Newspaper Page Text
holders get the gold and silver; and such
has been the fact, and you know it, that
instead of a sound currency, necessity has
compelled persons to issue shin-plasters,
and you to receive them and glad to get
them, notwithstanding it is a violation ol
law. He promised retrenchment and an
economical administration of the govern
ment, and you have witnessed extravagance
and the creation of a public debt, which
he says will take five millions of dollars
in Treasury notes to pay. He promised a
sound currency, and prosperity as the re
suk, and you have witnessed an entirede.
rangeinent of our currency, commerce se.
riously affected, our credit sunk, the peo
ple in debt, the price of produce prostrated,
the value of property reduced one-hull'and
still going down—the banks with a few ex
ceptions, turned brokers, and you placed
in the power of a few moneyed men, with
out the means to extricate yourselves. You
already hear the sheriff and bailiff crying
0 yes ! 0 yes! Fellow-citizens, poor
men, was it so before ? If not, it is evi
dent the unwise course of the present Ad
ministration has been the first cause ; and
if a few years has produced such a change,
what will four more do ? I will tell you
—pass two-thirds of your real estates un
der the Sheriff’s hammer, and into the
hands of a few moneyed men, who will
soon discover that a white tenant will be
cheaper and more profitable to them than
a black servant, and will follow the exam
ple of their northern brethren, send them
to Texas, or some other country, and in
crease their capital, and you and your
children will become hewers of wood and
drawers of water to a few rich men and
their haughty descendants—and I have no
doubt but those northern members that
heretofore voted in favor of the abolition
petitions, but turned this session and voted
against them, saw this, and therefore
changed their course, and have, like Mar
tin Van Buren, become Northern men
with Southern principles. Poor men of
Georgia, one of your brethren now ad
dresses you and entreats you to recollect
that on the first Monday in November you
will hold the power in your own hands.—
You are, therefore, in making up your
mind, either forging the chain to bind you
and your posterity, or nerving your arm
to burst it asunder. I pray you, then, in
the name of all that is sacred and dear to
you, to rouse from your slumbers; break
the spell ; and let your united voice be as
the sound of many waters, saying to old
Tippecanoe, in the language of the Ro
mans, leave your plough, and come to the
helm of our beloved government; and may
lie who rides upon the stormy cloud, and
manages the seas, grant you good speed,
is the sincere prayer of
# William Moseley.
Henry co., June Oth, 1840.
THE SUB TREASURY ACT.
The following views in regard to the
practical effects of the Sub-Treasury Act,
are published by the New York Express ;
We have refrained from making any
remarks on the Sub-Treasury until the
same appeared in official shape. We
have now published it, and read it with
care —we find it much stronger and more
objectionable than we had previously sup
posed. The principal provision of the
bill gives the appointment of the officers
exclusively to the President, by and with
the consent of the Sennte. They are to be
appointed for seven years—unless sooner
removed. They are to give such security
as the Treasury thinks sufficient. The Se
cretary of the Treasury has the power to
draw all monies from one place to another,
at his will and pleasure. In fact, the whole
revenues of the country are under the con
trol of the President or his Secretary. If
there are 30,000,000, or any other sum,
lying at New York, it can be ordered at
an hour’s notice to Charleston, Boston,
New Orleans, or any other point; it may
be shifted from day to day, to suit the
whim or caprice of the Secretary. So
long as the Government are in debt, and
have no money on hand, the country can
not feel any serious effects ; but should it
be a season of prosperity, and the Govern
ment be possessed of 30 or 40,00§,000, it
would unquestionably break any bank, or
a large portion of them. Fortunately the
receipts into the Treasury by this law are
to be paid—
After the 30th of June, 1840, one-quar
ter in specie, three-quarters in specie bills.
After the 30th of June, 1841, one-half
in specie, one-half in specie bills.
After the 30th of June, 1842, three
quarters in specie, one-quarter in specie
bills.
After the 30th of June, 1843, all specie.
This coming year, the payments, it will
be seen, from land, customs, and any
thing else, are to be three-fourths specie
bills. The operation of the law will not be
felt till June, 1843, although next year,
and the year after, it will be nearly so. If
after 1843, the Government should be
rich, there is nothing to prevent them ac
cumulating and hoarding up all, or nearly
all the specie of the country. The credit
system must inevitably ccyne to an end.
