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the Hon. Senator from Kentucky* Though j
there did seem to me to be an indulgent tone!
in his observations towtrds South Carolina, in ;
Which I could not sympathize, and while l am)
still uhable to see any resemblance, either inJ
principle or decree, between the course of
Virginia and Ohio on the occasions alluded to,!
% nd the conduct of South Carolina, 1
fyo disposed to cc-opopLte with ‘*haMSm
Uer.atoftn the f-Hbrt now to adjust
u.’Ktract-ino question, do raie any
iicss dheustsion bct\siSan^^MjlC^P
V'-' f ) v>of accoaLjp. ■. *
r 1 iI^TVB. m Wlr - *? -
of/ other of th|g„
&el dcrcc/i a->t trfn Mate. y
r But, jjk, thejsweedings cf my *tete, cu
ktjtkhfflroccasi<dt of fir higher importance. hnM*
H.-*on so frequently referred to in the
this debate, os an example to justify ihTpTfWn* 1
proceedings of South Carolina, thati may Ik*
excused for saying something of them. What,
then, was the contract of Vlrginia in the me
morab’e era of t 9B an 1 ’O9! She solemnly pro
tented against the alien and sedition acts as
“palpable and ohrming infractions of the Con
fatituui>if ’ —She communicated that protest to
the other states of the Union, and earnestly ap
pealed to them to unite with her in a like de
claration, that this deliberate and solemn ex
pressiotj of the opinions of the States, as par
tic* to the constitutional compact, should have
:ts proper effect on the councils of the nation
in procuring a revision and repeal of the ob
irO iioitt! acts.—-This was “the bead and front
of her oTending—no more.” The whole ob
ject of die proceeding was, by the peaceful
force of public opinion embodied, tlirough the
organ'<f the State legislatures, tp obtain a re
jj)eil of the Laws m question—not to oppose or
Vp-’ it their c-ifcoutien while they remained
Ufa was the true spirit and
cf the proceeding is abundantly
m .,• .JtZllt’jLtbe whole of the able debate
n i. 4 Le'n.dature of ui io state
oT; ‘sst,. mkju&t .;<•
voc ti and till/ r ’
dopted, distinctly
mate, constitutional g■ Jf~
• ‘ ■- ■••• u-;
• *
to ‘uioa— :
in, we mu.-tyi IT” The sang
(i \ o\vod ami maintained by every
resolutions throughout t'Jc dcly
But, Sir, the raal inteutfoi\ ujf jflPSkv *
Virginia were provided, net
mui speeches merely, but by fagtsP’ ty
**ver was a law odious to* a who!? pC6p™fy its
daring violation of the ftindmnentalgutwantees
of public liberty, theiVeedom of speech and
the freedom of the prese. it was the sedition
Itw to the people of ViffjEjpia. Yet, amid all
this indignant dissatisfaction—after the solemn
protest of the Legislature in ’99, and the re
new il of that protest in ’99—this most odious
ami arbitrary law was peaceably carried into
execution in the capitol of the state by the pro
to eution and punishment of Callender, who
was lined and imprisoned for daring to canvass
the conduct of our public men, (as Lyon and
Cooper have been elsewhere,) and was still
actually imprisoned when the Legislature as
ie.’hbled in December, 1300. Notwithstand
ing the excited sensibility of the public mind,
r.o popular tumult, no legislative interference
disturbed, many manner, the full and peace
uf/r6 eyecti.'-n of the law. The senate will
excuse me, l trust, for calling their attention
to a most tore hie commentary on the true cha
racter of the Virginia proceedings of ’OB and
’99, (as illustrated in this transaction,) which
\,us contained in the official communication of
Air. Monroe, the Governor of the state, to
the Legislature at its assembling in December,
1890. After referring to the distribution
v Inch hod been ordered to be made among the
people, of Mr. Mudisoa’s celebrated report of
’ M, he s:tyn —“In connection with this subject,
t is projwr to add tint, since our last session,
fie section law, one of the acts complained
of, ifis boon cai ried into e3ectiaith's common
’ vab a by't'ie deciamn of a foderal court. I
notice thi * ent, view of censu
hi.g or cihici,iw?j?The trattaction has go, i
to will ju Igeof it
<HH^j^Ra^nLjiecision
a submission on the
part of the people, ha ve been shown
by them on a similar occasion, to any the most
mv>;airy, constitutional and popular acts ot
the Government.” “Thu General Assembly
and i ue good people of this commonwealth have
acquitted themselves to their own cousiencss
and to their brethren in America, in support
of a cause which they deem a national’ one, by
ti- -vs, ukl ti>ey made, amt the sentiments
Jli. ay t>xpr of these acts'of the General
(JCruvevmnaut; but they have looked ter the
iVauge, is. that respect, to a change i;i the
2>>< ’K r ic opit> which ought to be free, not
t > rnen.. violence, discord, and dtsmit
ca, which ihey abhor.”
