 01 Democratic Convention. The sup- !
porters of Mr Cobb affect no concealment
upon this subject. If Itigs and Democrats •
have united in his support because lie ses- 1
tains the proceedings of the late Georgia I
Convention, by whose proceedings the State i
of Georgia is pledged to ndliere to the Com- i
promise so long as its provisions shall be |
strictly adhered to by the Notth and the |
South, the East and the West.
Charles J. McDonald has been nominated
by a Convention (nameless indeed in its offi
cial report) which, repudiating this Compro
mise, would open again all the questions set
tled by it. This is the issue presented by
the people of Georgia; but abandoning tins
issue, you invoke the Democrats to the sup
puf%pt Gov. McDonald, to sustain the prin-
the Democratic party. If the ad-
v ac<*atut of these principles depended
upon his eduction, how docs your candidate
accept a ndunln.umn tetidere4, k 4> v Whigs and .
Democrat* in Convention a
ernor McDonald, it is true, has been a Do- (
ntocrat, has been elected twice Governor of 1
Georgia by Democratic votes. Howell Cobb
has been a firm, true, and consistent Demo-
ral. Point him to the principle* of that
party, and he may truly say, all these things
have I kept front nty youth up.” Elected
first to Congress by the Democracy of the
whole State, he has since been repeated bv
reelected to the same post by the Democrats
of his own districts. He has just retired from
the chair of the Speaker of House of Repre
sentatives, to which he was elevated by the
Democracy of the whole Union. Can you
point to one act or one speech in the life of
Ho” ell Cobb in which he ha* been false to
the great National Democratic Party.
Now, sir. is that Democrat most consistent
with his principles who cast his vote for such
a man, or he who votes for one who, as Gov.
McDonald did, presided over a Convention
which ‘earnestly recommended to the non
slave holding Status to refuse to go into or to
countenance any national Convention, whose
object may be to nominate candidates for the
Presidency and Vice Presidency of the
United States under any party denomina
tion whatever? Did not G<>v. McDon
ald thus solemnly repudiate the Demo
cratic party of the Union, and are you
not invoking Democrats to the support of
one who lias thus voluntarily alienated
himself from lliaigreat party ? it may be
well in this city (where that party on strict
old lines) is in the majority, and in the
possession of all the officers, and of a
patronage far exceeding that of the Gov
ervor of the State, to attempt to allay
voters under old Democratic watchword,
but is this the ground on which Gov-
McDonald is supported throughout the
Stale? Do you not mislead your Dem
ocratic readers when you would persuade
them that in opposing McDonald, they
are separating themselves from the Dem
ocratic party?
Look, my dear sir, to his nomination!
Whigs and Democrats in Convention as
sembled, nominated him. Look to his
supporters ! Do Whig papers and Whig
politirians support him because of his de
mocracy ? While you are invoking De
mocrats to his support, the Augusta Re
public, a whig paper, in a Whig commu
nity, is sustaining him as the Southern
Rights candidate.
Your candidate is a pure and consis
tent Democrat standing on the old Demo
cratic! platform, in a Democratic commu
nity; but in a Whig community, lie has
been washed of this stain, and is the true
Southern Rights candidate! The truth
is, and all the sophistry in the world can
not long mask it, the contest about to
take place in Georgia is not to be, and
cannot be, carried on upon old party
lines.
( had written thus far when the letter
of acceptance of your candidate appeared
in your paper of this morning* It has
saved me all the trouble on the subject of
old party lines, and 1 think you will be
obliged to retrace your steps and cease to
summon old Democrats to support Gov.
McDonald because he stands on the old
Democratic ‘platform.
The following sentences from that let
ter are decisive a* to his position and his
platform •
Gentleman;—l received ‘ l >-day jfonr
i letter tmfurming me f Sty m) mi nation as
r a candidate for the office of Governor of
, the State of Georgia, b,v Stiw'btru men,
■ Democrats and Whies recently assembled
1 in Convention at .Milledgex ille, and ask
* ing my acceptance.
You will permit me to say that this
, voluntary sarrjßcf pf old paruyfeelitigs to
r the cause of constitutional ‘freedom, sis e
vinced by thepWceedingsof the Conven
tion, affords the most gratifying evidence
that the party of the Constitution is de
lennined to sustain the Union .of the
States on the principles on which our
venerated ancestors, w ith tire blessings of
God, established it.
