Newspaper Page Text
VOLUME IV.
Xj^Qx^
Offlcial Qrgan of the Patrons of Husbandry.
THE SOVEREIGN PEOPLE IN CONSTI
TUTIONAL CONVENTION.
First nay's Session.
Th 6 Convention, called for the pur
pose of revising the Constitution of
Georgia, assembled at the capitol, in
this city, on Wednesday, 11th inffttbnt.
Every delegate except two, was present.
The following is ' a list of the dele
gates, arranged by Congressional Dis
tricts, in which form they will serve on
the several oommittees:
First Congressional District—A. R Lawton, J
L Warren, J M Guerard, John Screven, W T
Thompson, Waring Russell, A. G Smith, Stephen
F Keller, H G Home, W R Gignilliat, W P Con
ley, C C Grace, M L Mershon, J R Bachlott, W
A McDonald, Neil McLeod, J C Deli, VV D Bran
nen, H H Perrv, W B Jones, J B Heath, Seaborn
Hall.
Second Congressional District —Green Whiddeu,
J D Knight, J Bryant Creech, B Cliauncy, Isaac
H Haud, J B Twitty, Henry Gav, James L
Seward, Augustus H Hansell, R R Jenkins, Ben
E Russell. John E Donaldson. J S Clifton, Nel
son Tift, John A Davis, L C Sale, David Goff, B
P Burnett, S L Williams, B L Stephens.
Third Congressional District—} M Spence, D
P MeCrimmon, David Sapp, O P Swearingen, R
W Anderson, M N Mcßae, George F Cooper. T
M Furlow, Joseph Y Scott, A H Grier, J C
Ellington, John H Itespass, W S Wallace, J L
Wimberly, Isaac W Stokes, T L Guerrv, D B
Harrell, William Wells.
Fourth Congressional District —JohnT Glover,
Jotiu T Longiuo, Hugh Buchanan, L H Feather
stone, W A J Phillips, K D Bender, W A Little,
Porter Ingram, Francis Fountalne, J W Hewed,
J D Wliaou 8 W Harris, R L Rowe, S M Aubry,
X L Hardy, L G Willis, W R Gorman, WI Hud
son. J M Mobley.
Fifth Congressional District —L J Gartrell, N
J Hammond, P L Mynatt, John Collier, Ben E
Crane, J T Spence, L M Tyo, R R Rogers, L J
Wynn, M D Stroud, A VV Holcombe, B F Tharp,
J M Davis, Eli Warren. B W Sanford, A D Ham
mond, L A Ponder, W H H Bush, J A Hunt, T
J Barrett, F D Dismuke, C 8 Westmoreland, E
A Flewellen, John Diekey.
Sixth Congressional District —F C Furman,
Thomas F Newell, Thomas J Simmons, W A
Lofton, W H Ross, John H McCallum, J C Key,
A S Hamilton, J T Coney, James M. Pace, O 8
Porter, E B Rosser. T A Gibbs, Thomas G Law
son R B Nisbet. E C Grier, Franklin Chambers,
E J Coats, P W Edge.
Seventh Congressional District —W T Wofford,
John H Fitten. Abda Johnson, A K Wright, D B
Hamilton, Nathan Bass, S Harkins James B
Brown, E E Fields, N Lowe. J W Robertson, A
G Mclntosh, G W Roberts, T G McFarland, R M
Paris, J 0 Fain, W J Head, L N Trammell, W K
Moore. Sam Carter, J G Denton, N J Tumlin.
Eigh'h Congressional District— Paul C Hud
eon, H It Casey, W H Mattox, W G Brady, D G
Phillips, J G Cain, Adam' Johnston, George R
Sibley, Robert H May, Charles J Jenkins, J D
Mathews, W G Johnson. Miles W Lewis, Co
lumbus Heard, D N Sanders. George F Pierce,
C W Dulioee, J N Mercier, J H Hicks, Georgo F
Bristow, John 8 Johnston R L Warthen, II N
Hollifield. W M Reese, Robert I ombs.
Ninth Congressional District —B A Camp, JJ J
SbepparJ, M Graham, M Bryan, Pope Barrow,
Andrew Jackson, Wier Boyd, A F Underwood, C
J Wellborn, J G Stephens, W T Day, E J Henry,
David Garren, W W Scott. S G Howell, R D
Winn, Oliver Clark, T G Underwood. S II Moso
ly, D O Osborn, Augustus Reese, Joshua Hill.
