Newspaper Page Text
k'OK Tltfc UKOHG.A CITIZEN.
To an “Original Kaunas Man.”
No. 1.
Mr. Editor : —1 propose to show tlmt
an “Original Kansas Man,” of the Au
giHta Constitiltionali ; t, has not fairly
an<l candidly stated the right of suffrage
and the power of the Territorial Legis.
lature over the subject of slavery, in the
Utah and New Mexico and Kansas Bill.
His expose of the power of the people,
and the Legislatures of the Territories
as above named, is not correctly made
and shown. His comment on the right
of suffrage in the bills named, is also
incorrect in statement and conclusion,
and 1 think unbecoming even a defender
of alien suffrage in the Territories.
What difference of opinion ex sted in
the minds of statesmen, at and after the
acquisition of Territory in on the
subject of slavery in the Territories >—
Prior to 1850, the North almost to a
inan, with Mr. Buchannan at their head,
h-ld to the doctrine that Congress had ex
clusive and sovereign power over the sub
ject of slavery in the Territories. Gen.
Cas dissented from this doctrine, and
the North, with Gen Cass at their head
and in the lead in 1848, abandoned the
Wilmot Proviso for the more sure, sub
tle, ruinous and satanic doctrine of popu
lar or Squatter Sovereignty. Mr. Cass
insists that it is both an inherent and de
legated power. lie argues that the peo
ple and the Legislature of the Territo
ries have the power, audit ought to be de
legated whenever you give them Terri
torial Governments. The Wilmot Pro
viso being abandoned by the North, the
question very naturally arises, how shall
the Territories be governed? All agreed
that Congress had the right to make all
needful rules to regulate the Territories.
How shall government for the Territo
ries be formed ! Shall it be upon the
equal and Republican idea of the States
men of 1812, and 1830, or should it be
upon the unequal and anti-Republicun
idea of Gen. Cass, and Douglas, “ that the
people and Legislature of the. Territories
might exclude slavery while in a Territo
rial condition I Mr. Cilhoun, Berrien,
and the South insisted and voted against
the doctrine o ’ Cass and Douglas in
1848, ’SO ana .851. Mr. Cass’ doc
trine was termed the Northern doctrine
of non-intervention. The Doctrine of
Calhoun was, that the people of the Ter
ritories could not legislate on the sub
ject of slavery while in a Territorial con
dition, neither could Congress in framing
a Territorial bill permit or delegate the
power to the Legislature of the Territo
ry. Mr. Calhoun’s doctrine was termed
the Southern and Constitutional doctrine
of non-intervention, for it was supported
by Clay, Webster and Clayton of Dela
ware. Gen. Cass urged the doctrine that
the pe /pie of the Territory, before they
form'd a Constitution could exclude sla
very. Mr. Calhoun held the converse
of that doctrine, and that was, that
they could not exclude slavery until they
came to form their Constitution and
apply for admission as a State, then they
could, and Congress was bound to receive
them with or without slavery. Out of
this state of things, grew the legislation
of 1850, and in ‘hat legislation the doc
trine of Calhoun was secured. The coun
try was quiet and remained so from 1851
up to the 20th day of January, 1854,
when Douglas introduced and substitut
ed a bill for Gen. Dodge’s, which had
been introduced on the 14th day of De
cember 1853, and had by the unanimous
consent of the Senate passed a second
reading. That bill, as to slavery in the
Territories, was, in letter and spirit like
the New Mexico bill. Mr. Douglas’ bill
embraced and embodied the idea that the
people of the Territory should be left
perfectly free to regulate slavery in their
own way. That was the doctrine of Gen.
Cass’ Nicholson letter, in 1848, and for
that, Stephens, Toombs, nnd even the
Georgia Telegraph denounced Gen. Cass
in 1848.
I think Mr. A. 11. Stephens, in 1855,
made a speech at Griffin, and in that
speech he denied that the doctrine of
Squatter Sovereignty was in the Kansas
bill, and said he was w illing to trust the
rights ot the South in the. hands of Mike
Wahh of New York. Let us see why
Mr. Walsh voted for the Kansas bill.—
He shall speak for himself: “1 stand sir,
now, where I stood in 1848, when I tra
versed every county of my Stute, and
other States too, to sustain what ? the
principle of self-government, as set forth
in the Nicholson Letter. — Page 1231, of
the 28th vol. part 2, of the Congress.
