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NEUTRAL n POLITICS & RELIGm...DE¥OTED TO ARt, bCtEWCB, EmJtATION.HIORIILITY Aim THE advancement of sacred music*
BF. WHITE, Superintendent; J
YOUTH WILL SOON BE GONE.—L, M> D. Orsinal, byJ. P. Rees.
Aifetuosso. p
M i Youth, like the spring, will soon be gone, £
*• ‘ By fleeting time, or conqu’ring death, S Your aparklmg eye? and flowing cheeks, The coffin, earth, and tvinding 9h('et,
| *STour taorrting Sun may set at noon, ? Must wither like the blasted rose; Will soon yirttr active lrnotbs enclose.
Aud leave you ever in the dadk. J
Communications. S
■ . - ■■
For the Organ.
Ga., May, 1855.
lieloved Brethren in the can se of Sacred
Music: —Another year is fast speeding
■its wheels of Time around; one half of
the year is nearly gone, to return never
again to us. Many of the human race,
since the beginning of this year, have |
folded their hands and closed their eyes !
for the last time. Yea, aged mothers,
■fathers, brothers and lovely sisters, have j
■hid earth a long and last farewell. Where
are you to-day, my brethren and sisters ?
Are any of you gone to your long and
■never ending home, and is it possible that
I never again shall vou behold? The
surviving can say yea or nay : the dead
speaketh not; no, not a word. I know,!
any brethren and sisters of the musical
■fraternity, that there is a great affinity ex-
and a feeling 100 that
.>n.
that f am still
Hfry* a place to
the pnv
| the Organ
, \ Avon all
,p; O;: : A ; ||
„ g ‘’.a..,
m
■Pleading and sing.
|p oi the Organ —-
■Tstill and look for its
be helpers in support-
that which we pro
cess to lo” ? Let us be careful, brethren,
.and not let our works betray or condemn
us. If we love the cause, let us not love
in word alone, but in deed also. 1 have
reasons to make me fear that something
•has been neglected by some ol the friends
of the cause that should have been others
wise, i fear some have acted in ungen
erous faith tow'ards our little enterprise,
others have been content in being inacs
live, caring not which way the current
iiowed, so they chnnced to obtain an Ors
gan to read, and occasionally a tune in*
serted for them. Such should not be the
•case. I imagine that there are some that
have been reading the Organ that never
has paid the subscription price, and that
from the commencement. What kind of
conscience have such people ? are they
lovers or friends to anything that is good?
1 think they are very destitute of moral
principle. I would say to all such: re*
pent and do better, and be a white man in
internal parts, that it may go well with
you in a coming day, when you will have
to pay larger sums than a dollar or two.
1 have referred to these points my
brethren, in order to stir up your minds,
not that I think any of you are behind
with your dues towards the office, but that
jou may not forget your duty. I have
.some late intelligence from the source of
>the office that indicates to me that some
.one near that point is in indigent want,
;and that this cause arises from a wilful
dieglect of others, and there is danger of
■our efforts being lost, unless we help a liU
tie at this juncture. I know that we can
stake hold and help some; can we notob*
4ain new subscribers and paying patrons
at that, in our own field of labor—l mean
4hose communities in which our lots are
oast—and upon a pinch, can we not givej
a little to help out our office ? It does
appear that we should do so at least. The
station I hold among you, pay brethren,
prompts me to address those indications
to you. Will they have any influence
upon your minds or action ? What say
you, my brethren? Can I importune
with you to any advantage ? Ido not
want the progress of the musical cause
suppressed at this day and time. Nay, if
we have put our hands to the plough,
let 41s never look back, and thus become
unworthy of the cause or kingdom in
which we have engaged. It would prove
a great calamity Snd downfall to the cause
THE ORGAN.
of vocal music, should it now be synco
pated'; many gifts and talents would be
lost and buried forever. The great and
many evils that would ensue, 1
attempt to describe to you at this time,
my musical companions.
I know many of yona want to know
what I am doing, whether teaching or
laying idle. Well, brethren, I am
knocking clods this year'; 1 have turned
my attention again to farming. I know j
ni-any of you wonder at this and ate ready
to condemn my course. Circumstances
pressed upon me to do something of the
kind, and to desist from regular teaching
the present year. Tile hard times com*
pelied me in part to leave off; the people
also made me quit, not by persuading of
me, but by driving me from the cause.
I have been unfortunate in some commu
nities.; I have done a heap of work and
got but little ot the one thing needful. —
The inference then is, that I have sung
I for some people and failed to get reward*
Jed. Ye3, that is so, and no mistake.
