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About The Columbia sentinel. (Harlem, Ga.) 1882-1924 | View Entire Issue (Aug. 22, 1919)
More Democracy, More Indebtedness to LaFayette, More Open Cove¬ nants, More Visions, More Self Determination Everywhere. (Continued from Page One.) tip, on Roumanian bayonets: and Captain Rvss of the American Crusading Force was there to slay any disheveled Bolshevik who might object to the re-establishment of the Hapsburg despotism. My! What a War it was—and the real trou¬ bles didn't begin until after it was over. In Korea, the Japanese pets of our Jesuit are not only slaughtering men, women and children, but they are burning our missionary churches, arid exterminating the Christians. On‘April 15, this year, our Jesuit's Japanese pets burned the missionary church at Chaian, and murdered ten of the Korean Christians. What was done at Chaiam was repeated in many other villages, where many houses besides the churches were burnt, where missionaries were beaten up, and where Korean Christians were tor¬ tured before they were killed. The same proceedings are reported from the Shantung peninsula, which our Jesuit gave to Japan as the price of her adhesion to his all¬ precious League. In the region of the Euphrates and the Tigris —two of the supposed rivers of the Garden of Eden—-in the region which cradled the human race, and which was the basin of the Flood, and which trembled under the phalanxes of Alexander tlie Great and which saw the Roman eagles on their way toward the Persian Gulf—in that region the Dawn of the New Day has come, and there «,rc voices in the air. and there are visions shining ^published ^Aead—as bv you the will well-known se from the syndicate following writer, account W. T. Ellis: I find it in a recent issue of that ably con¬ ducted local paper, The Atlanta Constitution,-. - “Is a partnership possible between altruistic America and imperialistic Eu¬ rope, as both are operating today in Tur¬ key? “To America, the league means a public-spirited union against war, and for the protection of the weaker, peoples. To European nations hero (and I shall recite particulars) it means nothing of the. sort. New ‘spheres,’ new dominions, new con¬ cessions, new exploitation are what our partners in the possible league behold in Turkey. If we tie up with them, shall we lose our power to protest against their violations of the bed-rock ideals of human justice and welfare for which America en¬ tered the war? “Does the league of nations mean for us that we must assent, without criticism or protest, to the cold-blooded massacres, in Smyrna and its hinterland, or surren¬ dered and unarmed Turks by Greek sol¬ diers? “Does the league of nations mean that France's designs upon Syria, and her present conduct there—the voice of tho protesting people being smothered by cen¬ sorship the while—are condoned or ap¬ proved by America? “Does the league of nations mean that Italy’s occupation of Adalia and of the purely Turkish region lying behind, clear to Konia, has the approval of the. United States? “Does the league of nations mean that we agree to the creation of a vast new Armenia, stretching from the Black sea to the Mediterranean, and almost or entirely to the Caspian, with about 90 per cent of the population subject to a 10 per cent minority bent on reprisals and racial and religious strife? “Does the league of nations mean that, in flat contradiction of her own and allied pledges of autonomy for the na¬ tives, Great Britain is to bo permitted to hold Mesopotamia with a high, hard hand, allowing no vestige of self-govern . ment to the peoples, all that she may pos¬ sess, the cotton and grain and oil, and other resources, that will free her from dependence upon American markets? ‘There is no need to go into further particulars in this present article. The cry of the mixed peoples of the Turkish empire is rising to heaven, and to Ameri¬ ca, against the new yokes that are being put upon them by land-grabbing entente nations. If America unprotestingly leagues with an impenitent Europe, bent upon conquest, we shall have surrendered the one priceless possession which has providentially been given to us and made us strong for this hour.” Life & Speeches of Thos. E. Watson, 75c. The Woman of Babylon, by Jos. Hocking, 75c. Jeffersonian Publishing Co. Thomson, Ga. Tahe advantage of the “Club Card”, at $1.50 each. No club smaller than five. THE COLUMBIA SENTINEL, HARLEM, GA. What Manner of Man is President Wilson? (Continued