Globe for 1853 and 1854,
It seems that Mr. Stephens and his
friend Mike Walsh, do not construe the
Kansas bill alike. As they differed so
widely in 1848, how is it they act togetln
*r now, nnd differ to much, and so wide
ly as to the construction of the Kansas ’
bill. Stephens in 1848 said Squatter
Sovereignty was in Gen. Cass’ Nicholson
letter, and opposed him for the Presiden
cy. Mike Walsh too, said Squatter So
vereignty was in the Nicholson letter,
and for that reason ho supported Gen.
Cass in 1848 for the Presidency, and for
that same reason, he voted for the Kansas
bill. How is it, Mr. Stephens, you and
Mr. Walsh agree to support the Kansas
bill, and differ so w idely as to its con
struction 1
I deemed it necessary, Mr. Editor, to
state distinctly the doctrines of non-in
tervention as held by the North and
South, ere 1 proceeded to show the wide
difference between the legislation of 1850,
1851 and 1854. 1 will resume the sub
ject, daily, until my promise is redeemed.
LOWNDES.
From the Chronicle & Sentinel.
Letter from lion It. H. Hill.
Americcs, Sept. 19, 1857.
Dear Sir : Your kind letter of the lGth
was handed to me to-day at Oglethorpe.—
You say the Democrats are now,as heretofore,
circulating every species of falsehood against
me, and you call my attention to one, viz :
‘‘That my name was prominent before the
Convention that nominated Warner for Con
gress, and my failing to get said nomination,
quit the Democratic party,” &c. The charge
is in every particular an unconditional false
hood, either as to that or aDy other year.—
The same charge was whispered in 1850,
and was intimated in an article over an
anonymous signature in the Independent
Blade of that year. I then wrote a letter
giving it the most direct and palpable con
tradiction. The letter was published in the
Blade of that year, and was directed to R.
VV. Simms, Esq. Like many things now
•<aid about me, it is a most miserable false
hood, without eveua foundation in any sense
to sustain it.
I have also this day received some other
documents , to which I deetn it proper to de
vote a little attention. The first in order is
the letter of Judge Brown, dated September
14th, and directed to one W. H. Burton. It
pretends to have been written to correct
some misrepresentations, which he seems to
have been informed I had made, of his posi
tion in reference to the sale of the State
Road, in Carroll county, &c. What the mis
representation was, he does not state in his
letter, and the letter of Mr. Burton is not
published in the paper I received. I made
no misrepresentation of his position on tYat
subject All 1 did say was true andean he
proven, every word of it ! As far as his let
ter goes it confirms all I said. He has no
distinct position on the subject He says
what the people can do—what they have a
right to do, and if the Road shall be sold,
and in a way to suit him, he says what
might be done with the money, but all his
arguments are directed against a sale. I did
tell the people atßowdou, that iu the dis
cussion at either at Athens or Lexington,
the Judge did say, that unless his conditions
were complied with iu the bill for the sale,
he would veto it, and the very contingency as
to the appropriation of the money, which I
mentioned at Bowden, as stated by him as a
ground for his veto, he did state, and the
same idea is cautiously covered up in his let
ter in the clause which talks about the Om
nibus biU, <fcc. I have distinctly said on sev
eral occasions, that Judge Brown would not
-ay what, in his opinion, ought to be done
with the Road ! Has he said it ? Every
>ody knows what the people have a right to
10, but how can any man say in voting for
him, he is expressing his opinion through the
ballot-box, as to what ought to be done.
His confidence in the intelligence of the
people induces him to believe that they are
competent to decide for themselves whether
or not they will sell the Road, but that con
fidence does not induce him to believe they
are competent to take care of the money,
and the whole of it might be wasted by a
single Legislature !