Banks would be called on >r every dollar
they possess, and in turn, would be com
pelled to call in every debt they have out.
It is impossible to predict what the opera
tions of the law will be, bujt to our feeble
judgment, it must be most faSal to the co t/-
mercial and mercantile concerns of the
community.
SYNOPSIS OF THE SPEECH OF
JULIUS C. ALFORD,
AGAINST TIIE SUB-TREASURY BILL,
Delivered in tlic House of Representa
tives, June, 1840.
Mr. Cooper, of Georgia, obtained the
floor, and remarked, that he had postpon
ed the speech heintended to make in favor
of the bill, in hope that someone of his
colleagues, opposed to the measure, would
have preceded him in thedebate. Mr. Al
ford said, if my colleague will yield the
floor, I will oblige him. Mr. Cooper gave
way, and
Mr. A LI'ORD said :
Mr. Chairman: I am opposed to the Sub-
Treasury scheme, and have been from the
time it was first recommended by Mr. Van
Buren to Congress. Upon this question 1
differ with three of my colleagues, the two
who have addressed the Committee,
[Messrs Black and Colquitt,] and my
friend who has so kindly allowed me to go
before him in this debate, [Mr. Cooper.]
Before I enter upon the merits of the bill,
I will say a word in reply to my colleagues,
who have labored to “define” their new
“ position.”
My colleagues who have addressed the
Committee admit, in this debate, that they
are now supporting Mr. Van Buren, be
cause lie is a Sub-Treasury President.
When they were elected by the State
Rights Party of Georgia, he was then, as
he now is, an advocate ol this scheme, and
they knew it; at that time they were op
posed to Mr. Van Buren. They allege
that this measure is the sole cause of their
adhesion to the party, and that it is justly
considered by themselves the true test of
their political faith. It would look better
if they had said so, before the election, to
the people of Georgia, and not come into
Congress the friends of the scheme, and
the enemies of the President, and now avow
themselves the friends of both. They al
lege that they have been “proscribed”
by the Stale Rights party, on account of
this measure. I answer, not so. The
people elected them with a full knowledge
of their friendship for this system of fi
nance ; in fact, we agreed that a difference
of opinion on this question should not se
parate us as a party. Accordingly the
people elected us; we came here—six of
us “ are as we were you are in a new
“ position ” easily “defined.” You are
T un Burenised in full ; gone over, “horse
foot and dragoons.” You have not been
“proscribed” because you supported the
measure. No such thing. You are re
jected, because you support the man —the
head of the party.
You, gentlemen, place what you are
pleased to call a defence on a false-issue.
You allege that you are “proscribed” for
your devotion to principle. Mot so. The
action of the people is founded upon the
opinion, that you have deserted them, and
gone over to Van Buren ; and that is the
true issue. The people of the State Rights
party have rejected you, because they be
lieve you have joined the side of power , at
a time that every patriot should be true to
th epeople. You “appeal” from their de
cision—that is, from your friends to your
enemies; or, in other words, from your
old friends to your new ones.—These re
marks are made “ more in sorrow than in
anger,” but they are necessary,after what
you have said in your assumed “ defence.”
They are necessary in behalf of the peo
ple, whom you charge with “ proscrip
tion,” and are necessary to a proper un
derstanding of our separation here, politi
cally 1 mean, lor I desiro our personal re
lalions should remain friendly as they
were in by gone days. We marched in
the same column—we fought in the same
ranks—we conquered in the same glorious
cause, and triumphed over a common ene
my; but now, alas! when we should do
battle again in the same cause, against the
same enemy, you are found in his camp.
I deplore the separation, but I cannot give
up the contest. If I fall, I fall with my
friends: that will he glory enough. If vou
are triumphant, you rise with your ene
mies, and that would dishonor you ; but
whether you rise or fall, the great moral
effect will be the same: that man who
gains power or distinction by a desertion
of his friends will sink at last, and die
“unhonored and unsung.”
Mr. Chairman, I am now done with my
colleagues, and their “ defence.” I can
not answer all they have said—time would
fail. They have said much and written
more. They/eel, no doubt, the necessity
ofprorr.pt “defence.” They are satisfied,
l hope, after making a speech apiece, and
answering every newspaper squib with a
pafnphlet.
