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fr HE
PUBLIMIIKD WBftKLY BY
WILLIAM B. HAHBiaOK.
AT THHKK D LI, AES PKB
PAYABLE IN ADVANCE
—J-
AN EXPOSITION
0/” rAs Virginia Resolutions of 1709.
NO.'4.
To Tiiomab Ritchie, Esq.
In my last letter, Sir, I submitted for your
solution, a proposition, which appears tome
to place you in cons derable difficulty. A
♦tm in the tiols might, in perfect consistency
*wnh his character, decline all means of es
c:<pe, through fear of committing his dignity
upon an unsuccessful effort. In ord'T that I
may reconcile you to this course, (believing
that you are already determined on pursuing
it) I proceed to show you that you could not
escape, if you would.
Vou will perhaps say,that although a State
has the right to pronoutice on the constitu
tionality of an act of Congress; yet, it is, nev
cftheless, bound to submit to an act so pro
nounced to be unconstitutional, until the oth
er States shall have sanctioned its decision.
This, if it were true, might perhaps afford
some ground ofapoiogy for the President and
Congress. It is this which 1 hive already
alluded to, as presenting the only possible
chance of escape from the horns of rnv di
lemma. Indeed, Sir, it may be useful for
you to know, that a great many of the most
vociferous denouncers of nullification go with
it, in perfect fellowship, until it reaches this
point. I will endeavor now to show you that
there is no sort of reason for separating here:
and if I should Buccced in this effort, you
may rely upon it. that a vast number who
are now in your ranks will desert to mine I
uffirm, therefore, that the Resolutions of 1798,
t o fur from countenancing the idea that a
Stale which has pronounced an act of Con
gress to be unconstitutional,™ bound to o
bey that law, until the other States shall
sanction its decision, do distinctly assert the
precise reverse. This, I doubt not, I shall
prove.
I presume it will readily be admitted that
-Madison’s Report, which was made express
ly to sustain those resolutions, is a fair intcr
pre'er of their meaning. That Report, af
ter staling th“ proposition, that where “resort
can be had to no tribunal superior to the au
thority ofihe parties, the parties themselves
must be the judges in the last resort, wheth
er the bargain made'has been pursued or vi
olated,” proceeds thus:—“The States, then,
being the parlies to the Constitutional com
pact, and in their sovereign capacity, it fol
lows, ofm'cesiiy, that there can be no tribu
nal above their authority, to decide, in the
last resort, and therefore, final and conclu
sive. Thus must be the correct interpreta
tion, unlesstbe Report, by the term “States”
and “parties,” intended to limit itsell to the
plural number, and, of course, not to include
a single State, acting by itself. Th's is, at
least, a mere quibble, altogether unworthy of
the dignity of the subject, but as there ap
pears to be a determina'ion to get rid of our
old principles in some way or other, their
friends must not neglect their defence, even
at those points which would seem impregna
-hJy intrenched. If, then, the resolutions do
not contemplate the interposition of each
Niatf for itself, they must contemplate such
interposition either by all the States, or by a
majority of the States, or by a plural number.
less than a majority of the States. If the
first was meant, it was a most useess and
r and colons pa.ade of argument, to prove what
is altogether self evident. Certainly those
who made the Government, have a right not
only to check and control it, but even to un
ruake it, whenever all of them concur in that
wish. If, therefore, this be the meaning of
the resolutions, they only affirm what no one
Would ever think of denying, and what is c
qnaly true of-otho Governments as ours.
Do the resolutions, then, refer to a majority
of the. States I The same remark applies
here. The right of a majority to rul’,is a tun.
damentul principle in all Representative Gov
err.ments, supposing always, that they exer
cise that, right consistently with the rights of
Ihoimnority. It follows, a Jortiori, that they
have a right to interpose to prevent the mi
nari’y from usurping upon their rights. If,
then, this tie the meaning of the resolutions,
thoy employ a very useless eo emnity in af
firming a mere truism. Besides, it is idle to
suppose, that the interposition either of all
the States, or of a majority of them, is in
tended to be assorted as a right, when the
otij‘ct is to correct the usurpations of that
very majority itself. Certainly those who
do the wrong not only have a right to re
dress it, tint are in duty bound to do so. Do
the resolutions, then, contemplate a plural
number less than a majority! If so, a'single
Citato inoy act for imelf, upon the same prin.
ciple; for there is no rule, either in e'h cs or
politics, which measures the rights of a mi
-nority, by the mere number who may happen
to c unposc i'. Indeed, thatthe action by a
eing'c State, for itself, was contemplated, is
manifest enough, from other considerations.