“No bill for the sale of the Road can orig
inate witli the Governor,” but the candidate
for Governor can tell how the bill must he
framed to receive his sanction. And one of
the details of his bill requires, according to
him, “an additional section to the Constitu
tion,” which will require a two-thirds vote of
two successive Legislatures, which cannot be
secured during one Gubernatorial term, and
cannot, therefore, be accomplished during
one Administration.
Ii the Constitution then be altered, and if
the Road be sold, and if he shall be satisfied
with the details, and if the funds is placed
■‘beyond the power of the Legislature to
reach it,” then the proceeds could be secured
—lst, to the payment of the debt of the
State ; 2d, for the education of tlie children
of the State. Rather a bad chance for the
children, I should say. The Road is worth,
say what it cost, $0,000,000, set apart two j
or three millions for an educational fund, and *
then the remainder (?) might be invested in J
good stocks, or it might be used in lending j
aid to the construction of other Roads. Ate.,
or it might he otherwise disposed of, as pru
dence and wisdom might dictate for the ben- j
efit of the people. What an explicit plan of j
Statesmanship!
Barumn once exhibited a thing which j
some people said might be a fish, or it might
be a man, or i t might be something else / I
believe it actually turned out to be a hum
buy /
I have seen what purports to be speeches
of Judge Brown delivered at Canton and
Rome. 1 hope he has been misrepresented,
for they abound in misrepresentations of
both principles and fads. It would require
too much space to point outall —I will men
tion a few.
He is reported to have said at Canton : j
1. “He was glad the American party had
abandoned that part of their creed which
proscribed the Catholic on account of his re- j
ligion, and had, in their late platform in Mit
ledyeviUe, deuonticed as unlit for office all
persons who deny the great American doc
trine of liberty of conscience ill matters of
religion.” Here are two mistatements : Ist,
the implied charge, that the American party
ever proscribed anybody for their religion ;
and 2nd, the iuliumtiou that tlfte doctrine
was not abandoned until the late platform in
Milledgeville, when the very sentiment which
he quotes was distinctly set forth in tlie plat
form of 1855, and re-aflirined in every plat
form since !
2. Someone is reported to have said, that
I stated in my speech at Canton on the Ist
day of September, that the alien suffrage
clause had beeu stricken out of the Kansas
bill in the Senate of the United States be
fore the vote of the Legislature approving
the bill on the 17th of February, 1854.
What I said in Canton, was that this clause
was stricken out before the bill passed the Ur
ate, and mainly by a Southern vote, and was
put back by a Northern man in the House,
<sic. The substance of what I said is con
tained in my letter of the 14th August,
which, I presume, Judge Brown had read be
fore he expressed his wonderful “ regret ” at
Canton.
3. But this man, after expressing his “re
gret'’ at what he pretended was want of
truth in me, goes right on to make this won
derful statement :J‘Mr. Hill and others had
preached it all over Georgia, that there was
squatter sovereignty in the bill. The Su
preme Court of the United States said there
is no such thing. Which should the people
believe, Mr. Hill or the Supreme Court of
the United States ?” Now I say distinctly,
that the Supreme Court has said no such
thing as is here represented. It is totally
untrue. The Supreme Court has not said
what is or is not in the Kansas bill. The
Supreme Court lias decided that the Missou
ri Compromise was unconstitutional. Did it
therefore, decide that the act was never pass
ed ? The Court has also decided that Con
gress could not delegate to its agent, the Ter
ritorial Legislature, a power which Congress
itself did not possess, but it has not decided
that the power was not attempted to be con
veyed tK the (imwaUt Wbao-Ue- SAv,
preme Court decided that neither CongrEv.V
nor the Territorial Legislature could exclude
slavery, it decided precisely what was pre
viously declared in the American platform
as far back as December, 1855, and therefore
tlie Supreme Court instead of contradicting,
absolutely affirmed what Mr. Hill and otli-t
ershad said. It is due to Judge Brown to
say, he did not originate the mistatemeU
but borrowed it, and repeated it with toe
American platform, proving his_ statement
untrue, pasted in his book.