it is ikw, that tho men of ‘OS nnl ‘9O
then undet&>Xl their own proceedings, and
that the honored few, who survive, still un
desVtand then. Let us now, sir, look at the
lug-urge oilite proceedings themselves, and
if that fiiijj warrants any other construc
ts-'. The of the legislature of
\ ightia in * 8, consisted of a series of resolu
tns, eight id number. The third resolution,
v oh Iv s lie tn the one the most frequently
ur xled to the right of the states, as
prTioss'to the compact, in cases ofa deliberate,
ptiijp le, and dangerous exercise by the Gen
cc.l)Gjverunicnt of powers not granted by the
• our “ic i, “>:o interpose for arresting the pro
per Vof the evil, ami for maintaining, within
t:>u* resp limits, the authorities, rights,
and liberties. appertaining to tliemf’ The
•eventh resolution, after expressing the warm
attachment of the people of Virginia to the
, Union an 1 the Cdtsiitutb,!, proceeds—“ The
ienoral Assembly doth solemnly appeal to the
- iik dispositions in the other states, in conii
dte.ee tout they will coec'tr wiUi this Corn-
mon wealth m Jed?* rare, as it does hereby de-
t'rp the acts aforesaid,” (the alien real
HjKlion atia> *•.*• m-.i j>:i".r ;!. ’ ‘ t'el
l jvui;.,-r uw.wnr. -vf’ be 1 1-
PftT, bv each for cooperating with this state
LrU •K : n<r infinipave l the ‘.uit’ioritics,
jPlJhta, and liberties reserved to the States re
sjKVliveiy, or to ths people. Now, sir, it is
a fumh menial rule of interpretation, in regard
to acts and d-cmnents of every
that in order to arrive at their true sense an l
m *an ng, tin whole must bo construed in re
ference to C'uch other. The two resolutions
iu„ c.tei, teen, n ist considered i:i c ,n
----neeu vs^v'd. e tch other. Tub lor *r assort
the right tv thfc abates to ini r oselr ;n<v i
tainingt :; ‘■ >r : iies, rights, ttn i liberties,
j(X ’ > ‘jp/ ‘t.v i ;/■ to / ‘lf’ rSJv 1 i ? -•* di?t. i’ it
in \vhu* ova \ by wav’ measures, are t’l ?-e
n<T • s t ,t lihe. tifis o cite See, etes to be main*
tv net! Tne latter of tie, two res nations
give the answer—‘ay n. pessary and prop r
in *asores to be liken by each t\>e co-op:njtLig
with Virginia in munit lining uni njmred the
aulhorifies, rights, and liberties reserved,”
&e. Tne :n nsnres were toba not only nc
c r.sar •/ ait pr >cer, but such as ahaltted of
Cj-p-ration, ui ue area lo bo “uk *a by each
for cooperating with Virginia in maintatn
ijv<v’ ftc. This language obviously excludes
Jff measures, which nave their full and ccrn
[jijete effect within the limits of the respective
[states. Kentucky could not, for example,
rco-opCTtfte with Virginia in an act, by which
! Virginia should nullify a law of the t nited
iCkeTK own limits, be'eause, there,
wrrerpt Ttxxrrcr n-r. 4 „ mi .
by the separate and independent
Vis yinia. Such measures, tbore
have been contemplated by the re
* ZJt of Virginia, as, although adopted
jtely each of the states in the incep
ron, were \;* 1 have their final effect be
yond their respective limits, \k neing directed
common object, lor the attainment of
wh'ct?,’ tiie States could co-operate with each
nther. Tha* object, in the case of t':e alien
andeedUibn acts, was tlse repealof the obnox
ious law s; and the ineasv.res by w hich it was
tobe Shtught. were to be legitlative protests
against their uncohstitutioixality, instructions
to the representatives cf the States in Con
gress, direct remonstrances to Congress, and
such other modes of interposition as might be
deemed most eligible to bring the public opin
ion of the States to bear. with united weight,
on the councils of the Union.
The important question which has arisen on
the Virginia resolution of *9B, is riot what
modes of redress might be justifiable in extreme
cases, end on the principles of natural right,
but what measures of state interposition were
deemed to be consistent with the Constitution
itself. Besides the evidence on the point fur
nished by proper attention to the resolutions
themselves, as just explained, the question is
conclusively settled by the subsequent report
of *99, w'hich is known to have been drawn by
the pen of Mr. Madison, then a member of
the Virginia legislature, as the previous reso
lutions of ’9B were also from him, though he
was not thexi a member of that Ixxly. The re
port, in reviewing that part of the seventh re
solution already cited, which refers to the ne
cessary and proper measures to be taken by
the states, for co-operating with each other in
maintaining their rights, specifies tiie various
measures of that sort, which are deemed to
bo “within the limits of the Constitution.”