This act, for the collection , safe keep
ings transfer, and disbursement of the
public revenue, is in itself sufficiently ex
plicit of its pretended character, and would
stem to indicate some necessity for its pas
sage. To me the whole scheme appears
deceptive ; and I believe, instead of what
it purports to be, it is in truth and fact, a
bill to confirm and legalize the usurpations
of Gen. Jackson, in the person of Mr, Van
Buren and his successors. It is a bill to
give the President the supreme control of
the people’s purse. In opposition to the
whole bill, I laydown the proposition, that
there is not now, nor ever has been, any
necessity for such an act; or, in other
words, that the existing laws are sufficient,
if executed by able and honest agents, to
collect, keep, transfer, and disburse the
public revenue.
Under the act of 1789, and its various
amendments, we have a system of finance
almost perfect; and no instance of a fai
lure in its operations has occurred, to my
knowledge, on account of the law, but in
every instance the defalcations have been
strictly personal. The low is good enough ;
the fault is in those who administer it. We
have a Treasury Department by law ; we
have a Secretary of the Treasury by law ;
we have Collectors; we have Auditors
and clerks, and officers enough, God
knows, all authorized by law ; and we
have a building large enough and strong
enough to hold all the gold and silver in
America. What else do we need 1 No
thing but honest agents; men, capable
and honest, and willing to do their duty.
Mv colleague [Mr. Colquitt] asked em
phatically, in his speech the other day,
what is the remedy proposed by those who
oppose this bill? He said, we had none.
I have one of my own. 1 have not con
sulted any body. I have kept it to myself
for this moment. I meet his interroga
tory. ! answer it. My scheme is short,
good, effectual, and all will agree it would
do the work. Let alone the Banks and
Sub-Treasury, and turn out ofoffice every
rogue in the Government, and appoint ho
nest men in their stead.
In this debate, now of six weeks’ dura
tion, not a speaker that I have heard has
noticed the fact that we have existing laws
on this subject at nil. This confusion
comes out of theconflict of parties, and this
unholy and unnecessary war upon the
currency. It began with General Jack
son and the Bank of the United States—it
arose out of no necessity of a change of
the deposites—it had its origin in political
warfare. The Bank would not support
the General, and he went to war. He
waged an exterminating warfare against
the Bank—he killed it off—he dug it up,
and killed it over again—and ever since
the death of the Bank, the party have been
making capital out of an unjust war
against a dead enemy. Every little Loco
foco-Morus-Multicaulis-Van-Buren dema
gogue digs up the bones of the monster,
and pops off his blow-gun at the dead en
emy ; then throws up his cap, and shouts
for the Sub-Treasury. Next came the
pet bank system, which, in the hands of a
tyrant master, fell at the fire. There was
no fair trial of this system. We cannot
tell, from the experiment, whether it would
do or not. They were used by the Go
vernment to help to kill the United States
Bank, and were then thrust aside as useless
allies, and are now denounced and abused
by the party, ns rotten, insolent, dishonest,
and dangerous monopolies. All I can say
is, they are the wofk of the party.
Mr. Chairman, the history of this war
upon the currency is curious enough—it
was all passion, no reason. As soon as
General Jackson became angry with the
State Banks, he swore he would have no
more to .do with Banks of any sort, and
forthwith issued the famous Specie Circu
lar, which was in itself the forerunner of
this bill of abominations, and in its practi
cal effect demonstrated a miniature picture
of what is to be the wide-spread ruin of
this last experiment upon the currency—
for truly, sir, the people cannot bear an
other. They are exhausted by the war on
Banks, the Specie Circular, and the anti
cipated operations of the Sub-Treasury.
The divorce of Government and banks
began to be felt with all its force on the
issuing of the Specie Circular. It was
issued just about the time the western
lands came into market. The rich office
holders hastened to the West with great
quantities of gold and silver, ready to meet
the sales. The home of many a poor man
was brought into market, and he had pre
pared himself with bills, that passed a
week before for land, to buy his own im
provements—but ihedav ofsale came, and
with it came the Specie Circular—his
money wou'd not buy his home, the spe
culator bought it over his head, and turned
him out with his wife and children into the
forest, homeless and houseless. This was
one of the first acts of this ruinous device
of one currency for the Government, and
none for the people.
Mr. Chairman, I have spoken of this bill
—of what it purports to be. I have said I
believed there was no necessity for such a
law, and stated (acts, in relation to exist
ing laws organizing the Treasury Depart
ment, showing the truth of that position.