In the speech at Rome, Judge Brown is
reported to have said : “Hill has been asked
on the stump, time and again, if he should
be elected Governor of Georgia, would he,
in case that Kansas should apply to Con
gress with a pro-slavery Constitution for ad
mission into the Union as a State—call a
Convention to consider the mode and meas
ure of redress. He refused to answer. He
was asked this question three several times
in one day at Carrollton, but failed to an
swer. He has not answered since , though of
ten requested to do so.”
Now, when the reader remembers the 6th
resolution of the Troup meeting, reported by
me, before I was even nominated, nnd
when he can he informed by thousands of
hearers that I have often announced my
views in the most decide and manner on this
point, and without even waiting to be ask
ed, he will know how to weigh his state
ment. The Judge has the Troup resolution
pasted in his book, and certainly knows my
views, anil that the perversion about the Car
rollton meeting has long since been correct
ed. When he knows my position — lib i
printed and in his possession—am I bound
to answer every demagogue who ehoosg|jn
a conclusion to ask a question, the
to which he already knows?
He is further reported to have said mat
he told me “I was welcome at all hil ap
pointments.” 1 hepe he was misrepresented
in this, for it is the very contrary of the
truth. That welcome was what I insisted
on, but could not get. Had it been granted
I should have made no appointments, but
adopted his. He said I should be welcome
“when invited,” and did promise to invite me,
but has never invited me to any except
such as conflicted with my other published
appointments, previously made, and to which
he had been invited as mutual appointments.
He says he has attended two of my appoint
ments, and that I have failed to pay them
back. When the whole country knows I
have attended three of his meetings—that
lie claimed and had the conclusion at ail his
meetings —that I alternated with him at
mine—that I told him before the crowd at
Franklin, if he would go with me, rather
than fail, I would give him the conclusion
twice to my once —and afterwards, publicly
authorized his friends to say to him if lie
would come to my appointments, which
had been made long before he made his, If
would give him the conclusion every time I
I am willing even row to re-arrange our
appointments, consider them mutual, and
give him the conclusion every time I Hi
has requested me, he says, to consider his
appointments mutual, but always, except
cure, when I was one hundred miles off till
ing appointments which he had previously
hei n requested to consider mutual. Ihe
dutrs and places will show 1 am right. 1
am urgently invited now to meet Messrs.
Tooti.bg and Bailey and Brown, at Griffin,
■on the 2Gtb • and to do so I should have to
abandon no less than five appointments,
made four weeks ago, to-wit : at Troupville,
Thomasville, Bainbrilge, Blakely and Cu'.h
bert.
These speeches abound with the most
palpable perversions which 1 cannot notice.
1 will not stop to specify many other strange
misrepresentations which have been report
ed to me. One is about the law of climate
in Kansas, upon which he has been correct
ed several times by me, and when he after
wards repeated it in LnGrange, he was pub
licly called on for his proof. He. did not
produce it. but I am informed lias again rc
peated the charge. I hope lie has been
misrepresented by his friends.
I will add that the gentleman lias a writ
ten proposition from me to canvass the
State together, made as far back as July
last. If he had accepted it, all these con
temptible issues might have been avoided.
I have just had the Atlanta Examiner of
the 10th handed ine. It is full of the most
contemptible falsehoods and perversions.—
So far as the charge against Mr. Burnett is
concerned, I will say the facts are precisely
,as I have stated them, and can be proven by
Maj. A. F. Woolly, of Kingston. I gave the
instance as an illustration. I hope Mr. Bur
nett did not intend a wrong. Maj. Woolly
said several times in his presence, however,
the fare wassl. I hope he did not hear it.
I told Maj. Woolly at the time, he first charg
ed me 82, and then fell to $1,50, when I
rold him lie must change 85 to get it. I
had no friend travelling with me. Several
passengers were on the cars. Maj. Woolly
slated to me an instance which came under
his own knowledge, of one of his neighbors
with bis relative, being allowed to pass over
the Road without charge, and the neighbor
informed him that a certain conductor was
in the iiabit of allowing him to do so. Mr.