Afigftdnsisting that a declaration by a state le
,p3iaiVe of the unconstitutionality of an act of
’ Longf<\s r and an appeal to other States to
concur hi the declaration, is a measure of
state in?imposition within the limilsofthe Con-
the report also mentions, as being
of a life character, a direct remonstrance of
the itures of the States to Congress, in-
to their respective Senators to pro
p’ su an explanatory amendment of the Con
stitution, and applications from themselves to
Congress, far the call of a Convention. At.
the end of this specification, the report adds
“these several means, though not equally eli
gible in themselves, nor probably to the states,
were all conrtitutionally open for considera
tion/’ Ar the occasion called for a full expo
sition of the measures of .State interposition
deemed to be “within the limits of the Con
stitution,” the specification here mode must
be considered, according to a well known
rule oi interpretation, as excluding, in the
minds of the writer an ;l those who adopted the
report, all others not specified from the class
of the constitutional modes of state interposi
tion. Ir there be passages in the report, or
expressions in the resolutions, than, which
seem to contemplate other modes of redress,
not resolvable into these, they must be con
sidered as referring to those extreme cases of
governmental abuse or usurpation which would
justify a resort to original rights paramount to
all constitutions.
Sir, it has been sometimes tauntingly said
that if the Virginia resolutions meant nothing
more than to a.-.sr.-;t a right of interposition on
the part of the States, by declaring an act of
Congress unconstitutional, and founding there
on appeals to the other states, as well as to
the General Government, the able reasoning
of Mr. Madison’s report, was uselessly expen
ded in maintaining a right which nft ono would
Cont ‘st. But. Sir, this right was formally and
explicitly contested by Mi the states which re
turned answers to the resolutions of Virginia,
with she exception of Kentucky only. Let
gentlemen look at. the answers given by the
legislatures of Delaware; New York, Connec
ti/ht, B hod c-1 stand, Massachusetts, New
-11 impshirs and Vermont, and they will see
that this right was boldly denied by them all
—that, they all contended that the right of pro
nouncing on the constitutionality of acts of
the General Government, was exclusively ves
ted in the Federal Judiciary, and that a decla
tion by a state legislature, such as Virginia
has made, of the unconstitutionality of an act
of Congress, was an unwarrantable interter
ar.ee with the constituted author ies of the
Union.
Attempts have also been made; Sir, to decry
this right as utterly Idle and worthless in prac
tice. I have already had occasion to remark
that the exercise of this right in ’OS and ’9O,
by rallying public opinion to the true princi
ples of the constitution, ami embo lyingi ts ex
pression in imposing organized forms, was found
adequate, not only to correct the particular
usurpations of the alien and sedition acts, but
to produce an entire fundamental revolution in
the administration of the Government. The
striking and still progressive changes of pub
lic opinion in various quarters ol the Union on
the subject of tho taritg which I have also had
occasion to notice, boar continued testimony to
the eif.cicv of the. same constitutional reme
dies. Sir,’ in like ours, founded on
the moral force ol puoiic opinion, it. is reme
dies of this sort. I am persuaded, that will be
fouu l most effectual; while violent and un
constitutional modes cf redress, like that of
South Carolina, will ever be attended with
danger of reaction, excite prejudice, confirm
the obstinacy of power, and raise up new ob
stacles in the way of relief.
Sir, I would appeal to gentlemen from the
south, who profess attachment to the Constitu
tional doctrines which ara cherished in that
quarter of the Union, and ask, when was there
ever less occasion to despair of the moral pow
er ifn 1 ultimate ascendency of a sound puhttfl
opinion! When have more triumphs been
vvon for the cause of State Rights and of limit
ed Constitutional construction, than during the
last lour years, by the patriotic Chief Magis
trate. in wivo i tii? public spiniori ot this coun
try has found a firm and unflinching organ !
Idas ho not. Sir. by tie courageous exercise
of a power which had hitherto almost lain dor
,na.it ia the Constitution, annihilated the ear
nest encroachment of federal power!—has he
not, in like manner, arrested the wasteful
torrent of public expenditure for unconstitu
tional obpe Is!—in and has ho not nobly use l, as
he is still using, the high mil to nee, wit
which the confi lencs of ms country h isjuives •
| ted him, togglieve every portion of that conn
i -v,* fro n thenmrthsiis of tie -rueprd and op
Ijj ve ai taxation of w.nca v\ e co.a
1 sitin’ Sir, i r::’ v to t.i?se topes wta no
: ‘ A *i -h to awaken anv nil pie sint recollections of
i nst contests hero or elsewhere, buts uiplv to
I r *;ni id gontlem *n who come from that per ion
oftho c >#!ttry where the petit cal principles
to which 1 rlv> alluded so generally previi-,
oft ia rapid progress which those principles
■ iuve made, under the auspices ai the present
.-'V ‘ -
ry in tl.erunl.c cennciis: r- .-i *•’
v.'uv ever was T-> 1
nrir.c/ph ? to fie’r-vt th-’ l **'•••'! ml >
er.ee of opinion, a.n by living io extrt’in
to hazard net only t.cnr triumph, but the
ister.ee /four institutions tiiemsehes. /
1 will proceed now, Mr.