from Page 1) al rights—a willful, deliberate crime perpe¬ trated by the friend whom she had aid¬ ed .to win the War, at time when Japan was selfishly winning German conquests for her own imperial, conquering self. To gain the assent of France to the League, Mr. Wilson had to allow the virtual annexation of Syria, of the. Saar Valley, and of a slice of Africa. More than that, he had to promise in writing that, if ever Germany again attacked France, this country would again send its millions of conscript¬ ed soldiers back to Europe. I say “conscripted," because everybody, in¬ clusive of Woodrow Wilson, knows that our boys never will again go into the hell through which they passed in 1917 and 1918, voluntarily. If they go, they'll have to be conscripted. Consequently, this so-called Democratic Ad¬ ministration lost no time in demanding of Con¬ gress a terrible Prussian military bill, which pro¬ poses to conscript, now, every young man eighteen years old, nineteen years old, and twenty years old, for service in the Army, in order that, we shall always be ready to “immediately" send millions of troops to Europe, whenever the French government says that Germany lias made an unprovoked attack. The secret treaty, not of peace but of alliance, made by Mr. Wilson without any authority under the sun, binds the government of our country to again make war on Germany, wherever the present, or some future government of France , demands our assistance. Who knows what the future government of France will be? The Bourbon may come back to the throne in Hungary. France, as the Hapsburg has already come back in The Papal Autocrat who wire-worked the Hapsburg restoration, so soon after the armistice, may wire-work the return of the Bourbon. Who knows? Europe is not America, anymore than the Orient is the Occident, What reason does Mr. Wilson give for his astounding assumption of authority to bind our government to the perpetual obligation to make war on Germany at the. dictation,'of France? He says that he did it because of the “per¬ suasive” influence of the debt we owe to La Fay¬ ette, and the Bourbon King who helped our fore¬ fathers in the Revolutionary War. Our forefathers were fairly honest men who believed in paying their debts. They thought they had paid La Fayette, in generous grants of money and of land: he accepted them gratefully and enjoyed their benefits. In like manner, our forefathers thought they had paid the Bourbon King, for they settled the debt with produce and with treasury notes that were honored at maturity. The government of France made war upon us, in 1798, and our government prepared to retaliate. General George, Washington, accepted a com mission to fight France, and so did all the other Revolutionary officers. Where was the La Fayette debt, THEN? The governments of France and England swept our commerce off the ocean, in 1812, 1813. 1814—when Napoleon and the British Council were seizing neutral ships in all the seas. ■ Where was the debt to La Fayette,, then? Once upon a time, there was a Professor who wrote and published a “History of the American People," in five large volumes: and, in the Index, to the same, there is only one reference to La Fayette. If you will turn to the page indicated by the Index, you will find that it tells of a minor military movement in Virginia, in which La Fayette was unsuccessful. The same Index refers the reader to certain pages under the heading of “France;" and you will find that these pages dryly relate the opera¬ tions of the French fleet, in its conflicts with the fleets of Great Britain: and you get the impression that the French were mainly intent upon taking from Great Britain the Islands of the East and West Indies. The Professor who wrote this voluminous his¬ tory, is now the United Supremely Moral and Righteous President of the States. At the time he was studying history, teaching history, and writing what he believed to be history, he had not discovered our eternal , unpayable, ruin¬ ous debt to La Fayette. When did he make the discovery? Tho Great War broke out in August, 1914; and in less than 90 days, France was seemingly in the agonies of death. I dreaded to look at the headlines of the daily paper, fearing that the awful news would be, Paris has fallen ! Where , where was Woodrow Wilson, then? If ever there was a time when American hearts that loved France—as mine did and does—thrilled with admiration for the heroism of her soldiers, and ached with anxiety fdr the fate of her people, it was