It has never been disproved—it cannot be. j
The condition of the finances, before they
were tampered with, and their condition
now, is proof enough. Why, then, are
we still urged to adopt this bdious scheme?
to make this fearful experiment ? Is it not
because it is to be an engine of political
power in the hands of the President ? Look
at the nature and character of the whole
plan—then contemplate its fearful conse
quences. First its fine and costly buildings,
next its strong boxes—these to bo located
at almost every strong point in the Union
—then comes its innumerable offices—
all to be filled by the President with parti
san slaves, removable m his will—collec-
tors, receivers, keepers, messengers, turn
keys, rogues and runaways, Swartwouts,
&c. Then there must be money raised,
to be collected, safely kept, transferred,
and stolen. Froin'n knowledge of the fact
that more money would be needed to do
all this than the people would allow, and
the fear that the bill would be defeated if
the truth was made known, you have r,ot
specified the amount, but have appropria
ted the people’s money without limitation
as to the sum. You dare not do it. You
make a great splutter about your ways and
means. There are more ways than means
—all ways and no means, and mean ways
at that—no offence to the Committee—l
only mean it is extremely deceitful to make
such a parade about your money, when
you have not a dollar. You intend to get
money honestly if you cun ; but you intend
to have it any way.
Mr. Chairman, I have said we should
contemplate the fearful effects of the prac
tical operation of this measure upon the
people of this country. I may add, upon
their Government, as well as their interest.
Let us, in some measure, judge of the fu
ture by the past. The anticipated opera
tion of the Sub-Treasury has already crip
pled your commerce, impoverished your
merchants, reduced the price of produce,
as well as labor, and brought infinite dis
tress upon the country. Compare our con
dition now with what it was when the ad
ministration came into power. livery
honest,candid man admits we are infinite
ly more pppressed now than we were at
that time. I mean the people—l am one
of them. It is true, these lordly office
holders sav they can see no distress. They
feel none, I dare say—they have high wa
ges, paid in gold and silver, and connot see
because they will not —they look over the
heads of the people—they fix their sights
too high—lower your sights, gentlemen.
Go with mo to see the people. I will show
you an alarming condition of things, ifyou
will open your eyes, all mainly growing
out of this thrice-rejected system. I will
show you the judgments, executions, and
sheriffs’sales, now in full play all over the
country. I will point out to you the hus
band leading his wife, followed by her
weeping children, to the place of sale, all
carrying the last bed, or horse, or cow, to
be sold to pay a debt contracted before you
made war on the banks and currency, and
which would have been easily paid but for
your golden humbug.
Mr. Chairman, I mentioned the effect
on the people by your action on the banks.
Your measures have been directed mainly
against the banks, and have been so harsh
and tyrannical, that they are all virtually
closed. Whatever may be said against
the banks, they are the only places where
the people can get money to pay their debts,
and every effort you make to ruin them
tells upon the people. 7'he banks furnish
the only medium of circulation, and have
all the gold and silver. Your oppressions
constrain them to curtail their discounts
and call in their debts, at this time of gen
eral distress—the effect is ruinous, abso
lutely ruinous. Whether the banks were
proper or not in the beginning, they are
now a part and parcel of our system, and
the means used to destroy them operate on
the whole community. The people own
the banks, and the people owe the hanks.
Their relations to each other are mutual,
and war upon one injures the other. I
have been accused of being more friendly
to the banks than formerly. 1 confess it.
I resisted their creation ; but they were
made, and have now become so blended
with every order of society, in their inter
est and transactions, that no patriot can
refuse to sustain them, as long as they
conduct their business honestly. I am a
disinterested witness. Ido not own a dol
lar of their stock. Ido not owe them one
cent. I speak of facts as they are, and
tell the plain truth. Let me sav one word
to you who now war against all banks to
the knife, and the knife to the hilt—you
may produce revulsion and revolution, but,
short of that, you cannot change the order
of society.
I desire to say one word to my colleague
(Mr. Cooper) on the subject of banks.—
May I ask him, what is the difference in
principle, of supporting banks and owning
them? Or, in other words, how can he
consistently oppose all banks with such
vehemence, and still be the owner of one
himself? Is it right, in principle or moral
ity, to oppose a bank whose interest is reg
ulated by law at six per cent, and still be
the owner of a bank authorized by law to
take the highest rate of interest it can get.
The one is. regulated by law; the other has
no hounds but what are set by avarice and
necessity.