very briefly, my ideas of what we ti /j
upon to del in the present i? M Sun, fij r th e
country. If we were to separefj^*) 1 TANARUS) tp>T't, in fjj
ing something, and something;
vindicate the despised aut;i*ruy (1
the Government and oaths
thenceforward \ irtiudly ditboLt u. - - y Vmim
to. •ff'v.i't ti-C JM
to c.ur i; " U: "4fx wi'lch, having a riptit
laws, is •, to : ,
them,) dernnnd, at our hands, propound enec
tual provisions for the execution of the laws in
question. My plan, then, would be simply
this—l wouid take up this new code of null id
eation, I would examine it in all its inventions,
and apply to every one of its devices an eilec
thal counteraction. Whereas, Nullification
provides that goods held far the payment ot
duties shall be taken but cf the hands of the
collector or marshal under color of a fraudu
lent process of replevin designed for the sole
purpose, pf defeating the laws of the United
States, I would say, as the bill now under
consideration says, on well settled principles of
jurisprudence, that goods thus in the custody of
the law are irrepleyidbTe, and shall be given
up only ip Obedience to the ordr of decree pf
a Court of the United States. -Nullification,
while it subjects officers of the U. States to
heavy penalties and damages for diischarging
their duties, provides that all controversies, ci
vil or criminal, which may arise under its ordi
nance, shall be drawn evclusivelv to the State
Courts, the judges bind jurors of which are to
be bound by a solemn oath to carry the Ordi
nence into execution —prohibits, under high
penalties, appeals from their decisions to the
Courts of the United Staes ; andfordids, in like
manner, the. furnishing of any copy of a record
to prosecute such an appeal. These provi
sions also should be effectydl} r counteracted.
The judicial power of the UvS. which is ex
pressly declared to extend to aliases in law or
equity, arising under the Constitution or laws
of the United States, would, indeed, be a mis
chievous mockery, if it could not be made to
reach cases of this description. I would, there
fore, declare, as the bill declares, that the ju
risdiction of the Circuit Courts of the United
States shall extend to >< l \ bases Arising under
the revpqqv Uws of the United States—that
all suit sor controversies of that r;~ e.t.er m-_vy
be removed, as the third section*of the bw pro
vides, from the State to the United States’
Courts, on the petition of the defendant, and
that if a copy of the record be refused, it may
be supplied by other means, or secondary evi
dence. In reg-ard to those Clauses of the bill
which provide for the removal of the custom
house, iC has been significantly and properly
said, out of harm’s way, and for requiring- pay
ment of duties in cash, deducting- interest,
where it is apprehended that the payment of
the bonds would be sought to be prevented,
and thus cutting off in their source, controver
sies of a very delicate and dangerous charac
ter, they are conceived in a laudable spirit of
peace, and I can see no well founded objection
to them. The provisions are in general terms,
applying alike to all portions of the country, in
case cf unlawful obstructions to the collection
of the revenue. Whenever, and wherever,
such obstructions shall arise, the law applies
its remedy. If, in point of fact, it should at
present apply to South Carolina only, the fault
will be hers, in opposing unlawful obstructions
which exist no where else, and not that of the
law, which is equal and general in its provi-
sions.
The art. of calling hard names , Mr. Presi
dent, has exhausted all its resources on the un
fortunate bill on your table. Put, sir, this is
no novelty in our political history, as the simi
lar and not less voilent denunciations of the act
for enforcing the embargo, duriug Mr.Jeffer
son’s administration, bear ample testimony.
worthy colleague, (Mr. Tyler,) in his fer
vid eloquence, denominated it a Botany Bay
Bill , and founded his denunciation on tlie
clause which authorizes the Marshal, in cer
tain cases, under the direction of the J udge of
tiie District, to provide, a convenient place to
serve as a temporary jail, and to make the ne
cessary provision for the safe keeping of pris
oners committed under the authority of the U.