Stokes, of Aekworth, then told me ofseve
rnl frauds committed on the Road, involving
thousands of dollars, and gave me the names
of parties and witnesses, and authorised me
to make the statement. While I was men
tioning some of these instances at Newnan,
before a largo audience, Mr. Park Arnold
; statqh 1 q e f through J udge Goodwy n.) pub
licly R fori ‘‘ ■/. >;*'• tit It sine tune’ Ui-i ■> ■-
“they asked him if ho would not vote the
democratic Ticket, (or be a Democrat,) if
they would give him a free ticket on the
Road?” These instances stirred up iuterest
in the subject, and many more have bedn re
l ported to me by as truthful gentlemen as
■ live in Georgia, not only atNewnan, but va
rious other places—especially along and
near the Road. One gentleman said tome,
; on the authority of a Democr'al whose word
I could not doubt, that while on the Road
, some short time since, he observed varied
. persons on the cars with chalk marks on their
hats, and on enquiring what it meant, he was
, (old that those with that mark passed free.—
I have received statements of a similar cliar
• acter from many gentlemen as coming with
i in their own knowledge, of “free rides,” and
I know them to be gentlemen who would
i not make a false statement for all the offices
i on the Road.
I have mentioned some of these instances
on several occasions, giving the names of
the witnesses. I remember saying at Griffin
that I had been informed that a certificate
was going to be gotten up about the over
charge to myself, and there publicly stated
the facts, and gave Maj. Woolly’s name and
residence, and told them when they got up
the certificate, and wanted the truth, to go
to him. Tlie statement in the Examiner
of the 19th, (I have not seen the paper of
the 16th,) that “ it is undeniably true, that
Mr. Hilt did charge in his speech at Griffin
last Saturday, that it was well known lo be
the fact, that conductors passed every man
free on the Western & Atlantic Railroad,
who displayed a cross mark on his hat,”
is such a mean perversion as to amount to
a downright falsehood. I have stated what
I said in substance on several occasions,
and, as I said it, it is true. I did slate oth
er instances of losses and frauds as well
known, and these have not been denied. I
do not know with whom the blame lies, nor
did I state; but the blame is in the concern
somewhere. Now, I ask the people to
note three or four things about these
charges.
1. I have stated many instances of bad
conduct in the management of this Road—
some of them involving losse s of thousands
of dollars. I have given the specifications
and the instances. Thus far I have seen
but two of the specifications attempted to be
denied, and these two the most insignificant
mentioned.
2. I have made these charges over nnd
over again for nearly a month. No issue
was attempted on anything I said until af
ter I had left the upper part of the State,
and when the election was close at hand. —
When I reached South-western Georgia,
where my published appointments show I
must remain until the election, then all these
miserable charges of falsehood, and con
temptible appeals of demagogues to the
poor, &0., are commenced.
3. The miserable active authors of these’
charges are either now feeding off the Ruud,
or have fed off of it, and are now hanging
round to ferd again.
1 know there are some clever, honest
men on the Road Some of their names I
have mentioned with credit. I have sin
gled out no n an to abuse, but on the con
trary have only been exposing the si/shin
and prin t,'re, and its results in the want of
profits from the Rond. I wish the people
to distinctly understand, that every thing 1
hare slated 1 am prepared to prove as / stated
it, and the slime of vampires can never de
ter me from this duty. Many of my points
are made from official reports on the Road,
and all on authority; which such men as
arc slandering me can never tarnish! So
far from having arty disposition to injure Mr.
Burnett personally, I did not even know
him, and would not know him now.
did not know how long he had been
on the Road, but I stated the facts as they
occurred, and they accord well with innu
merable ones of a similar character which
have been communicated to me by men of
the very highest character for truth. 1
have not mentioned Mr. Burnett's name in
any speech—as 1 was only after the sys
tem, and I have no doubt his certificate
was written by someone else more inter
ested in the success of Judge Brown tfian
Mr. Burnett himself.
All these facts ought to convince the
people that at least two-thirds of that road
ought to be sold, and that the idea of wait
ing to alter the Constitution to do it is a
humbug. Instances of the loss of thousands
of dollars are known, and ten years expe
rience shows a history of losses and dis
graces.