In the first place, the language imports it,
and will be so understood by every reader,
who is not prone to look for refinement and
sublimity in every thing. Moreover, it is
the particular object of the written Constitu
tions to define and limit the powers of the
Government; to guard against usurpations;
to protect the weak against the strong; to
guard the rights of the minority against the
encroachments of the majority. The States,
when they formed the compact, brought to
that work their entire sovereignty, and all
their rights Iftheydidnot then surrender
that sovereignty and those rights altogether,
they must have designed to reserve to them
selves the task of protecting them. A
case may very well arise, in winch an uncon
aliiutional 1 ,w may effect the rights of a sin
gle S'ate only; and it would be a mocking of
Hie very name of State Rights, to say that,
ii such case, she may not protect herself.
In what o'her course can her‘safety’be ‘pro
vided’ for? If twenty-three Slates should u
nue i■ int li'gup every right which apper
lamtMo the twenty-fourth, has that State no
rodrdss except what a majority of thdir op
pressors may choose to grant? If tins be ihe
’ ‘meaning of the resolutions, so far from affir-
ming and protecting State Rights, they af
firm that no tingle State has any rights at
all. Besides, the resolutions speak only of
the reserved rights of the States, amoiig.
which reserved rights, is that which author
ises State interposition, to arrest the u-urpa
tions of the Federal Government. Now,
how are these rights ‘reserved?’ Does one
State ‘reserve’ its rights to another State, or
any number of other States? This seems to
me to be a grant and not a reservation of a
r ght. Each State, then, reserves its own
rights to itself, and the resolutions affirm that
th< right to refuse obedience to an unconstitu
’ ional law,is among the reserved rights. Again
If the State-may not act upon its own deci
sion until the majoii y have sanctioned it, the
right so to decide, is, as to all practical re
sults, in that majority, and not in the State.
—The State hns only the right to express
itsopinion, which opinion, although involv
ing her ‘safety, ’ and her Vary existence, goes
for nothing, until approved by others. —This
is, indeed, a meager State Right, Mr. Ritchie.
Besides, Sir, is there not some contradiction
in the positions that a State may declare a
law to be unconstitutional, and yet that it is
bound to submit to that law, for some g ; ven
time? What difference is there, in principle,
between an obligation to submit to an uncon
stitutional law for one day, and an obligation
to submit to it forme year, or for ever? I
confess tlit I cAe none at oil. Finally,
Sir—for the SubjH*eaily was not worthy of
even these few practical and popular views
of it—suppose that the other States should
refuse to say wheihor the particular State
wh ch undertakes to pronouce a law uncon
stifutioital, is right or wrong? There are no
means of compelling them to decide, and, of
eburse, a majority of the States, upon your
supposition, (if it be yours) have only to
stand mule, in order to deprive all the other
States, and constitutionally too, of every
right which appertains to them.—Nay, even
if the other Slates shnuld be disposed to act
upon the subject in good faith, the right the
individual State interposes to protect, may
be such as to be lost for ever, unless it be
promptly asserted. Obr Slave population
will at once suggest to you such a case. The
very delay, therefore, of this previous ap
peal, may be fatal to the very Existence of the
right. I can scarcely think that it was the
intention of the resolutions of 1798, to pro
duce any such result as this.
And now, Sir, let me bring'you back to
my dilemma. The resolutions of 1798, ap
proved by you, acknowledge the right of
South Carolina to pronounce the Tariff laws
unconstitutional; and do not require that she
forbear to act on that decision, until it shall
be affirmed by a majority ofthe other Slates.
South Carolina has pronounced those laws
unconstitutional; and you have over and over
ngam declared that she is right in that re
-Bpc t. flow can you countenance the Pres
ident and Congress, in subjecting her peo
pie to the sword, for not obeying those laws?
I would, if a regard to decorum did not forbid
it, de/u you to answer. You ought to give
it, and plainly, and satisfactorily too, or else
you ought to change your course. You tire
encouraging the President in making war
upon South Carolina. It is war, Sir, howev
er you may disguise it— civil war —with ill
its unnumbered train of sufferings, tears and
sorrows. A husband and father who con
templates this result, must have B nature
more callous than I take yours to be, if he can
admit into'his calculations, either the “feel
ings” of a political favorite, the success of
pArty objects, or tho poor pride of opinion.