Not a single allusion is made in this
letter to his former position as > Demo
crat, or to liia standing on the Democra
tic platform. This is at least, prudent
ip. a man who in November last, at Nash
ville, liail formerly cut himself loose from
the national Democratic party,
The Democratic supporters of Howell
Cobb seek no subterfuges. The immi
nence of danger to our Federal Union,
and to the rights of the South, brought
together in concert of action, men who
on old party issues had been opposed lor
years. They have acted in concert to pre.
serve both. They have buried past differ
ences locu. operate in the great object of
preserving Union and S nilhren Rights.
It is openly avowed that to attain this ob
ject. the old parly lines are abandoned,
and w.ll remain so until the danger is
past. In the mean time, we can scan with
impartiality the action of our feliowvciii
sens in the nou-slavebolding States, and
I trust tiiat the weight of our support will
hereafter be given to that portion of them
which is most conservative of Union and
Southern Rights.
The question now between the two
parties in this State, is as to the predo
minance of tlirir respective views rela
tive to the Compromise, and the action
of the State Convention. As Sir Lucius
O’Trigcer says,‘lt is a miglitv pretty
quarrel as it stands.’ The Ballot box
will settle the dispute in October next.—
time, I hope to be one of the
thrtusand&olGeoruia Democrats whose
votes will aid Howell Cobb in
the Executive Chair oftbeState of Geo r
gia.’
i-’ 1 “■” ————
Slick a Pin /tight There.
A writer in the Southern Recorder, speak
ing of the constitutional right of secession
says:
‘This doctrine has been asserted upon four
distinct occasions in the United States, and
not of/e tier
‘lst. The f-deralists in the Hartford Con
vention during the late war asserted it.
•2nd. The abolitionists, in the recent Con.,
vention at Syracuse, \e<v York, asserted it.
‘3rd. The Southern Rights Conventional
Charleston lately asserted it, and
4<h. Tie McDonald Disunion Convention
at Milledgeville asserted it.
This last body attempted to bolster up
their abominable fail It, by referring to the
Kentucky resolutions drawn by Mr. Jeffer
son.
•This is false, Mr, Jefferson never suppor
ted any such doctrine. The republican par
ty always opposed secession. Thpy opposed
it under Mr. Jefferson's administration, and
under that of Mr. Madison. At the time of
Mr. Jefferson's last election, on the day when
the elector’s met at Richmond to cast she
vote of the Stale of Virginia for him, a
public dinner was given the electors, Judge
Roane, the great friend of Mr. Jefferson pre
siding. The regular toasts were prepared
by his friends, and that his opinions and
those of his friends might be distinctly
known,the following regular toast was drank
with overwhelming applause
SION—// it treason
To The Union Party of Macon C..
There will be a meeting of tile party
at Lanier on the first Tuesday in Au
gust next, to nominate a candidate for
the Representative Branch of the Legist
lature.
The Macon County Union Associa
tion will also meet the same day.
KOSSUTH AND HIS COMPANIONS.
The New York Tribune tianslates the fol
lowing from a German letter, supposed to
have been written by Col. Asbolh, Kossuth's
Adjutant:
‘Kossuth has again suffered deeply from a
new blow. His wife was thrown fiom a horse
while riding for exetcise. It was a frightful
sight, and led us to fear the worst. The pliy
sician, however, who was sent for at once,
found only a severe confusion, but no hone
was broken. We therefore hope that she
may speedily recover. Madame Wagner,
who accompanied the wife of Kossuth last
winter from Hungary to Schumla, died on
tlie27ili of March and was buried on the next
day with moro imposing religious ceremony
than had ever before been witnessed in
Kuiahia. Prince Frederick, of .Schleswig.
Holstein visited the refugees a day or two
since. He quartered in the barracks with
Lieut t Col. Asboth called once or twice on
Kossuth, Baithyani and Perczel, and depart
ed on the 29th for Constantinople, whence
he will soon return home. ,He is still a
young man, though he seems to have more
enlightened viewes with regard to politics and
national welfare than we usually find among
voting prince*. The account of the discovery
of the primitive Hungrian race by the M is
sionary Gulzluff, who is said to have visited
it with two Americans, was like h ray of sun
light in the prevailing gloom of the exiles r
Katahia.’
Contentment it a better fortune than
gold.
THE SOUTH-WEST GEORGIAN,.
OGLKTHOKPK.
TIiaKSOVY, JULY l't, 1851.
FOR GOVERNOR, --■
lION. IT DWELL COBB,
OF CLARKE COUNTY.
Agents for the South-West Georgian
1 Spencer. Caldwell, Fort Gaines, Ga
Jeter A. Hogue, near Ameticus , do.