The Convention was called to order
at 12 m., by General Gartrell, of Fulton.
On motion, Hon. T. L. Gaerry, of Quit
man, was unanimously cbosen tempo
rary chairman. He assumed the chair
with brief and ■ appropriate remarks.
After roll call the Convention went into
permanent organization. Amid great
applause, General Lawton, of Chatham,
nominated Ex-Governor Charles J.
Jenkins for President of the Conven
tion by acclamation. The motion pre
vailed with unanimous voice, and a
committee of three was appointed to
notify Governor Jenkins of his elec
tion, and conduct him to the chair.
Governor Jenkins assumed the chair
amid enthusiastic applause, and pro-
ceeded to address the Convention as
follows:
ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT JENKINS.
Gentlemen of the Convention —We have as
sembled to execute a most important trust,
confided to us by a noble constituency and in
volving immense responsibilities. Government
is essential to sooiety and the progress of civil
ization. It exists among the nations of the
world in various forms, according to their vary
ing ideas of expediency. In absolute monarch
ies the will of the potentate is the law of the
subject, for in him abide sovereignty and gov
ernment. fnsuch a social organization all ideas
of limitation and 'division of powers is excluded,
but among us very different ideas of social
polity obtain. We hold that the people are of a
right, and must continue to be, sovereign. But,
inasmuch as in a population so numerous as
ours, spread over so great an extent of terri
tory, the people cannot, in the nature of things,
govern aggregately, the disposition is to dele
gate to selected members of the body politic
specific powers ; aud, inasmuch as the delega
tion of all tlies3 powers to a single individual,
or to a certain number ot individuals, for any
time would not bo safe the pedient has been
adopted of dividing and limiting them. Under
such polity two distinct systems, or bodies, of
law are necessary; one emanating directly from
the people, providing for the appointment of
certain agents or bodies of magistracy to con
duct the government in its ordinary course, pre
scribing the mode and manner of their appoint
ment, prescribing their terms of service and
delegating to each class its proper fuuotions
and powers, and denominated fundamental, or
Constitutional 1-w, T.i.o. o.tbvr sjiActed by one
of the bodies of magistracy and ffhoject to be
changed or abolished by them, regulating the
conduct of men iu their mutual relations, de
fining and proteoting the rights of persons and
property, and providing means to carry on the
government established by the people, aud de
nominated statutory law.
Although the fundamental law should be in
its nature abiding, seldom subjected to change,
in the progress of events, in the onward match
of civilization, experience may demonstrate to
the wisest people the necessity of changing the
organization, or the mode of appointment, or
the tenuro of one or all of tho bodies of migis
traoy charged with the government of the State
—of enlarging or curtailing the powers of one
or all.
Numerous and cogent reasons might bo as
signed, showing the absolute propriety of mod
ifying at this time tho Constitution of Georgia—
soma drawn from tho authority by which and the
circumstances under which it was constructed
and adopted, others suggested by inherent de
fects of the instrument. But here and now this
would be supererogatory. The Legislature
haviug submitted to tho people themselves
whether they will or will not convene for the
purpose of framing anew their Constitution,
they, in their wisdom, have determined that
they will, aud have doputed us to frame one and
submit it for their consideration. [Applause. |
It would bo equally inappropriate for me on this
occasion to attempt even a sketch of such an
instrument as would meet the exigencies of the
times.
In the discharge of this great duty you will,
with such formalities as you may desire, hear
suggestions, compare views, endeavor to har
monize 0 inflicting opinions, and then digest the
weighty matter of your earnest lucubrations.
But i trust yon will receive kindly a few gener
al suggestions, some of which, if adopted, will,
I think, facilitate the great work upon which
you aro entering, n&now the field of inquiry
and promote concession and final agreement.
First, then, the interests of the State at large,
the grand body politic, should be 1 egardod as
paramount to local considerations. The last,
coming into conflict and persistently adhered to,
sometimes defeat reforms far more important
than all the antagonizing interests.
The essential differeucebetween constitution
al and statutory law, already alluded to, should
be kept steadily in view. There are principles
inherent to republican government indispensa
ble to its success. There are acts which gov
ernment (as distinguished from sovereignty.)
should be commanded to perform ; and there
aro acts to which government might be tempted
by the urgency of ill-digested public opinion,
but which, traced to final r.sults, imperil
Eublic welfare, and whioh government should
e prohibited from doing. These propositions
are not stated for the purpose of covering the
whole ground, bit for illustration, aud these
and suoh like matters, lie properly within the
pale of constitutional law.