States. Now, sir. let us enquire what was the
motive of t his provision. Heretofore.. u South
Carolina as in the other States, porpdha arres
ted or committed under the authority of the
United States, have been confined in the jails
of the State. But, by her recent legislation,
South Carolina has forbidden, under very high
penalties, the use of iter public jails to the U.
states, and has, moreover, prohibited all pri
vate persons, under pain of line nd imprison
ment, trorri hiring or letting any place, house,
or budding, to be used as a jail by the United
States, in this state of things, it became ab
solutely necessary to make some other provi
sion for the custody of debtors and others, who
might be arrested or committed under the aq
tnority of the United States; and that provi
sion is made in the very words of a resolution
of Congress of the 3d of March, 1791, passed
to provide tor the case of a failure, ch the part
of any of tiie States, to comply with a previous
recommendation of Congress respecting the
use of their jails by the United States. Bv
what process a provision so simple and natural
can be metamorphosed into a Botany Biy Bill,
i am at a loss to conceive, as I think rnv hon
orable colleague, when ha comer to review it
more calmly, will be not less at a loss to ex
plain.
L
But, sir, the most vehement denunciations
have been directed against thos t clauses of
tiie bill, which authorize the employment of
military force, in certain cac£b, to repel at
tempts by force to obstruct the execution of
the laws. V r e have been told, that it is ma
king war upon Soitth Carolina. Now, sir,
while I do not concur in the policy f these
provisions, at. the present moment, for reasons
which V shall presently state, I utterly denv
i the , iuv|pess of this qualification of the bill, as
x&md the principle oh which it is founded. —
There is no proceeding whatever, in a/fV part
of this atihir, against South Carolina. The
Government of the United St~? —-- exe
cution of the laws, can have no proper re/er- j
ence to States. It acts upon individuals not
upon States, as I have already had occasion
abuii lantly to shew; and the Constitution of
the United States, when it declared that no
thing in the Constitution or laws of parti
cular State should control the laws'of lac Uni
ted Si des, h\s riot per .vttv 1 tb. G-overn
; merit of-the U lion, in executing the laws of
; the United States, to en mire if opposition to
to the n is, or is not,authorized by a particular
Stite. It the laws :*e oppose! by cj nhiaitioas
too powerful to be overco ne in the ordinary j
coarse of ji lie* il proceedings, there is toe
si me right, an Ser t ic Constitution, to execute
the laws by catling in tiie ail >f*tie military ]
rower, whether sue i com hi a it.-* is be a it i >ri
hed by a law of theStite,(\v rich the Constitu
tion las declared in suen a case, to be a nulli
ty,) or whether they be purely voluntary. I
l ive not, then, tiie slightest tirSeuity in regard
ta the right and power ot the Government to
actsTif ’9")iind IMV b~orfe;t, will
triously, and to a certain extent, sucecfemTß
used as a topic to inflame the jealousies, aiwl
misled*! the sympathies of a generous people,
and to add to the irritation and excitement al
ready unhappily existing in a tyrge sect'on of
the Union. I would make no new provision
of this sort, therefore, till an overtact had been
committed. And then I verily believe with
Mr. Je tier son, that a Republican Government
would shew itself as strong, in a good sense,
as any on earth : “At the call of the law, eve
ry man would fly to the standard of the law,
and the defence of public order would be con
sidered by every citizen as his individual con
cern.”
While I am thus ready, tor one, Mr. Presi
dent, to give my assent to such measures as
may be necessary and proper for maintaining
the authority of the laws, we shall ail unite, I
trust, in removing the just causes of complaint
which have arisen against their operation.—
The necessity of a now adjustment of the Ta
riff! is felt and acknowledged by all, and af
forde the fit occasion for doing justice to every
interest of the country which has been affected
by it. Sir, this is the moment for the accom
plishment of this great work of conciliation
and peace. Let us meet each other in that
“spirit of amity and mutual deference and
erflteession which the peculiarity of our politi
cal situation has rarely, if ever, rendered more
indispensable,” than now. Instead of coming
together as hostile and rival clans,-as has un
happily been too frequently the case in rela
tion to this subject, let us meet and consult for
the cornu lonjcood, as mcwbji*V‘K one great
family. YecolSting that the interest of each is
the good of the whole, and the good of tiie
whole the interest of each. For one, I pledge
myself to meet gentlemen in this American
spirit—to regard the interest of the North as
well as the South—to embrace, as far as I
can, the pernmnent and lasting good of all—
which, in nothing, in my opinion, is rhore deep
ly concerned than in the present settlement of
this distracting question, and in the final extir
pation-of that germ of discord which has been
planted in all our relations, social and political.
It is time, Mr. President, to put an end to
our unhappy divisions. It has begiuny fortune,
in another!situation, to witness the effects
they have produced on the character and con
sideration of our Government abroad, and on
the gerlerous efforts of the friends of liberty in
other parts of the world. Sir, my heart has
swollen with a pride and exultation, which can
be appreciated only by those who have felt
them,in a foreign land, when I have heard my
.country the theme of every tongue ; its insti
tutions, with the glorious results of liberty and
happiness they have produced, the subject of
universal envy and admiration, rebuking, on
the one hand, the gloomy spirit ol despotism,
and animating on the other, the generous as
pirations of freedom. But, ip, .a few short
months, how has this scene been change:! !