J. P. Gaulden, Ilainbridge, do.
Col. Wm. T. Perkins, Cuthbert , do.
G. Carituers, Esq. vthbert, do.
Gilbert M. Stokes, Slade, Lee co. do.
Dr. W ii. M. Stokes, Dooly co. do.
M. L. Holman, Bronksville, Siew'rtdo,
A. A. Blakely, Griffin, Pike co. do.
John W, Griffin, Grffin, do.
J. TANARUS, May, FraricUville, do.
A. J. Williams, Agent for Sumter co.
Mr. Cobb’s appointments.
Mr. Cobb will address the people at
Hawkinsville, on Tuesday - - Ist July.
Perry, on Thursday - - - - 2d “
Lanier, on Saturday sth “
Buena Vista, on Monday - - 7th “
Columbus, on Wednesday • 9th “
Lumpkin, on Friday - - 11th “ ,
Cuthbert, on Saturday - . 12ih “
Fort Gains, on Monday - - 14th “
Blakelv, on Tuesday - - 15th ••
Cambridge, on Thursday - 17th “
Thomasville, on Saturday - 19th “ jjaj
Newton, on Monday, - - - 21suttra(l|flp ,
Albany, on Tuesday - - -
Stnrkville, on Wednesday - 23rd “
Amerirus, on Thursday -,- 24th “
Vienna, Dooly Cos. Saturdax 26tlt “
—— *
CtT’-We would call the attention of our
subscribers to oun published Terms, and re
quest those who have not complied, to do
so without delay, as our expenses are con
stantly moving on, and without the means
we cannot lessen them.
If payment is not made by the Ist of
October, we will be compelled to claim an
additional Fifty Cents on each subscriber
then in arrears.
(£7* We are authorized to say that the
NLort. Robert Trtotnbs, will be at Ameri
ctia on the 24di inst., with Mr. Uofob.
delegates to the Senatorial
Convention for the district composed of
the counties of Macon and Marion, will
meet at Poindexter on WEDNESDAY
23rd. instead of I6tli inst.
C7“J. S. W. Received tdb late for
this week.
A. A. B’s Communication, unavoida
bly crowded out this week will appear
next, would like to see your prixe tale.
What a Change.
That the Southern Rights Democratic Se
cession Party, have, within a year or a little
over, turned a complete political sotm-rsett,
we presume no one will deny, But to place
it beyond the possibility of denial, we shall
make a few extracts front President Jack
son's proclamation to the people of South
Carolina. We should commence with the
uncontradictable assertion that, with but few
exceptions, all who now belong to the South
ern Rights Democratic Secession Party,
were Jackson men when the above mentioned
proclamation was issued. This being the
cese we will see what Jackson said in rela
tion tu the right of a State to secede from the
Union:
‘lf this doctrine had heen established at
an earlier day. the Union would have
been dissolved in its infancy. The ex
cise law in Pennsylvania, the embargo
and non-intercourse in the Eastern States,
the cariage tax in Virginia, were all
deemed unconstitutional, and were more
unequal in their operation than any of
the laws now complained of; but fortune-
Hiely none of those States discovered
that they had the right now claimed by
South Carolina . The war into which
we were lort-ed, to support the dignity of
the nation, and -he rights of our citizens,
might have endeed in defeat and di-gare,
instead ol victory and honor, if the Stale
who supposed it a ruinous and unennsti
lutional measure, had thought they pus*
sessed (lie right of nullifying the art by
which it was declared, and denying sup
plies fur its prosection. Hardly and un
equally as those measures bore upon seve
ral members of the Union, to the Legi-ia
tures of none did this efficient and peace
able remedy, as it is called, suggest itself.
The discovery of this important feature
in our constitution, was reserved to the
present day. To the statesmen of Small
Carolina belongs the invention, and upon
ihe|citisens of that State will unfortuneaie.
Iv fall the evils of reduciug it to prac.
tire.
If the dorlrin of a State votn upon the
laws of the Union, carries with it internal
evidence of its impracticable absurdity,
nur constitutional history also afford a.,
bundant proofthat it would have been re
pudiated with indignation had it been
to lorm a feature in our Govv
pfrnmant.
In our colonial state, although deped
ent on mother power, we very early con
sidered ourselves connected by common
interest w ith each other. Leagues w ere
formed for common defence, and before
the Declaration of Independence, we
were known in our aggregate character,
as the United Colonies of America. — I
That decisive and importadl step was
taken jointly. We declared ourselves a
! nation by a joint, not by several acts,and
when the terms of our confederation were
reduced to lorm, it was in that of a sleinn
league of se via I States, by which they
wonld collectively form one nation for the
purpose of conducting some certain do
mestic concerns, and all foreign relations.