1 am happy to see my colleague in such
good company. Our Senator (-M r. Lump
kin) whispers him closely. Mow softly
he talks to my friend. How these gentle
men do nurse their infant Democrats. —
Well, well! this looks strange to me. And
but the other day, when my colleague
(Mr. Colquitt) was about to speak to this
question, 1 saw the old gentlemen talking
softly in his ear. Heavens! how these
old folks do nurse their baby Democrats.
It must he painful to memory.
Mr. Chairman, I now approach the last
branch of this debate, and by far the most
important. I will say a word on the effect
of this measure upon the Government of
the country .an,l the liberty of the people.
What it has done is easily understood; what
it will do cannot be comprehended or fore
told in all its. direful effects. The Presi
dent of the United States began this sys.
tern by seizing upon the purse of the peo
pie, in violation of law. He usurped the
power of Congress, and daimed it for him
self. He removed the deposited. He
wrested the power of legislation from the
representatives ofthe people,and exercised
it himself in a tyrannical and unlawlhi
manner. He displaced art honest officer,
and appointed one subservient to his ambi
tion- And his successor, who promises
to tread in his footsteps, is now asking us
to confirm in his hands the power thus ob
tained by usurpation and aggression : or,
in other words, to give him tiie purse and
the sword. He desires to wear the uniform
of Andrew Jackson, and control the peo
ple’s treasury. Me will look odd—a mock
tyrant —a Kinderhonk hero—a monkey
treading in the footsteps of a giant. The
uniform will not fit ; the character will not
suit ; hut still the injury will he the same.
All power is concentrated in this head of
the nation.
This measure will soon become a law ;
and the President has the sword and the
*
purse. All he lacks is an army, to kill
those he cannot buy ; and he now boldly
demands a standing army of two hundred
thousand men. Give him that, also, as
you will at last, I fear, and in his person
is concentrated all the powers of this na
tion, which rightfully belong to her peo
ple ; and he is emphatically a monarch,
and under his reign we shall be slaves, if
he should be re-elected. The peoplG are im
poverished ; they groan under a mountain
weight of debt. Commerce does not afford
a revenue. The Chairman of the Commit
tee of Ways and Means dare not tell the
amount of our revenue; it is almost noth
ing. We are actually receiving compara
tively nothing from duties on imports, not
withstanding we have a tariff” of duties now
much too high. What is the cause of this
poverty ? Your Sub-Treasury, your
golden dreams, your iron times, your
hard money currency, have killed com
merce, broken the merchant, ruined the
planter, and turned the mechanic out of
employment. All this has come already
from the anticipated operation of this ac
cursed experiment.
One more measure will result from this
scheme —direct taxes. Your coffers must
be filled. You had as well appoint your
assessors and collectors of taxes at once,
and go and demand gold and silver of the
people to glut your avarice. Georgia has
no strong box provided for our State.—
We must’pay our taxes into Mr. Calhoun’s
department, and thus be made tributary to
South Carolina. There is no justice, equal
ity, honesty, or benefit, in the whole de.
vice. It is an engine of powet and oppres
sion. A great political inquisition, to
crush the people and the laws. Whentbe
power of this corrupt Administration moves
the lever and turns the screw, the body
politic will be broken on the wheel,, and
the life’s blood of this nation will flow un
der its tortures. Let us wake up to our
danger in time to defeat the election of the
chief and author of this fatal device. Let
us defeat him, and break the succession, or
we shall be enslaved to others more vicious
& tyrannical than he is himself. We can
uchieve it, if we will. We huve the means
in our own hands. The privilege of voting
js still allowed us. Let us elect William
Hen-rs Harrison, and all will be right
again ; this scheme to ruin us will be dis
solved, confidence will be restored, and
peace, good order, and prosperity, will re
turn to our borders.
VAN BUREN’S UNIFORM HOSTI
LITY TO SLAVERY. ,
It is not a little singular that Mr. Van
Buren should have indicated a fondness for
the abolition principles, in every vote he
ever gave, and in every act he ever per
formed during his public life, which had
the least reference to slavery. And among
the anti-slavery acts of Mr. Van Buren,
there is one which deserves a prominent
place upon the record, and which seems to
have entirely escaped the observation of
Southern men. We allude to his obstin
ate refusal to open any negociation with
the Texian authorities, on the subject of
admitting that republic into the American
confederacy. Application after applica
tion was made to Mr. Van Buren by the ’
Texian Government, to open negociaijons
preparatory to the of that coun
try into the Union. The negro witness
candidate, however, coldly and sternly re
fused to accede to any proposal on the
subject. Does any person doubt that Van
Buren was hostile to the admission ofTex
as into the Union, because the number of
slave Slates in the confederacy would be
greatly multiplied by the adoption of such
a measuie. —Raleigh ( N. C.) Star.