As long as that road remains as it now
does, a candidate for Governor is in this
condition : lie must either keep silent and
countenance the frauds on the road and
thus do wrong, or he must speak out and
then have his character assailed by fatten
ing Editors and disgraced anonymous scrib
lers, who are, or hare been, or hope to be
cormorants on this public fuud. One of the
persons connected with this slang against
me, openly boasted in Atlanta that I would
loose 3000 votes up and down the road,
because of my decided position on the sub
jectof itsdisposition; and a very contemptible
anonymous scribler in the Examiner of the
19th, in a demagogue appeal to the “poor
man” is boasting that “ there is not a res
urrection of a hope of Hill” receiving a sin
gle vote on the State road.
I have deemed it my duty to declare ful
ly in favor of reform on this great work. If
it is not sold, it must be cleaned out. By
“thlk'poStTlOn Hiavc inenrrod fclnw alaueleTS-of
! them who feed on the evils I would correct-
My character cannot be seriously harmed by
■ such men. I scorn and defy them. I have
done and shall continue to do my duty. If
the people sustain me, well. If not the fault
i is not mine, and I shall be satisfied.
Yqiirs, very truly, B. H. Him..
Mr. J. L Fleming.
To who! To who !
The following very clever dun was written
by Percy Howe, editor of the “Pine Knott.”
“’Twason a cold autumnal night,
A dismal one to view,
Dark clouds obscured fair Venus’ light,
And not a star appeared in sight,
As the thick forests through
Muggins, as usual, ‘blue,’
Bent homeward, ‘tacking’ left and right;
When all at once he ‘brought up’ right
Against a.i old dead yew:
At which he rounded to,’
And ‘squaring off,’ as if to fight,
Said with an oath I shan't indite,
‘ Infernal scoundrel, you.’
Light—an’ I'll lick you, black or white.’
Just then above'him flew
An owl, which on a branch did light,
A few feet o’er the boozy wight,
And then commenced, To who —
To who — to who—to who I
Quoth Muggins, ‘Don’t you think to fright
A fellow of my weight and height
With your to who, to who,
You cursed bugaboo I
An’ if you're Belzebub, its quite
Onnecceesary you should light—
For Muggins ai’nt your ‘due I’
For money matters are all right /
The Printer s paid up—honor bright I’
Thereat the owl withdrew.
And Muggins mizzled too.
But there are other chaps who might
Be caught out late some di§mal night,
Who haven't paid what's due l
They know— to who — to who !’
Atrocities ofthe Sepoys in India.
We find in the English papers received by
the last arrival, accounts of atrocities in India
which seem almost incredible. From a letter
from Bengalore we extract the following:
We have had an awful time of it, I can as
sure you, though we ourselves have been mer
cifully kept from alarm and danger. No words
can express the feeling of horror which pervades
society in India, we hear so many private ac
counts of the tragedy, which are too sickening
to repeat.
The cruelties oommitted by the wretches ex
ceed all belief. They took forty eight females,
most of them girls of from ten to fourteen, many
delicately nurtured ladies—violated them, and
kept them for the base purposes of the heads of
the insurrection for a whole week. At the end
of that time they made them strip themselves
and gave them up to the lowest of the people,
to abuse in broad daylight in the streets of Del
hi. They then commenced the work of tortu
ring them to death, cutting off their breasts, fin
gers and noses, and leaving them to die. One
lady was three days dying. They flayed the
face of another lady, and made her walk naked
through the street. Poor Mrs. , the wife
of an officer mI the regiment, nt Meenit,
was soon expecting her confinement. They vi
olat'd her. then ripped her up. Mud taking the
unborn child, eas it and hor into the Haiues. No
European man, woman or child, has had the
slightest mercy shown them. Ido not believe
that the world ever witnessed more hellish tor
ments than have been inflicted on our jooor lel
low country-women. At Allahabad they have
rivaled the atrocities of Delhi. I really cannot
tell you the fearful cruelties these demons have
been guilt}- of—cutting off the lingers and toes
of little children joint by joint, in sight of their
parents, who were reserved for similar treatment
afterwards.
American Ticket.
FOR GOVERNOR.
HON. BENJAMIN H. HILL.
FOR CONGRESS.
HI. Dlst—lion. F. S. IURTOW.
2nd. “ —Bon. 8. C. ELAM.