In the instrument forming that Union, is
fond an article which declares that -‘ every
State shall abide by the determiaiios of
Congrss, on all question which by that
confederation should be submitted to
them.'*
Under the confederation, the, no
could legally annul a decision of the Clm
gress, or refuse to submit to its cmHf
lion.” • • *
“I consider, then, the powejgto annul a
law of the United Stat-s, assiflpa* bv one
Stale, incompatible with tlllHiislence of
the Union, contradicted jffl|Pfsly by the
letter of the CnnStitutiriE iin mtlmmed
by iis spirit, every prin
ciple on wliicijg|^j^v| ( iunde(l, and des.-
tructi'e of the great oj-ct (or w hich it
‘vasjijfuteth” • • •
“The constitution of tite United States,
ihen, forms a government, not a league,
-thd whether it be formed by compact be
tween the States, or in any other manner,
its character is the same. It is a govern
ment in w hich all the people are represen
ted, which operates directly on the people
tndix idiiallv, not upon the Stales—they
retained all the power they did not grant.
But each Slat- having expressly parted
with so many powers as to constitute
jointly with the other States, a single
Nation, cannot foim that period, po-sess
any right to seceed, because such secess.
i>m does not break a league, but destroys
the unity of a Nation, and any injury to
that unity is not only a branch which—
would result from the contravention of a
compact, but it is an offence against the
whole Union. Tosay that anv State may
at pleasure seceed front the Union, is to
say, that the United States are not a
nation ; because it would be a solecism
jm contend that any part of a nation—
might dissolve its connexion with the oth
er parts, to their injury <>r ruin, without
cmnmiting any offence. Secession, like
any other revolutionary act, may be mor
ally ju-tified by the extremity of nppres- j
siotr; but to call it a constitutional right
ij> confounding the meaning W terms, and
can unly be done through gross error, or
to deceive those who are willing lo assert
a right, but would pause celore they made
i: revolution or incur the penalties conse
quent on a failure.
The above extracts are sufficiently expli- j
cit to convince any who am willing to be
convinced, tbot President Jackson, denied
the right of secession, and declares it as un
constitutional and its exercise, destructive to
the country, except it be when the States are j
required to submit to unconstitutional laws
imposed upon them by the General Govern
ment. But here is Jackson's own language;
“Mark, my fellow citizens, that by the ad
mission of your leaders, the unconstitutional
ily must he palpable, or it will hot jurtify
either resistance or nulification ! What is the
meaning of the word palpable in the sense in
which it is here used! that which is apparent
to every one, mat which no man of ordinary
intellect will fail to perceive.”
Now we would simply ask, is there an un
constitutionality of the recent compromise
law passed by Congress of that description,
can any man of ordinary intellect, pronounce
it such! We call on Jackson's old firiends,
now the Democratic Secession Party, to na.
swer the question. They cannot answer it
in the affirmative without committing them
selves, as may be seen by refetring to a res
olution of the Democratic Convention, held
at Milledgeville in 1847, which may be found
in another column. In that resolution they
avowed a desire that Congress should not in
terfere with the institution of Slavery in the
Territory at all, but that it should be left en
tirely with die it,habitants to decide whether
it should or should not exist. The Demo
cratic Convention held at Milledgeville in
1848, it will also be Seen declared that that
tesolittion correctly set forth the opinions of
the Democracy of Georgia. Yet in the face
of til this, after declaring that the people of
tlie Territories should have the right to form
a Constitution just as they desired in relation
to Slavery, and after the perple had formed
a Constitution, because they chose to pro
hibit Slavery, and Congreas did not refuse
them admission into the Union on that
ground, they at once turned right about, de
clared the wholo affair an unconstitutional
act, that the people had no right to form such
Constitution, and that Congress had no
right to admit California with any tuch Con
stitution, and in order the South might get
redress for this imagined wrong they declare
ed it absolutely necessary that the Union
should be dissolved.