The language of admiration and respect lost in
that of indifference an-1 distrust; the votaries
of liberty discouraged aril confounded; the
disciples of legitimacy exulting in the failure
of the only system of free Government which
ever promised a perfect success; all Eu
rope filled with predictions of a speedy disso
lution of our Union, and consigning us hence*
la-ward to the same rank of impotence .and an
archy, a the unhappy .and distracted States of
the southern parts of our own continent.
Those have been the bitter fruits of our divi
sions abroad. What have they been at’ liorae ?
In the midst of unexampled prosperity, anxiety
and alarm pervading every bosom —that sacred
Union, in regard to which we were taught by
the father of our country to “ discountenance
whatever might suggest even a suspicion that
i.t ro’difj.nbe abandoned,” openly
question&d and decried, ana millions trembling
for its late. Sir, let us put an end to these
divisions—let us disappoint the malignant pre
dictions of the enemies of free government —
let us restore confidence to the patriot at home,
and hope to the votary of freedom abroad. I
do, in my conscience believe, that the preser
vation of the Union is our only security for lib
erty. If we are to be broken into separate
confederacies, constant wars and collisions
with each other must ensue, out oi whicn will
grow up large military establishments, perpe
tual and burthensome taxes, an overshadowing
executive power; and amid these ddeterious
influences, what hope can there be tis-t libeity
would survive, ’
[t is here, I confess, that 1 see the Manger of
military despotism; and not where l/e imag-i
nation of the Senator from S. Cariina [Mr
Calhoun] Ins found it. Is not the actual con
dition of S. Caaoliua, in this respew an im
pressive admonition to us on the siiject -the
Whole State converted, into a camp/ the Exe
cutive and other authorities armed Ivitn dicta
torial powers; the’ rights of conscience set at
nought, and an unsparing proscripiiTfi>:eadv to
disfranchise one half of her population. bir,
this is but a prefiguration of the evilaand cala
mities to Which every portion of ths country j
would he destined, if the Union should he d’s-J
solved. Let us then rally around, this 3aci|||
Union, fixing it anew, and establishing
ver on the immutable basis of equal fIHH
of mutual amity an 1 kindness, and an
t rat ion at once firm and paternal.
this, and we shall c irry hick to o'JMH
traded country, happiness to the
fireside, restore stability to our threatene|
stitntions, and give hope and confidence Ml
more to the friends of liberty throughout*
world. Let us do this, and we h|
short, what a bountiful Providence has
r.~- made us, and designed us forever to r<*
W.nam, the freesL an’ bwapiest People under
the sun.
oa’Eio's.
—= - —-=sir-CT-r—T rszzLr- —.— - r - j
X itest frr*m fivrsjp'*
The ship Miry Howlind, arrived at New-
Vork on Taslay from Liverpool, whence she
siilel 3th March, bringing Li.’Grpool advices
j tx* the 7th ai l Loudon to cue Bth, both ine is
j j V o. —Prom the Courier end Enquirer an !
1 Jon -oil of Com u-arca, v*e extract tne fbilow
-1 i u 7 ;
I* Th 4 Irish Enforcing Bill has beefi real a
first time in the House of Commons lv an over
j whelming major’-ty. The Russian Atnbas-
Isidor to Egypt has succeeded in in iudn> Alt
Pic’ii to suspend the farther march of ins ar
!my towards Constantinople. There is* übth
j iuh later from Portugal
uii! BK&|Be|X^^H^Pßl
( -‘/i* vi t a ta^^BKß^^Br,, ?} j a ]
hoar!) 1 i- .e-
From thc'HSat. Intelligencer. | *
‘Ckneral f afayette appears to rctair mM
the lire of youth. In a late debate in the HsJTus- *
of Deputies, on the subject of the
sonic general . observations
ike Revolution
by the tire of the bamea< 1e
fogs of legitimacy, omnipotence,
cv, and spread the dogma of the f ar f
of the people from Chili to the Gai^ vo • >'.
■ “ That it was liisduty toaddre.^ 0 1 * Ques
tions to Government, on points . . j!; jPfta
consequences of that Revolution
trated or perverted. What,
stances or conditions
■L n
( Vi h !
u •.!
Don Miguel to
General then ion of a
king on republican Guff*, ex pressing hi® fears j
that Ifce loan guaiahtß** qT France would ho ‘
rather for the Russia than of .
Greece; and after in strong
terms on the porse<2^s^^^^B*air lots in
!y and Poland,
he maintained, the of
Government, concluded by deelarnllj®lhat he I
would not sanction the Budget of Foreign At; *
fairs until satisfactory answers were given on
these points.’’