This little world has lots of ugiy things
in it besides lizards and toad frogs, and
such otfier musical birds. lam fixing up
some few schools just around me ; I think
I shall teach about half a dozen during
this year, tbntas. me and my companion
will try to do so. I love the cause too
[well to give it entirely up. I want to
►near trtm ail the fest of those following
the business; I want to hear from the
, brethren of the Chattahoochee Auxiliary ;
( want to leara their prospect for a meet*
ing in due time. lam also wanting the
friends of sacred music to speak out tn
due time, and our Alabama brethren must
give us a token, as l think of trying to
assist them at their next regular commu
nication.
The cause of music is badly behind in
this part of our country. We have haters
of the cause even in our delightful settle
ment, and some of the woful sounds are
heard in God’s sanctuary. I sometimes
think that hog-grunting and ass-bellowing
is as good music as some I hear offered
up by human beings to their Great Ben
efactor. They have no spirit or under*
standing of the subject; they take no
care to inform themselves upon the sci
ence of music, and it is out of the ques
tion for us to sing acceptable, minus of
an understanding upon the subject.
1 must close my remarks, and leave
them with the Superintendent and breth
ren to think upon. I hope at the same
time, inability will be over-passed. I
continue the same towards my brethren
and sisters as formerly. I close by sub
scribing myself, Fraternally, yours.
H. S.
Life in Utah. —The hair of our co
temporary of the Humbolt Times, has
been made to stand on end by the fol
lowing revelation from ‘his friend a re*
iabie gentleman,’ who has been there,
and ataid over night ’
‘He has informed us that Brigham
Young will denounce a man in open
church and proclaim it to be lawful to
any one of the saints’ to kill the culprit.
He knew of instances when the party so
denouncep was never heard of afterwards.
Emigrants who perchance spoke derog
etory of the Church and Young, have
been foully murdered, and our informant
was told the particular canon where the
skull of the offenders could be found. His
description of the incentous adultery
practiced py them is revolting—men
taking their own.daughters and sisters,for
wives. The larger portion, at least two
thirds are foreigners, and it is a disgrace
our goverment that they have been tol
erated as long as they have. Uncle Sam
can if he wishes it, raise troops enough
in California to compel those people to
obey the laws of the land and to respect
the U. S. Courts and Judges.’
An urchin being sent for a cent’s
worth of Maccaboy snuff, - forgot the
name of the article, and asked the man
for a cent’s worth of naukea*boy sneeze.
Hamilton? Ga. Wednesday? June 6, 1855*
[From the New York Herald.]
THE KANSAS QUESTION AND THE
ANTI SLAVERY DISORGANIZED:
UNION OR DISUNION.
The ferocious philanthropists of our el
der Seward organ, whose pollitica'l ‘plat
form ha-s been whittled down to univers
al niggerdom, are perfectly rabid at our
suggestion that the admission of Kansas
as a slave holding State, may comprehend
the ultimate issue of union or disunion.
Consulting that balance of power between
the two sections, so essential to the secu
rity of the South in these latter days, we
have said that the South have the right
to ask that Kansas shall be admitted into
the Union as a .Southern State. Now,
mark the implacable wrath ol our Seward
negro-loving brethren. They say that—
"lt a more insolently audacious proposi
tion than this on the part of the oligarchy
can be framed or suggested, it is one past
our powers of conception-. And if there
is a lower deep of meanness, servility
and poltroonery into which their North
ern servitftrs can descend than to back
such a proposition, that also is also fath
omless for our penetration.” And they
further say that, “il the people of the
free States are capable ol listening for an
instant to the humiliating threat, they
deserve the eternal brand of coiward and
slavery.” > ♦
Ail this may be vepy fine as jt violent
outburst of abolition indignation; but it
does not touch the merits ol the question.
The issue is, shall Kansas be admitted in
to the Union or rejected, if her applica
tion is based upon a constitution recogni
zing the existence and providing for the
protection of the Southern institution of
slavery within her borders? We also
believe that the Southern squatters now
hold the ascendency in the Territory ;
that they will continue to hold it; that
they wifi give shape to the ultimate insti
tutions ol Kansas, and that she will be
admitted into the Union as a slave hold
ing State, notwithstanding this prevailing
anti-slavery furore throughout the North.
With a view to the restoration of that
equilibrium of power which they have
heretofore held in the federal Senate, we
have said that the South have the right
to demand the concession of Kansas to
them, and that the good sense of the
country will, in good time, appreciate the
justice and sound policy of this conces
sion.
For this we are told that “ the open
audacity of the [Southern] oligarchy,
add their Northern tools, is only equalled
by their iniquity and violence.” But it
so happens that instead of being the ‘ tool’
of the • oligarchy’ we are opposed to any
oligarchy, and have never been the “tool’
of any, whether a United States Bank ol
igarchy, a spoils administration oligarchy,
or a seditious sectional Seward oligarchy.