Again, there are matters of law which involve
no great fundamental principle, whioh depend
upon considerations of expediency growing out
of evor varying circumstances and which, being
tested, often call for speedy amendment or abro
gation. There is such a thing as legitimate
tentative legislation, and where experiment
discloses error, repeal or modification should be
prompt, easy and inexpeusive.
By leaving out of tho fundamental law pro
visions, either amendatory or prohibitory,
which it should contain, too great latitude is
given to legislative discretion and the omission
to do what should bo done, or tho doing of what
Hliouid not be done, may entail irreparable in
jury- _
By including in the fundamental law matters
whioh are proper subjects of statutory regula
tion, you may render tbe assembling of the
people in convention too frequent, and bring the
Constitution itself into contempt. Both theso
extremes should be carefully avoided.
We live in a progressive age, but progress is
sometimes in u wrong direction, sometimes too
rapid, again at times, in particular interests,
nuduly accelerated by the adoptionof measures
inimical to tho general welfare. The doctrine
generally maintained as to legislatures of the
sovereign States of the American Union is, that
they may make all laws which they shall deem
necessary and.proper for the wolfare of Hie
State, and whioh shall be consistent with th
Constitution of the State and not repugnant to
the Constitution of the United States. Indeefl,
such a grant of power is incorporated exprosHy
in the Constitutions of most of the States. It
FRANKLIN PRINTING HOUSE, ATLANTA, GA., JULY 14, 1877.
is so in that under which we live. Now, re
curring to the spirit of progress before aliudod
to, and comparing the legislation of Georgia in
the early days of the Republic with tho scope of
that of this day, it will, I think, be found (hr. .
the Legislature has, in the recent past, dealt
with the resources of the State, which are the
pocke s of tho people, in a way never dreamed
of in that earlier day. I may montion as an ex
ample the plodging of tho public faith and cred
it in aid of private enterprises. Those are
often undertaken without slot adequate to the
end, and credit is relied upon to supply the defi
ciency. Asa question between borrower aud
lender it may well be left to thoir discretion ;
but when the latter demands and the former
sues for State endorsement, it assumes anew
an! startling aspect. Barriers against such
legislation were deemed unnecessary in the
time of slower, but surer, progress; it may
well be considered whether they are not now
essential!
Tho proposition that in a popular sovereignty
the education of the masses is a consideration
of the highest moment, cannot be disputed.
There are often measures proposed in advance
of legislative action which have been advocated,
and their opponents and the people are called
upon to cast their votes for or against those
measures, by voting for these advocates or their
opponents. But many of the peoplo as are
not sufficiently educated to weigh argume <
pro and con., vote in the dark, cast vori- by
personal favoritism only, which, neverthok
count in making up the majority that passes for
sovereign judgm nt upon grave measures of ,
State policy. It is sometimes said the eduoa- 1
tion of the masses is immaterial, because in i
every country, in ev- y age, grave
measures are original t and carried out
few highly cultivated minds,
may grant this to be oct.
be given to it as a practical proposition. i
iu popular sovereignties those loading
must be placed in position to act by the suffrage
of the masses, aud if that suffrage be east
without reference to the theories or the pro
posed policies of opposing candidates, the
ballot decides no principle, in effect airA
iity. A much lower standard of education
will suffice to understand measures originated
and explained, than that requisite to orginate
and explain them. Bat there must be, to some
extent, mental invigoration and enlargement by
education ai processes—there must bo instilled
into the mind some general political principles,
by which the soundness of theories or measures
proposed, may be tested. Aud that individual
who has not been educated to this point, and it
is not a very high one, or very difficult of attain
ment, is unprepared for the exercise of the sov
ereignty in which he participate!. ThereforY
the State is in duty bound to take measures which
will place such limited education within reach of
the masses. (Applause.) If it be true thai reli
ance must be lmd, at last, upon a few leading
minds, it will not be questioned that those minds
require a very high grade of education. They
must be worked up to such vigor aud grasp of
thought, and furnished with such stores of know
ledge, as will enable them to investigate, and
understand, and elucidate the most /hfficult
problems of political science. And how is this
to be obtained? Only in the higher institutions
of learning—in those designated by the compre
hensive title of universities, so-called, becauso
they are supposed capable of teaching every
thing that may be learned. I lay it dowiias a
self-evident proposition, that every {fople
claiming to be sovereign, and duly exercising
tho attributes of sovereignty, should, and must,
if tine to themselves, have such an mstitutiou.