The Minister of Foreign Affairs replied, f
and took occasion to advert to l!ie late Revolu <
tion, and to his views of its legality. , .
“ We have accomplished (said be) a just and
legitimate Revolution—but was it legal * No,
gentlemen, lor the very w ords revolution and
legality arc incompatible. A revolution is nn
appeal from the insufficiency of positive laws
to the eternal laws of justice and reason. (Re
newed applause.) The Hon. Minister then
entered into a rapid {but luminous explanation
of the various points of foreign policy referred
to by General Lafayette, denying the existence
of any conditions for the recognition of Louis
Philip by foreign powers; explaining the exis
tence of the formal treaty for the dismantling
of Huningpen; detailing the means .taken by
Government to-obtaia an amolicGmti&n ia the
laws and constitution of the Papal States, v.i l
expressing the confident expectation of their
fall success.. .lie defen led the choice of King
Otho to reign over Greece, as the most eligi
ble mode of securing the prosperity and inde
pendence of the country; spoke of the affairs
of Belgium as in a satisfactory train of accom
modation ; expressed his intention of allowing
no insult to be offered with impunity to the
French flag, either iuportug.il or eLcwhere;
and, after rendering homage to the frankness
and sincerity of England, in the existing alli
ance with France, concluded by calling on the
Chamber to etriable Government to pursue tiic
system of universal peace, and domestic pros
perity, on which all its policy was founded, by
granting the Budget as proposed.”
[F*o?n the tcc.ord.tr. ]
Fellow-Citizens of the Convention:
*Thc subjoined plan for the Reduction and !
Apportionment of the members of the Gener
al. Adi&mbly of the State of Georgia, is very
respectfully submited ti your consideration- by.
1 A CITIZEN.
THE SENATE.
This body shall consist of 30 members, and
he fixed at that.number, choseufor three years.
To that end, the State shall be divided into
10 Senatorial Districts eacli of which districts
shall contain, as near as practicably, an equal
number of inhabitants* and be entitled to 3
Senators. The Senators shall be divided by
lot, into 3Jfesse£ of lt> in each tiass, insuw.
manner, tMt every District may have one Sen
ator in each class.— The sorts of the first class
of Senotors shall be vacated at Lie end of uic
first year; of tne second dtlss, at the end of the
second vear ; and of the /lird class, at the end
of the third, year —so th/. one senator may lie
elected annually from obeli District. The said
Districts shall be sublet to alteration by the
Legislature, at the of every seven
or the first ses*v, of the Legislature
tlie inhabitants of
aim*
;p„ v.'oi'.ai - ■ ;r-
av-n'rdiy, by tic- y- ./• <>r
counties, according the follow .ng
appo&nument. Each county in the State with
out regard to shall be. ff* tied to
one Representative; nor , t niuty,
Whose RepresentatVe *ss tiian
b,OOU, be entitled ‘jf * cS*. C } which
.have . Rc,epUlv “2.
upwards,. but less -gnan i*a, w> j>~ ‘’ ,
2 a ,,>] those ot t 2,000 and up
wards, 3; but no eruinty - s?, * u cniulea to
more that 3 Representatives.
According to Uis plar ihe Legislature wifi
oontain abor t 1-i‘d members, viz: 30 Senators
and 12t> fl. iprofehtatlves.
;. . - • THE PRESS.
The following wM-wrMen eulogy on tne
Press , v is delivered by Mr. U KBS 7 LR,
rj a Convention field at Worcester some
time ego':
It is tribe regretted, that the public gener
ally do not appreciate the great importance of
■ i' jm
• fe ■ w’ fc?;
principles, and the
down to slumber in safety. But itiTt^K
tice press alone” that, countenance should be
’ ST* A 5 ofhci ' sshonld be indignantly frown
?c SV ,U .'> n ' ay b f h ' pt free the PJ *
he w ill it. Iv utors arc but men, however dfl
nlon it may be for their readers to regard til
pna hiherent light; as a race of beings vSL
upon jjia whirl,. and grow fat upon the
anticipation ol golden fruits to comet W hile
faithfully for the constitution and
laws; wmle battling it manfully for the sacred
rights vt man, it should he the especial care of
thort? who profit by their labors, to see that the
pife'tniqj hand of penury should not palsy their
strength, or pressings of want convert them
mno edged tools m tlic hands of the ambitious, -
mr dangerous instruments in the service of tho
tlvhh ? 1S ° f P ?' V( !T\' vHo?e P :llllls hre funiliar
r'.. I,h t spoils of the treasury. The Israelites
R| A . e ’ ai i ”?‘V l T U,t the enemies only so long as
Pthe haiu.s ol Moses were upheld by his brother
and friend. Who shall refuse to sustain the
independent editor, while contending against
the fees of civil freedom 1 A fair remuiier i
tion for Jus labors, whether mental or manual*
is justly duo to every man. If’ this be awarcle l
to tno conductor of the press, and he then
proves unfuth'fu!; if he lots himself out as the.