GENERAL HARRISON AN ABOLI
TIONIST.
The Loco Focos insist upon this—and 1
we admit that the General wilt be an
ti bolitionist of the first water, alter the
4th of March next.
He will abolish all sinecures.
He will abolish all extravagance in tHe r
public expenditures.
He will abolish all hankering for kingly
power.
He will abolish all effort, on the part of
office-holders, to make a king of presi
dent.
He will abolisii this thing of a specie
currency for the office-holders, and paper
currency for the people.
lie will abolish all attempts to raise a
large standing army in time of peace.
He will abolish the Florida war, and the
bloodhounds.
He will abolish all tyranny and oppres
sion upon the people.
He will abolish the efforts making to
reduce the wages of the poor man ; and to*
make the rich, richer, and the poor,,
poorer.
He will abolish Locofocoism.
fie will, in fine, be a most thorough-go
ing abolitionist—such a one as he was last
war, when he abolitioned and demolished
British and Indians whenever they showed 1
their faces.
Now, Messrs. Office-holders, how do
you like General Harrison’s abolitionism?
LOG CABIN.
The Albany (N. Y.) Evening Journal,
has a forcible reply to the sneers ol the
Locofoco presses, in relation to log ca
bins :
A log cabin is a symbol of nothing that
Van Burenism knows, or feels, or can ap
preciate. It tells of virtues that dwell in
obscurity—ofthe hopes of the humble—of
the privations of the poor—of toil and
danger—of perseverance and patient en
durance—of hospitality, and charity, and
frugality—it is the emblem of rights, that
the vain and insolent aristocracy of federal
office-holders have lost sight of, or crush
ed and trampled on. It is an emblem of
that which should characterise republican
institutions, and which the people have de
termined to bring back to the administra
tion of their affairs. Let our opponents
scoff at the device which the untutored sa
gacity of the people is painting upon their
banners. It will be found ere long that
there is a meaning in it, that will convey to
them a salutary lesson.
AN INCIDENT.
1 he Philadelphia Standard relates a sin
gular occurrence which took place on the
fourth of July, in the city of Philadelphia:
An old gentleman from Indiana passing,
up Chesnut-street, observed a crowd near
the State House. On elbowing his way
into the midst, he found a discussion going,
on between a friend of General Harrison,
and a supporter of Mr. Van Buren. After
listening a few moments, he accosted the-
Van Buren man, and inquired,
“ Did 1 not hear you style General Har
rison a COWARD?”
“ Yes,” replied the man ; “ I did calif
him a coward, and I have a right so to calh
him ; for I know him well, and served,
under him at Fort Meigs.”
“ Do you know me ?” asked our friend’
from Indiana.
The man replied that he did not.
“ Yes,” said the Indiantan, “ you do—
you certainly must remember Captain
you served.” The poor old wretch imme
diately became pale with fear. “ I would
not expose you,” continued our friend,
“ if I had not caught you traducing you
commander, and uttering things which you
know to, be false as your own heart.”
Turning to the bystanders, the Indianian
continued : “ Gentleman, this white-hair
ed old wretch belonged to a company oorr r .
mandea bv me at Fort Meigs, under G®-.
neral Harrison ; he was publicly drum
med out of the camp, after the retreat oft
the British and Indians, for theft and the
grossest cowardice.”
The effect upon the people may be easily
imagined. ‘
LOUISIANA ELECTION.
The Election in thir State have gone,
in favor of Harrison and Reform. The
Legislature is Whig, and two of the three
Members of Congress, are Whigs. Mr.
Dawson (Van Buren) is elected by 13 ma-*
jority—but in consequence of many aliens.
having voted for him, his seat in Congress!
will be contested. The gain in this J&ate
for Harrison, is about 2300. The majori
ty will probably be increased by Novem
ber. At the last Presidential election, Mr.
Van Buren received the vote of Louisiana
by a small majority.