(Applause.) Tako Georgia for an example How
else is she to be provided with those leading
minds, who are to guide the masses through the
intricate processes of government ?
Well, you say that her youths must go, for this
education to, and Become pupils of, universi
ties in other States of the Union, or in foreign
countries !
ltefleot, that they may there receive teachings
incompatible with our ideas of good government.
Rut look at tho proposition in another point of
view. Reduce it to its last analysis, aud what
is it ? Just this, that the sovereignty of Geor
gia must remain forever under the pupilage of
other sovereignties. Is this compatiule with
the dignity—is it compatible with the honor of
the Empire State of the South ? Will it be said
that Georgia has now an univorsity ? Yes, she
has an university, by name, but, trust me, it is in
an embryo state. Its trustees have beou earnest
in their endeavors to expand it, and give it the
body aud the appliances of an university. But
it is a most mortifying fact that the means are
wanting. Without more liberal endowment tho
obj ect cannot be accomplished. (Applause.)
My fixed belief is, that Georgia will not be
true to hersolf until she shall havo provided an
ample endowment for common school and uni
versity education. I know and foil the burdens
of the people at this time, and I know and feel
that, with tho heavy losses of property they have
sustained, and witli the tremendous financial
depression which perv&deH the country at this
timo, an immediate aud full endowment of theso
enterprises is not to be expected. But, I believe
that a system oan be devised, by which these
great objects can be accomplished within a few
years, gradually, without increasing the pecu
niary burdens now rosting on tho people, and I
think you will agree with me that the gieat ob
ject is worthy of the most serious consideration,
[ Applause)
I utter no caution against class legislation, or
discrimination against oar citizens of African
descent. I feel a perfect assurance that there
is no member of this body who would propose
suoh action, and if tliero was, he would soon
find himself without a following. That portion
of our population aro coming to see, and will
soon realize, that those who once occupied a
different relation to them, fully roooguize tho
change that has elevated their civil status, and
are, in truth, their best friends. [Applause.]
It is unnecessary to speak of our Federal re
lations. Those ore oroatod by, and well defined
in, the Constitution of the United States. All
right-minded men see and know that Georgia is
observing striot fidelity to them, and, there"or,
used make no uow pledges, assume no obliga
tion*, upon that Constitution, h ntiroly outside
of these relations, Georgia has a reserved sov-
erekJty and a govornmo.;t to maintain. This
is th| precise field of our labors, and there is in
it aßpe enough for the grandest intellect and
tliAdfit ardent patriotism. Limiting ourselves
usMs sphere of action, keeping steadily in view,
aa"Bv polar star, the reserved sovereignty of
G?ia—looking to the enlightenment of her
pcßlo, tho development of hor resources, and
ha* ‘.eady progress in civilization—let us en-
U@M>r to frame for her a Constitution, which
generations of a remote future shall regard as
tin palladium of their sacred liberty aud their
utixmnding prosperity.
“■Wilder you, gentlemen, my most gratef il
acknowledgements for the high honor you have
cdiferred by placing me in this chair. I shall
•ig&post happy if, at the conclusion of vonr la
fFs. yo'i feel no regret at the choice you havo
Wftc of a presiding officer. Moro than a quarter
q( a century has passed since I have had any
experience in suoh a position, timo enough to
have forgotten much of the limited parliamen
t-iy knowledge I may then have acquired. I
ciinot, therefore, promise you great efficiency
A’act in the discharge of the duty devolving
Won me. I can give you the most positive as-
JmrSnco of a desire and purpose, as far as iu me
r.cs, to be always right, impartial, just and cour
teous. You can aid mo very much, gontlemen,
and economize time and money, by striotly ob
'"rving the rnlos you may adopt for your own
government, and condensing whatever of avgu
\ont you may feel inclined to offer to your as-
Loiates, as far as may be compatible with your
]?ent e of duty.
J The address was listened to with
[profound attention.
L-Cn motion, it was agreed to vote viva
for secretary, doorkeeper and mes-
L.ecger. - .
A resolution fixing the total pay for
clerical labor of the Convention at S3O
per day, was adopted. ,
The election for secretary resulted in
the election of Mr. J. C. Nesbit, of
Dade, he receiving 110 votes; Mr. H.