then, in those terrible-months of 1914. Where was the heart of Woodrow Wilson? a The Sentinel will be sent to any address one year for $2.00, or in clubs of five at $7.50. Where was the debt, to La Fayette? Then was the time to pay! I will be perfectly fair to this President, whoso words have been so cruelly deceptive, whose course has been so tortuously serpentine, and whose ulti¬ mate aim is to subvert American democracy. / will quote his own words —words officially proclaimed in August 1911: read those words, read them carefully, again and yet again, and then ask your honest mind what manner of man this is, who ijow prates about our debt to La Fayette, and pleads it as a reason for another conscripted army, another orgy' of governmental extravagance and the permanent establishment here of the Prussian Military Autocracy: "The effect, of the war upon the United States will depend upon what American citizens say and do. Every man who realty lores America will act and speak in the true spirit of neutrality, which is the spirit of impartiality and fairness A XD FRIENDLINESS TO * ALL CONCERNED. The, spirit of the nation in this critical matter will he deter , mined, largely by what individuals and society and those gathered, in public meet ings do and say , upon what newspapers and magazines contain, upon what minis¬ ters utter in their pulpits , and men pro¬ claim as their opinions on the street. "I venture, therefore, my fellow citi¬ zens. to speak a, solemn word of warning to you AG AIX ST THAT DEEPEST, MOST SUBTLE, MOST ESS EXT/A L BREACH OF NEUTRALITY which may spring out of partisanship out of pas¬ sionately taking sides. “THE EXITED STATES MUST BE NEUTRAL IX FACT AS WELL AS IX XAME during these days that are trying men's souls. We must be im¬ partial in thought as well as in action, b must pvt a curb upon our senti¬ ments as well as upon every transaction H that MIGHT BE CONSTRUED AS A PREFERENCE of oxe PARTY TO THE STRUGGLE BEFORE ANOTH¬ ER." Did President Wilson, at that time, know of owr compelling and illimitable debt to La Fayette and to France? If you say "Yes,'' tell me then how you can reconcile his knowledge of it with the stand lie took. If you say "Xo," tell mo when and where and hOw he discovered it. But let me quote you another statement of his, mode in .April 1915: "So that / am not speaking in a selfish spirit when / say that our whole duty, for the present, at any rate, is summed, up in this motto, “America first." Let us think of America, before we think of Europe, in order that, America may be fit to he Europe's friend when the day of friend¬ ship comes. The test of friendship is XOT XOW SYMPATHY WITH THE OXE SIDE OR THE OTHER. BUT GET¬ TING READY TO HELP BOTH . SIDES WHEN THE STRUGGLE IS OVER." Never at any future date will France need h$lp, as she needed it when the Supreme Moralist of the Universe uttered those words. But at that time, “the test of friendship" to France was not one of sympathy for her in her hours of dire, haggard peril, but of "getting ready to help both sides"—Germany and France—“when the struggle is over.” All during 1915, the Joss at the White House remained unmoved: armies heaved and tugged aleng tho Hinderburg lines: blood flowed down tho sunny slopes of France: the piles of the dead form¬ ed the breastworks of the living: the very soul of France was steeped in the desperation that fore¬ runs despair: but the Joss at the White House gave never a word of friendship to France, and tie admonished Americans that even their thoughts must be neutral. Not even in our minds, must we pay our debt to La Fayette! In 1916, the Joss, the Oracle, the Supreme Moralist, the world-Democrat spoke again, sav¬ ing "On the one hand , there is a eonsidcr able body of men who are trying to stir , the very sort of excitement in this country upon which every TRUE, WELL-BAL¬ ANCED AMERICAN OUGHT TO FROWN. “There arc actually men in Amer¬ ica who ARE PREACHING WAR. who are preaching the duty of the United, States to do what it never would do before. SEEK ENTANGLEMENT IN THE CONTROVERSIES WHICH HAVE ARISEN OX THE OTHER SIDE OF THE WATER-—abandon its habitual and traditional policy and deliberately engage in the conflict which is now engulfing the rjist of the world. “/ do not, know what the, stan¬ dards of citizenship of these gentlemen may be. / only know THAT / FOR ONE CANNOT SUBSCRIBE TO THOSE STANDARDS. I believe I more truly 3 speak (hi spirit of America when l sap that that spirit is a spirit of peace. Why, no roiee has ever