There is a striking analogy between the
position occupied by South Carolina in the
days of Nriification and that now occupied
by the Democratic Secession party of Geor
gia. South Carolina was determined to se
cede if all the acts for raising revenue were
I not repoaled, if this was not done in a given
’ day or anv attempt was made to execute
the laws, the Slate was declared by an Ordi
nance, to be out of the Union. Well, itya
was the language of the Democratic Secflßj
sion Party: “If the xvhole of
admitted as a free State and Uujl and New
Mexico are permitted to hajfflt Territorial
Governments which do nowpiiblish Slave.-
ry, the Uninu shall ba dissolved.” And the
only ining that Das prevented them from
into execution is that a
niajiy)'*nd a large majority of the South
era people have never seen any palpable un-
IHpitiitionuliiy that called for either resis
[ temce or mdifitation. Like Jackson, they
htsust see this before they can even acknowl
edge a right to secede.
In conclusion we wish to ask those xvho
have always professed to be Jackson men,
a few questions: Can you,'after reading
the above extracts, taken from Jackson's
Proclamation, longer identify yourselves
with the present Southern Rigltls Democratic
Secession party! Can yon raise your voices
with that party iu the cry of “resistance”
when no cause for resistance exists! Presi
dent Jackson asserted that the grievance
must be palpable to all men of ordinary in’
tellects belore even resistance was called sot.
Mr. Cobb’s Letter of Acceptance.
Eatonton, June 18, 1851.
Hon. Howell Cobb— Sir: At a Con
vention receutly held of the Constitutional
Union Party; you were unanimously nomi
nated as their candidate for the Chief Magis
tracy of Georgia. The undersigned were
appointed a committee to notify you of your
nomination, and to solicit your acceptance.
In the performance ol this duty, we may
add, that many of that Convention, were
those with whom you have hitherto agreed
upon the political issues which have divided
e e couolry; many were those who have hitb
rto differed from you on those issues. Yet all
animated by an ardent love for the preser
vation of that government which has been
transmitted to ns by Washington—now, when
an imperilled Union demands the loyalty of
every patriotic heart, forgetting all past dif
ferences of meie policy, and striving after a
higher and nobler object, have united to save
that Union itself.
Not only has the spirit of fanaticism else
where but that of ultraism among us, sought
| to destroy the principles of our government
as expounded by Washington, Jefferson and
; Madison, but it has even sought to lay its
SHcriligipus hands upon the government it
self and to throw into revolution and anarchy
that which is the freest, happiest and best on
earth.
To avert this calamity and preserve this
Union, upon the principles of the constitu-
united the heart and purposes of
that pojgtion of the ppople of Georgia who
were represented in the late Convention of
the Constitutional Union party. By that
party, with spell principles, you have been
nominated for the Chief Mag
istracy of Georgia.
Permit us t add the expression of our in
dividual picferenceh as to its acceptance.
Your ob’t. serv’ts.
JAS. A. MERIWETHER,
W. H. HULL,
jno. mill edge,
W. T..WOFFORD,
T. W. THOM AS.
Athens, Ga., June 23, 1851.
Gentlemen:— l have this day received
your letter of the 18th inst.. informing me of
my nomination by the Convention of the
Constitutional Union party of Georgia, fur
the office of Governor. With a full appre
ciation of the liquor which the Convention
has conferred upon me, I accept the nomina
tion, and, if elected, will endeavor faithfully
to discharge tilts duties of the office.
The resolutions adopted by your Conven
tion, present in distinct tetmsto the people
of the State, an issue involving the peace
and repose of the country, if not the very
existence of the Union. No one can over
estimate the importance ol the decission
which is to be pronounced by tile people up
on it and it, is only a due estimate of the con
sequences dependant upon tlm result, that
we can look for a judgment worthy of the
intelligence and patriotism of our fellow,
citizens.
During the existing scenes that character
ized the deliberation of the last Congress on
tne slavery question, the public mind was di
rected with intense anxiety lo the action of
our national legislature. Every patriotic
heart in the land felt that the issues us life
and death were involved in the final adjust
ment of that angry and exciting contest,
which was threatening the overthrow of the
noblest structure ever erected by human wis
dom—the American Union. That result, so
long and anxiously louked for by the people
of the States, was si length consummated by
iheir representatives, in the adoption of those
bills familiarly known to (lie coumry at the
• adjustment’ or • compromise measures.’ I
do nut propose at this time to discuss those
measures—it would not be altogether appro
priate to the occaion, even if I felt impelled
to such a course by the apprehension of any
doubt existing in the public mind in reference
to ray vir ws on this subject. I have alluded
to the subject as introductory tQ another
growing omof tho* measures srhith rT*-
lenges, in an emphatic manner, the public at
tention, from recent political movements in
our own neighboring States.