You can, ’if you choose, arrest the wide
spreading desolation with which our whole
country is threatened. I beseech you to rc
flect that it is at least possible, you are per
■nitting innocent blood to be abed, when it is
in your power to prevent it. Shall it not,
hereafter, be required at your Rands?
I know, Sir, that you have to much re
spect for public opinion and for decency to
urge on the mad measures of this admin stra
tion without, at least, an attempt to justify
your course. 1 read your paper constantly,
yet seldom, of late, without mortification and
sorrow. I have seen up on what grounds it
is, that you are willing to consign to the
sword—a sword that wan never known to
spare—a people of ns generous and lofty b
Character as the whole world can show.
The President has pro'fited by your sugges
tions, and has found his proposed measures
of violence and carnage upon reasons with
which you have furnishcdhini. The history of
that mac’s past life, affords full and terrible
proof, that he never wants excuses, good or
bad, for any outrage w hich hetnny propose to
perpetrate upon the laws and ’Constitution of
his Country. Posterity will do him justice, al
though this age seems determined tobe blind
to his real character. I cannot close these Jo
tters without an attempt to show, that there is
no reason whatever which can justify or ex
tenuate the sanguinary purpose which he now
entertains. I nave not yet, however, quite
don© with the suhject of Null fication. It
will be continued in my next letter.
From the New York Evening Star.
LETTER NO. V.
Albany. Sept. 15'h, 1834.
To (he Hon. Marlin Van Buren :
Sia—During the year 1812, and for some
time previous, you were a resident of Hud
son. Mr. James A. Hamilton was also a
resident ofthe same place. Congenial B|iir
its, an intimacy was formed, which has ri
pened into a most affectionate and tender
friendship. The ties which now bind you
together are indissoluble. They are the ties
of policy and ofinterest. Each to the other
is known. At that period yoa were nomin
ally, rallying under different standards; but
really, had the same objects in view. It
was the design of both to Discredit the war;
of both to bring into disrepute, the authors
and advocates ofthe war; of both, to decry
Sothern men, and Sothern measures; ofboth,
to destroy the well earned popularity of Jas.
Madison, and thus defeat his re-election.
On the 8 h of July, 18)2, an address ofthe
Hudson federalists was published. The ob
ject was, to convene a meeting of the party
in the county, tor the purpose of denouncing
the President and the war.—Among other
federalists* it was signed by James A-. Hamil
ton, and the convention referred to.
Resolved, That the war is impolitic, un
necessary, and disastrous; dud “that to em
ploy the militia in an offensive soar” (that
is lo eater Canada) “u unconstitutional.”
It was with such men that you were ac
ting during thepumr* .T and autumn of 1812,
in opposition tp James Madison; and yet
your adhcren'B'have impudently represented
you as tlie early friend of the war It is not
alone the polid? which you pursued in 1812,
that I am anxifms to hold up to condemna
tion; but the priffigacy, also, of assailing and
traducing the opponents of the war, after hav
ing acted :n concert with them at its com
mencemont, and not having abandoned them
un-il they and you, were defeated in the
presidential contest.
The whole summer and autumn of 1812,
the enemies of Mr Madison were indefatiga
ble,’ throughout the State of New York, in
theif efforts to prevent his re-election. Nor
were you, sir, a calm or an idle spectator.
Your denunciations oft he war, and its authors
were loud and strong. The papers which
were ‘supported by you and your friends, (I
do not allucc to acknowledged federal jour
naisjwere *n the constant habit of using lan
gunge, sue) as the following, which is extrac
ted from ose of them:
August,lßl2. “An administration which
enters into war, without revenue, without
preparation, and without plan, or with pre
paration vnrsethan none, pursues a misera
ble course,” df-c. Again,
October, TBl2. “ Madison has begot war,
war begets debts; debts begets taxes; taxes
begets bankruptcy,” cf-c.
“ Clinton will beget peace ; peace begets
riches and property; property begets har
mony, ” fc.
Such was the language of the public
prints (in this State) Which advoented your
views and your policy. Is it unfair, nncan
did, to infer that it was done by your authori
ty, and with your approbation ?