coni': to any public man wore audibly, more unniytalmbly, than the voire of this tj re at people has come to me. hearing this im passive. lesson. “We AUK cor NT! KG ICON YOU TO KEEP THIS COUNTRY on or WAR." " Then in April 1917, he demanded a Declara¬ tion of War, on the ground that Germany had made war upon us. lie must defend ourselves! We must maintain our rights! As the Supreme Court sagely said, we went to war to vindicate our " honor and our rights." Xo French debt in sight: no allusion to La Fa vet tv. Then came the heavenly rhetoric about crusades, and ideals, and sceptered rigth, and en¬ throned consciences, and organized moralities, and American armies marching toward the horizon wherever liberty was endangered, and visions that we saw at our birth, and equal self-determination for all peoples great and small, and the world made safe for democracy, in open covenants of peace openly arrived at. And then Mr. Wilson comes home, with the shackles of Shantung in his sincerely clean hands; and he tells the Congress that it knew, day by day, everything that happened at Paris; and that we went to war, not because Germany had made war on us, or because we owed France an everlasting debt, but because we wanted to put an end to the rule of Might; establish the Supremacy of High;; and keep the world from breaking its heart fur grief, at net having a League of Nations, in which, a woolly headed Nigger from Liberia would have an equal vote with the Representative of the 13 States of the North American Union. The separate Treaty of Alliance with France—• due to the La Fayette debt—was to have been sub¬ mitted to the Senate at the same time as the League-—Versailles Treaty; but President Wilson broke bis promise to France. The promise is contained in clause 4 of the Treaty of Alliance, which reads— “The present treaty shall be submit¬ ted to the Senate of the United States at the same time as the Treaty of Versailles shall be submitted to the Senate for its advice end consent to ratification." You couldn't write a plainer pledge than that: as an honest man, you wouldn't consider that you could evade that obligation; but Woodrow Wil¬ son evaded it. He sent the League-Versailles Treaty to the Senate, and he said ho would send the other, at some later time. But his solemn contract, was, to send them both, at the. same time. He did not keep his solemn contract : he held back the special, separate Treaty; he declared that lie would not submit it to the Senate, until after he had made a speaking-tour of the. country. Then the Senators who don’t belong to him threatened to postpone consideration of the League-Versailles Treaty, until the President should keep faith with France and his own coun¬ try, by submitting the separate Treaty of Al¬ liance. i. This threat of the self-owned Senators forced Wilson to capitulate, after he had stood out against his own contract, for two weeks. Why did he violate his pledge to France? Why did he repudiate an important clause in a treaty which bound him in faith and honor— provided he has either faith or honor ? France wanted the Senate to consider both treaties together, from the, beginning; and you can readily see why this was a, matter of the utmost consequence to France. Clcmenceau has no confidence in the, League, as a prompt and trustworthy protector of his country. Because of .this lack of confidence in the League, M. Clemeneeau—great statesman and glorious patriot—wanted the special guarantee'of protection from Great Britain and the United States. But Mr. Wilson thinks so much more of the League than he does of France, that he wanted the Senate committed to the League, first. He thinks a blessed sight more of his own glory in the League, than he does of our debt to La Fayette. Therefore, his subtle plan was, to concentrate his efforts on the League, leaving the French Al¬ liance for the second table. It didn't enter his head, that he could over do his game of duplicity, and bring about a. situation in which the Senate would be justified before the country in threatening to quit work, unless he him¬ self complied with clause 4 of the French Alliance. When he .aw that he had fallen into his own trap, he sent a message to the Senate, along with the Treaty which he had been holding back; and he asked the Senate to ratify the Alliance for the same persuasive reason which had persuaded him, namely-r Ovr debt to T.a Fayette! What manner of man is such a man as Wood row Wilson? 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