Our platform has been, is, and will be,
the Constitution and the Union, against
all conspiracies and all oligarchies. But
we are no negro worshippers ; nor do we
believe that universal negro emancipation
would usher in the millenium. We be
lieve in the lights of revelation and the
tests and proofs of histo'ryand experience.
We believe that the blacks ot the South
are doing very well as they are ; that em
ancipation would be ruinous to them and
disastrous to the white race. We know
that the whites of the South believe that j
their security from the bloody scenes of |
St. Domingo depends upon this institu- j
tion of slavery ; and we know that they i
will secede from the Union rather than
consent to open the door to the abolition
ists and the hazards of a servile insurrec
tion. Hence the vital importfrffee of this
Kansas Territory to the South.; It is the
issue to them of positive safety or positive
danger, while to the North, upon the
subject ot slavery, it is at best bat a ques
tion of mock philanthropy and false pre
tences. A
We must adhere to the fpirrt of tt*
original compact of the constitution*
this Union cannot last. It was estabfl|||
ed only after certain concessions t'tHSj
South were given—a three fifths repre
sentation of their slaves in the federal en
umeration for Congress, a continuation
of the African slave trade to the year
1808, and a positive binding obligation
for the teturn of fugitive slaves to their
masters, heing conspicuous among these
concessions. From 1789 to 1812 the sla
very question was quietly managed ; for
most ol the Northern States were directly
interested in slavery to a later day, and in
the African slave traffic down to the year
o 4 its constitutional expiration. Mean
time questions of finance and foieign pol
icy were predominant. But in 1812,
when the federalists of New England re
ceived their death blow in the success of
the war policy of the republican party, the
former in the Hartford Convention, as a
last expedient for political capital in the
North, opened this Pandora's box of the
slavery agitation, and scattered abroad
those seeds of mischief, to the bitter fruits
of which there seems to be no end.
The first crop of these seeds of discord j
and confusion ripened into the Missouri i
agitation of 1819-2 Q. And the tomprom-q
ise which was then agreed upon was not,
a constitutional one, but an extra consti- i
tutional truce upon the spoils of the Pres-,
idency. Mifcsrs. Clay, Calhoun, Craw*
ford and Jackson, four aspiring,Southern ;
candidates for Northern votes, w ere ha the
field. Hence the Missouri compromise ,
—that terapggary armistice which couldj
not stand, because it was a violation oil
! the constitution, and of no binding force*
to either party. A temporary peac**
however, did follow, which was not m*
terially disturbed until the annexation i*|
Texas, when, upon the same false bjM
of a geographical line, another temp* U
pacification succeeded. With out*
acquisitions from Mexico, by the*
of peace ol IS4S, the general issue M
ed a most complex and threateni*
acter. when there was another s*
in 1850, partly upon the old M*
lacy; but to a far greater exte*
constitutional landmarks ot
ular sovereignty- In
sliaits of an imbecile
gested tho repeal of )i -- j
Missouri restrictions, an>
The Territories ol Ivan* ‘ g|
were accordingly oigar*
the people of each to *. ‘J ,
cal institutions for th
bungs us to the im*
hand. * ’- J
The test question
Territory is open t!
sections, with or v i
least until the au<
have finally settled
ters from both sect
slaves, are going irJ
outslaves, who arJ
ing the institution !
cieties ba,ve boasN
sorts of terrible thij
holders who ma yl
slaveholders hav*
There have beer*J
same unlawful*
consequences*
ed by a free **
the interests*
and the
believe tha*
majority i
make it g<!
and this t*
que.-liomr M
sion ot 1*
Union. f'v’V/i
The a
free so* •
to pi a1
gratiot*
JS
S! - ijt ’
[ VOU. 4—NO. 14.
Congress the poweT the South Would
have the right to demand the establish
ment of slavery in the Territory by affct
of Congress. But the question is with
the settlers of the Territory, and if the
South are most active, the victory is
theirs, the State is theirs, and as such, if
we aim to deal justly and honorably, it
must be admitted into the Union. Wo
cannot refuse it.
But, as we understand it, it is the fixed
policy of the Northern anti slavery league,
■including Seward, his followers-, ail'd his
organs, to reject the application of Kansas
il she asks lor admission with a State con
stitution in favor of Southern slavery.—*
Are there not two sides to this question £
Viewed in any light, it is the policy of
the South —the vital policy of self-preser
vation —to resist any further preponder
ance which the North now possesses in
the Senate at Washington- Consulting
this policy, then, we repeat that this Kan
sas question may bpcopie the test of un
ion or disuni n. Meantime our Northern
vagabond intermeddle!?, fanatics and
scheming agitators, in connection with
this Pierce administration, are responsible
for what has occurred in Kansas, and sots
the- ultimate results of this ugly and omin
ous territorial imbroglio. The people of
i the South will look out tortheirown safe-
r . il la fnr