These references are made for the purpose
of showt ‘g bow the war, in 1812, “absorbed
your whole soul.” It has already been re
marked, that Mr. Clinton was nominated at
a caucus held n this city, on the 29th of May,
1812. Mr Madison was nominated in Con
gressional carcns, on the 22d of May, 1812;
and hore I h ire a word for your friend and
champion, M’. Ritchie, of Richmond. The
old man is good at a somerset. His plesent
support of yoii is evidence of the fact. Do
you believe, as he evidently does, that Virgin
ia can be made lo follow his bidding? While
you were thus opposing, Mr. Ritchie was,
W'th equal zeal, supporting Mr. Madison.
On the 12th of February, 1812, the Virginia
legislature held a caucus to nominate electors.
It continued, during the evenings of the 13th
and 14tli. Andrew Stevenson, was Chair,
man; Thomas Ritchie, was Secretary.
After giving the ticketihe editor of the En
quirer remarks, “It is proper to say, that but
one sentiment reigned, through the meeting,
arid that the only test laid dbwn, whether they
should or should not vote for such and such
an elector was—whether be would or would
not vote for James Mad.son as President of
the United States ”
On the.Sd November, 1812, the legislature
met in this city for the purpose of choosing
electors. You took your seat as a member
of the Senate. Governor Tompkins, in his
message, announced, that since the last ses
sion war had been declared. A committee
consisting of Messrs, Wilkins, Van Buren,
and Platt, were appointed to draft a respect
ful answer. That answer is laconic, cold,
and heartless. It contains no sentence ap
probating the war, or complimenting the pat
riots who had the firmness to assert the na
tion’s rights. It contains no denunciation
of that government who had plundered our
property, incarcerated in floatng dungeans,
our defenceless citizens, and who by their
wrongs had driven us to take up arms in self
defence. And yet with this official document
etaring us in the face, you are unblushingly
pronounced a friertd to the late war.
The following is your chilling language:
“Tbe Senate fully concur with your Excel
lency in the sentiment that a period like the
present when our country is engaged in a
war with one of the most powerful nations of
Europe, difference of opinion on abstract
points, should not be suffered to impede or
prevent our united and vigorous support of
the constituted authority of tho nation.” Con
summate modesty!
In this manner you refer to the war tn 1812.
But in you had abandoned your late
friends. You were again on a committee to
answer the Governor’s message. How
changed your tone. Speaking of Mr. Madi
son and his cabinet, you say—“An adminis
trat ion, eelected for us wisdom and its virtues
will, in our opinion, prosecute the war till our
multiplied wrongs are avenged, and our
rights secured.” Indeed ! how patriotic.
But why was not this discovery made in 1812 ?
Why did you oppose an administration “se
lected for its wisdom and its virtues ?” Why
did yon attempt to overthrow and cast it
down ? Why did you not in 1812, speak of
avenging our “multiplied wrongs” and “se
curing our rights ?”
In 1816 you we’re on h similar committee.
Peace had now been proclaimed. In your re
ply to the Governor, you say—“ The war in
which tbe nation has been involved, was not
only righteous in its origin, but successful
in its prosecution.” Did you, or did you not,
know in 1812, that “the war was righteous in
its origin ?” Why was you dumbfounded
on the subject at that time?
My next letter will notice your course in
the caucus of November, 1812, when you
opposed the nomination of Col. Henry Rut
gers and others, as presidential electors, and
then your vote in the Senate, on this nomin
ation, will be reviewed. These acts are fine
specimens of your early zeal in favor of the
war. PATRICK HENRY.
From the Charleston Mercury, August 11.
THE MEETINo OF YESTERDAY.
The citizens of Charleston Assembled yes
terday, in all their strength, at the City Hall;
all parties and all classes Were there, and u
nited in the unanimous adoption and cordial
approbation of the Report and Resolutions of
the Committee of 21, appointed at a previous
adjourned meeting. We never Witnessed a
more overwhelming expression of public o
pmton ; and while we are confident that the
same tn nd a imates and pervades the whole
Southern community, we feel satisfied that
vigilance alone is requisite to insure tbe eta
bility of our Institutions. Even the Fanatics
themselves must soon perceive that persever
ance in their nefarious plana may abolish tho
Union, but can never abolish any thing else.
His Honor, the Intendant, being called to
the Chair, and Wm Patton, Esq, appointed
Secretary, Judge COLCOCK, as Chairman
of the committee, addressed the meeting in a
very satisfactory speech, explaining the acts
and objects of the committee, and submitted
the Preamble and Resolutions following,
which were unanimously adopted, the Reso
lutions being separately put and carried.