3rd. “—Hon. R. P. TRIPPE.
4(li “ -Hon M M TIDWELL
Mil “ Hon. JOSHUA HILL
Stli. “ —Hon. T. W HILLER.
Bibb County
American Ticket.
FOR Tim SENATE,
THOMAS P. STUBBS, ESQ.
FOR THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
THOMAS HARDEMAN, Jr.,
DK. EDMUND FITZGERALD.
GEORGIA CITIZEN.
MACON.GA....SEPTEMBER 24, 1857.
L. F. W. ANDREWS. Editor.
Carriers Wanted.
Wanted, next Monday, one or two active and
intelligent boya, to serve city Subscribers with
the Daily and Weekly Citizen, regularly, after
the Ist of October. The situation will be a per
manent one to a faithful youth, who can come
jiroperly vouched for.
More Waiting.
The Columbus “Times & Sentinel” of yester
day, has the following characteristic item on the
subject ott-he a]ofthe St&te Road,
“It will thus be seen that the issue on the
State Road dwindles down to a mere question
f time. The American party are in favor of
an immediate sale; the Democratic party are in
favor of a ‘masterly inactivity,’ ann will favor a
sale at the proper time, if the road fails to pay
interest on the investment. This is a question
of dollars and cents and addresses itself to the
pockets of the people.”
A question of time as well as a question of
dollars and cents, is it? Why, your candidate
for Governor ignores the question in both pha
ses. He is non-committal. In the name of
common sense, neighbor, has not the road “fail
ed to pay interest” up to this hour I No, we
take that back ! It has paid interest at the rate
of three quarters of one per cent, per annum, on
the investment, and yet the Times says, wait,
wait, wait, till after the election. It recommends
“masterly inactivity” where millions of the peo
ple’s money is perishing by misuse and abuse,
and will soon be entirely squandered.
Our own Sentiments, Precise
ly- -The Atlanta ‘‘American” has the follow
ing just reflections upon the proposal of John
Mitchell to establish a paper in Tennessoe. If
the friends of this “exiled patriot” in New York
are to be believed, Mitchell is one of the sympa
thizers with the Sejioys of India, whose late
atrocities upon the English, in that country,
surpass, in fiendish cruelty, any thing ever re
corded in history. Such political Teachors are
not likely to benefit the South. Says the “Am
erican,”
“Southern Citizen.” —“A new paper, under
the above title, by Jehn Mitchel, the “Irish
Patriot,” will soon be commenced at Knoxville,
Tennessee, and we presume will be a vigorous,
heedless advocate of the South. We are no ad
mirers of John Mitchel's writings and never have
been—nor are we prepared, as Southern men,
to entrust our cause in such hands I There is a
wide gulf between African slavery, and Irish
slavery by the British Government, and while
our own domestic institutions have able advo
cates, as any, born and reared amongst us, there
is no need to beat up for volunteers from any
quarter—and less so from a foreign land. As
Southern men, we can do our own editing, wri
ting, speaking and fighting, if need be, for our
rights and our section, without the factitious aid
of any outsiders I The Southern people—and
ourself among them — have been so often deceiv
ed by blatant protestations of interested men, that
we are loth to trust our cause in any hands save
those who are born in our section—nurtured by
Southern mothers or thoroughly identified with
the South in every particular!—and not always
even to these described characters. The tree
must bring forth good fruit, and continue to bear
such, and such only I
Know-Nothiiiglsiii without the
“Bloody.”
The “Empire State” says this of Col. Loch
rane:
We learn from our Exchanges, that this gen
tleman has, of late, been doing valuable service
in the Democratic ranks. On a recent occasion
at Augusta, as also at Canton, he made speech
es, which are spoken of in terms of highest
praise. Col. L. is a ripe scholar, and an eloquent
orator. He is always listened to with pleasure
and attention, by his auditory. He is exceed
ingly familiar with the leading questions involv
ed in the present political canvass. On the
prominent features of Know Nothingism ; the
foreign and Catholic questions he has no superior
in the country. Georgia may well be proud of
this valuable exotic, which hag been transplani
ed into our soil. Cherish it, and it will be an
honor and aa ornament to our clime.