advocate and the apologist of the ambitious or
corrupt aspirant for power, it is proof positive
teat lii heart is corrupt; that lie is an unwor
thy and perfidious sentinel upon the citadel of
feHvyv ; and t-he monumfc in which lie deserts
of tiie people, in that vosjuninute
ptiould the poople desert him. But
condactors of the news-paper
™'f” of the country prints) receive that
■ev ard tor their liiiCeasing labors that the in
vestment oithe same amount of capital, an! the
exertion of would aim wt ho
sure to command in any other Jausfciess. Rea
der•, recur to your own knowledge. I few ma
ny newspaper printers have.you known to rr_
tiro, after years of toil and anxiety, with a
competency 1 Have you known one out of ten,
or ten out of five hundred ! If yon have net,
then indeed must, there be something radically
Wrong in the treatment which they receive at
the hands of the public. We know it is com*
mod to speak of the press as licentious,an t its
con-.!uetors as venal; and the con luct of soma
we are compelled to admit, a (lords but too
strong ground tor the charge. But, thanks be
to Providence, there are yet some, nay, many,
honorable exceptions: many, too many, whose,
integrity is untouched—untouched--*tbeiign—’
to all appearance, penury is their constant
companion, and griping want a twin brother,
it is to such man as these, that tire causa of ci
vil liberty owes much : and it is altogether the
fault of the public, that the number is not so
swelled as to include all, to whom is commit
ted so honorable and important a trust. Sus
tain the fearless and independent editor:
abase the time-serving and mere nan/. This
short sentence compri.f.'s ail the mystcrv of
creating and preserving the fukk PitLvi. Let
it beactod upon hy aii who feel an interest in
our free anti liberal institutions, and soon might
the spirit-cheering motto—
“ Here, shall the PRESS the people’s rights
maintain,
Una wed by influence and unbribe-l by gain ;
Here patriot truth her glorious prospect*
draw,
Pledged to religion liberty and law 1”
lile inscribed with truth and justice, upon every
sheet sent forth to instruct, animate tv confirm
every Irion l of civil liberty whose aspirations
for freedom are borne onward upon each gale
that flit across the wide expanse of the ‘'Re
public. ♦ •
In all popular governments, a free press is
Lie most important of all agents and instru
ments. It not only expresses public opinion,
but to a very great degree it contributes to
form that opinion. It is an engine ibr good or
for evil, as it may be directed, but an engine of
which nothing can resist the force. The con
ductors of the press in popular governments oc
cupy a place in the social and political system
of the very highest, consequence ar
iho charjot j. <jc puotlc instructors. To mat
ters of intelligence, they add matters of opin
ion. Their daily labors bear directly on the
intelligence, the morals, the taste and the pub
lic spirit of the country. Not only are they
journalists, recording political occurrences, but
they discuss principles, they comment on mea
sures, they canvass characters ; they hold a
power over tfve reputation, the feelings, the
happiness of individuals. The public ear is .
a; way* open to their addresses, the piMic sym
paty easily made responsive to their senti
ments. it is indeed, sir, ‘distinction of high
honor, that their’s is the only profession
protected and guarded by constitution
al enactments. Their employment soars so
high, in its general consequences, it is so inti
mately connected with the public happiness,
that its sec urity is provided for, by the funda
mental law. While it acts in a manner worthy
of this distinction, the press is a fountain of
light and. a source of gladdening warmth. It
It instructs tpe public mind, and almost the
spirit of patriotism. Its loud voice suppresses
every thing which would raise itselt against
Lie public liberty; and its blasting rebuke
causes incipient despotism to perish in the bud.^
But remember, that these are the attributes of
a free press only..
- ■ ..w
PmaionLviliA, April 8.
JKroeious ±Ttt&der,
from Eordeutgvri, New-Jersey
in the Steam-boat yesterday morning, brought
t ; w thr'liino intelligence that a most singular,
unlookal fdr, nwl Si mrnan murJer hid been
perpetrated in that place, by a younj man nv
men J OUT. Cxovoh, upon tne person o, -Mrs.
vs •iy Hamilton, an estimable young wiuowi
ix iv, consort of the late l>r. Hamilton. iC
appears that Clough had been fur some time a
hoarder in the house ot Mahlon IxmgsCeth,
Mrs. HA f .titer, at the corner of the Main
street and the road leading to Trenton, w here
Mrs. 11. also resided; in the course of which
time, Clough had formed an ardent attach-