H. Cabanis3, of Monroe, his opponent,
received 7 5 votes.
On motion, Mr. A. Johnson, of Hart,
was elected doorkeeper by acclamation.
Mr. James R. Smith, of Coffee, was
elected messenger. ’
After some farther discussion, the
Convention adjourned to 5 p.m.
AFTERNOON SESSION.
5 O’clock.
The resolution in reference to draw
ing of seats was acted upon, and mem
bers were seated.
After considerable discussion on tbe
resolution to appoint a standing com
mittee on constitutional amendments,
and a consideration of various substi
tutes offered therefor, the resolution
offered by Mr. Matthews, of Oglethorpe,
was put to the Convention and adopted.
The resolution is as follows :
Resolved, That in order to conveniently and
efficiently transact the business of this Conven
tion. the president be authorized to appoint
thirteen standing committees of nine members
eaoli, each congressional district to have ono
representative on each of said eommittees, to
consider the existing Constitution of this State,
and to report upon the Bame, with such recom
mendations as may be deemed necossary and
proper, to-wit:
1. A eommitteo on the bill of rights.
2. A committee on tho legislative department.
8. A committee on tho executive department.
4. A committee on the judicial department.
5. A committee on elective franchise
6. A committee on education.
7. A committee on public institution.
8. A committee on finance, taxation and pub
lic debt.
a. A committee on militia.
10. A committee on counties and county offi
cers .
11. A committee on homestead and exemp
tions.
12. A committee on laws of general operation
in foroe in this State.
13. A committee on amendments to the con
stitution and miscellaneous provisions.
Resolved, That a committee on tho order,
consistency, and harmony of the whole Consti
tution, be appointed by the President, to consist
of two members selected from each of the said
thirteen standing committees, to which final
committee of revision the said thirteen commit
tees shall make their reports.
Tho President, by general consent,
appointed Messrs. Harrell, Simmons,
Wellborn, Lawton and Trammell, a
committee to report rules for tbe gov
ernment of the Convention,
On motion, the Convention adjourned
to 9 o’clock, a. m., Thursday.
A farmer at Mount Sterling, Ken
tucky, has obtained a fine sample of
sugar from tho bloom of the common
poplar tree. It is granulated in ap
pearance and snowy in color.
metallurgy and Practical Mining 111
Georgia.
[From the Atlanta Independent.]
Mr. Cross, who is mining for gold
in Meriwether county, near Grant
ville, thinks that he has the best
amalgamating process in use in
Georgia, and no doubt he has. Mr.
Cross’s arrangement of copper plates
is undoubtedly the best now in prac
tical use, iu addition to which houses
an amalgamating pan, in the bottom
of which is kept a large quantity of
quicksilver. The tailings are con
veyed directly from the copper plates
to this iron pan, where they are stirred
by mullers that just scrape the top
of the quicksilver. The tailings are
discharged continuously through plug
holes in the side of the pan, and this,
Mr. Cross thinks, is almost perfect
amalgamation. Asa result, he gets
25 dwts of gold in the amalgamator to
every 100 dwts on the plates. What
must other mills lose where the ar
rangement of plates is less perfect,
and no means used to save gold that
the plates do not catch.
But Mr. Cross loses more than he
saves. A thorough amalgamation
would give him two hundred penny-
Weights in the amalgamator to every
100 dwis on the plates. He
does not claim that he get* nearly all
the gold, but claims some credit for
doing better than any one else does.
Mr. Cross claims that his gold is
coarse, so that the ore does not re
quire to be pulverized as fine as some
other ores, aud that it is more easily
saved. In this he is surely mistaken.
The ore pans well and shows a great
deal of coarse gold, but there is a
corresponding amountof fine gold, and
the fine gold he does not save by his
method of working.
Some of the Meriwether ores have
more coarse gold than others, but ores
called very lean, are really rich in fine
gold, which could be saved as easily
as the coarse, by a thorough amalga
mation. From ores containing only
fine gold, nothing, or nearly nothing,
is baved on copper plates, or by the
common method of amalgamation.