- When, in consequence of the passage of
the compromise bills by Congress, the peo
ple of Georgia were summoned to a Conven
tion, to consider of the course and policy
which the adoption ot those measure*regular
ed then, to pursue, we all felt thatdreura.
stances had devolved upon our a res
ponsibiUtayif no ordinary character, but one
intelligence and patriotism of her
The anxiety manifested in reference to the
action of that Convention was not confined
to the limits of our own State. It was felt
throughout the length and breadth of the
Union and was second in intensity only to
the solicitude which had previously been ex
hibited about the adoption of the measures,
which had caused its assemblage. The
question which that Convention was called
upon to consider, were discussed by the pub
lic press—by our public speakers—in private
conversation —indeed in every mode known
to the political canvass, with unusual warmth
and marked ability. It is certainly no re
flection upon previous political struggle
in our state to say that on no former occa
sion, was there more talent, learning, re
search and patriotism brought into requisi
tion, than by the respective friends and aiL
vocates of the various policies indicated in
the course of the canvass. The representa
tives selected under these circumstances as
sembled in convention; a body of as wise
and patriotic men as ever before convened
iu any State in the Union. They came
fresh from the people fully entrusted with
their wishes, and empowered to speak ao
thoiitatively for them ; and in the name of
their constituencies, they placed upon the re
cord of our States the enlightened judgment
of an honest and patiiotic people. It is un
necessary for me here to speak of the action
of the Convention in detail. It is of too re
cent occurrence, and, therefore, too familiar
to the people to require a recital of it. Not
only will it be remembered what was the ac
tion of the Convention, but should likewise
he borne in mind that it met the approving
voice of the people throughout the State.
The universal sentiment of approval whieh
greeted the representatives upon their return
to iheir respective constituencies, was ten
dered the most striking and temarkabla
by the feeble and occasional muttering* of
the few restless and discontented spirits who
xviihheld their sanction. Who supposed at
that time that theie would have been stray
ed in a few months a political organixatioa
in the State based upon a repudiation of this
wise, just, and enlightened judgmeutof tbs
people.
If the people of Georgia are prepared to
reverse a decission so’iccently and solemnly
made, and madly to rush the ship of State in’
to the gulf of disunion, in obedience to tbs
summons of a neighboring Slate, then it is
manifest that lam not the man to select
for their Chief Magistrate. For, while
I concede that the South has cause of
complaint against the North for their con*
duct in the past, in connection with the
question of slavery, yet i must, in can.,
dour declare that there is nuthing which
in tny judgment, will justify us in dissolv
ing a government formed by Washington
and Lis immortal compeers, and which
the committee are right in pronouncing
‘ the freest, happiest, and best in the
world.’ h will be a dark day for liberty
throughout the world, when this step ifc
taken.
The effect produced throughout th
Union by the action of that convention
is not only grateful to our feelings of
State pride, but should not be without it#
influence upon our minds, when we are
invited to a reconsideration of the decit
ion which was then prononneed. With
our sister States of the South, and with
the patriotic friends of the Union every
where the action of tliak Convention was
hailed c ult exhilimii of unhotagoded ap
plause. The hmrst encomiumsrhixere
passed upon the (tisdom intelligence suM||
patriotism of its atttnbers, as exhibited iu
their firm and unyielding devotion to the
rights of the South, the constitution of
the country and the Union of the States.
Georgia, already proudly pre eminent
among her sister States, was thus elevat
ed to a yet higher and uobler position.—
As one of her citizens, I give to the ac
tion ot her Convention my warm, cor*
dial, and unreserved approval, and am
prepared to give to the maintenance of
her decision my best efforts. She has
declared, in the most solemn manner, that
* she can, consistently with the honor,
abide by the general scheme of pacifica*
non.,’ In that declaration I fully con*
n.r. When I give to this action of her
Convention my unqualified approval, l
do not feel that my native State has re
quired me, as one of her citizens, to sub
mit to an act of degradation. / will cast
upon her the ungrateful reflection that
she has taxed the allegiance of her cili*
zens, to the extent of requiring at their
humiliating submission to a con*
condition of degradation and inequality
among her sister States, li is ski.hlar
different feelings that 1 regard Iter action,
/ look upon her in the proud position
w hich she occupies in this confederacy of
of States, and feel m blush ol shame man*
thng my cheeks a* / read her history i
the pas,-realise ler present pre-emi
nence—and look forward to the bright
prospect winch the future opens before
• lf hou d * hoW!>Ver Ae time ever ar
rive when the conditions of her remain
mg in the confederacy * re degradation
Vr
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