But if the ore is ground fine, and every
particle of it brought in contact with
mercury, the fine gold will be more
readily taken up than the coarse gold
would have been. If the ore is free
from sulphur there will be uo trouble,
but if it contains sulphur it must be
roasted until it is entirely free. To
roast the ores thoroughly, they must
first be thoroughly pulverized and
then roasted in suspension. This is
the cheap and quick way of desulphur
izing them, and in fact the only way
of doing it perfectly. It is to be
hoped that a mill will soon be at work
in Atlanta, where these principles can
be fully and satisfactorily demon
strated. The writer has tried all
these various methods of working
ores, and writes now from a knowl
edge gained by experience. A great
deal is lost by not concentrating the
ores. The mechanical operation, first,
is picking, stamping and washing the
ores. The chemical is, the roasting
or calcination Separating the frag
ments of rocks that apparently con
tain no metallic matter from those
that contain more or less, simplifies
the working very much, as the gold
is much more easily saved from rich
ores than poor. The external aspect
guides this separation, as also the
feeling of density in the hand. In
Hungary they use step washings aud
iron gratings to concentrate, after
heating the ore up rather coarse.
It is a common error with miners
to treat all ores alike, and it causes
great loss. Where ores are to be
chemically treated, it is especially
necessary to make an assay of every
lot worked. It is also common for
every miner of free ores, to believe
that if he knows how to feed a mill
right, he has the whole trade of mill
ing- ,
The mechanical work of saving
gold, is just as particular as the
NUMBER 20.
chemical, and to know how to handle
the pick and shovel, is not enough to
entitle a man to the place of mill
man. In this countrr there has been
a great deal of money spent in look
ing for veins where there were none.
It is the common argument that
where there is gold there must be a
vein near to feed the deposit. Cir
cumstances compel the belief that
this is not necessarily a fact. For in
stance, the Oreo contains no gold
except from Pont, to its junction with
the Po. The Ticino affords gold only
below the Lago Maggiore, having
passed through a lake of still water
where gold, if carried, must have been
precipitated. The Bhine gives more
gold near Strasburg than near Basle,
though the latter be much nearer the
mountains. The bauds of the Danube
do not contain a grain of gold, while
the river runs in a mountainous
region—that is from the frontiers of
the historic of Passau to Efferding—
but its rands become auriferous in the
plains below.
A mass of alluvial gold weigh
ing pounds avoirdupois, was
found in gravel pits of the creeks
of Rockdale, in the district of Leb
anon, iu North PayiUnn. In* Quito,
a mass weighing 100 pounds was
found ; in Foes
get weighing fourulßfcesj wasffpw!’*
by an old woman; in Lumpkin, at
the Wood mine, a nugget was found
weighing seventy-five pennyweights.
Nuggets have been found in Lump
kin weighing as high as one hundred
and tweuty-five pennyweights. Near
the Chestatee river Mr. David Wel
chel showed me a large handful, the
smallest of which would weigh an
ounce—all washed out within sight of
his house.
There is gold in Georgia to suit all
sorts of miners—alluvial, branch and
vein, coarse and fine, and enough to
pay the national debt. A shovel,
pick and pan makes any man inde
pendent in any of the gold sections of
this State. Starvation here is suicide
and extreme poverty voluntary.
In another paper 1 will talk about
asbestos in Georgia. A. H. M.
The cheese factories, on the west
ern reserve of Ohio, are now paying
six cents per gallon for milk; and a
gallon is ten pounds, or nearly six
quarts. How does that compare with
Atlanta milk, at forty cents a gallon,
ol scant four quarts, with cows worth
$25, foraging among the willows along
the spring branches, while Ohio cows
are worth $45, fed in rich pastures
and slopped twice a day? If the
Ohio dairyman can live, the Georgia
dairyman should get rich.
The Montezuma IVeck/y announces
a general befogroent of the business
men of that thriving burg over the
following proposition .- “A carried a
bale of cotton to town and sold it to '
B for $50.00; B sold the same
cotton back to A for $45.00; and theft
A sold it to C for $65.00. Now, how
many dollars did A make jn the
speculation ? Don’t all answer at
once.” It is not given how much fib 6
bale of cotton cost A,in the first place;
but let it be assumed it cost A $50.00, i
the amount he sold it to B for, and 1
the question is simple. In buying the
cotton back from B, A cleared s£.oo;
in selling it to C at $65 00 he again
cleared $15.00, making a clear profiy
of $20.00. Another demonstration :
A paid out $50.00 and 45 00, making
a total of $95 00 ; and took in $50.00
and $65.00, making a total of $115.00.
$95.00 from 3115.00 leaves $20.00,
clear profit.