“The Committee of Twenty-One, to whom
was referred the important subject on which
the citizens of Charleston were lately con
vened, beg leave to Report—that they have
had the matter referred to them under due
deliberation, and recommend the adoption of
the annexed resolutions. Tho committee
have purposely abstained from any labored
argument on the subject of Slavery, not from
any inability to sustain, on moral and scrip
turul grounds, its existence and toleration as
now established in South Carolina, but from
a deep conviction of the fixed resolution of
the people of this State, to permit no discus
sion within her limits, of Rights, which she
deems inherent and inseparable from the very
existence of the State ; rights, which existed
before the Union was formed, and which were
guaranteed to her by the Federal Constitu
tion, when, as a Sovereign State, she became
a member ofthe Confedera; y. The Commit,
tec therefore submit the following Resolu
tions for the adoption of the Citizens, with
out further comment;
1. Resolved, That we hold it to bo an un
qnc-tionable truth, that the subject of slavery
aB it now ex'sts in the Slave holding States
of this Union, is, in all itn bearings, n domes
tic -question, belonging exclumvety to the
citizens of these States ; —that the people of
no other State have any right to interfere
therewith, in any manner whatsoever—and
that such interference is utterly inconsistent
with the Federal compact, and cannot be sub
mitted to.
2. Resolved. That we regard with the ut
most indignation and abhorrence, the pro
ceedings of those Incendiaries in some of
our Sister States, who, under the name of
“Afiti-Slavery Societies,” and other specious
appellations, are endeavoring to undermine
our Isti'utions, regardless ofthe fatal conse.
quences which mu9t inevitably result from
the pro-ecution of their nefarious schemes,
which, if successful, could not fail to involve
the Southern States in rum, and produce the
utter destruction of that class of persons for
whose welfare they pretend to be so solici
tous.
The statements recently put forth of the
existence at this time, of 250 such Societ cs
in thirteen States, and the weekly issue from
a single Press in the Cty f New York, of
from 25 to 50.000 copies of these locendmy
Pamphlets and Papers, with which our Public
Mail has been lately burdened, and which are
how spreading their deleterious influence
throughout the Southern States—admonish
us of the absolute necessity of taking prorrfj>f
and decisive measures, to avert the dire ca
lamities which such proceedings ate so well
i alculated to produce.
3 Resolved, That these proceedings have
brought abont a crisis which makes an ear
nest, and wo trust it may prove an irresistible
appeal, to all such of our Fellow Citizens in
the non-Slave holding States db may disap
prove of these Societies and their measures,
calling upon them by every consideration of
duty and of patriotism to manifest that disap
probation, not merely by the expression of
their opinions, but by the most active, zealous
and perserving efforts to put down these As
sociations, and to suppress that fanatical spirit
which in pursuing an imaginary good, is re
gardless of the fatal consequences which are
inseparable even from its continued prosecu
tion, among which, not the least to be lament
ed, would be THE CERTAIN DESTRUC
TION OF THE UNION.
4. Resolved, That under our political sys
tem, where b number of Sovereign States are
united together by a written compact in a
Federal Union, for special purposes only,
each member of such an union has an un
questionable right to expect and require,
(what is indeed the very basis of such a con.
nexion) that no interference whatever shall
take place with her domestic policy, or
peculiar institutions, either by the con
stituted authorities ofthe Federal or other
State Governments, or by the people of other
States, and it is the imperative duty of each
State, to prevent by suitable penalties and
provisions, their own Citizens from being
guilty of any such interference with the Do
mestic policy of any other State.
5. Resolved, That he Post Office establish
ment, connot, consistently with the Consti
tution of the United States, and the object of
such an Institution, be converted into an in
strument for the dissemination of Incendiary
publications, and that it is tbe duty of the
Federal Government to provide that it shall
not be so prostitu ed, which can dasily be ef
fected by merely making it unlawful to trans
port by the Public Mail, through the limits of
any State, any seditious Papers, forbidden by
the laws of such State to be introduced or
circulated therein, and by adopting the ne
cessary regulations to effect tins object.
6. Resolved, That in the event of no effec
tual measures being adopted cither by the
General or State Governments, or by the
people of the non-Slave holding States, for
the suppression ofthe great and growing evil
of which we complain, it will become the
solemn duty ot all these States having a corn
interest with us on this subject, to ndopt the
most decisive and efficacious measures to
PROTECT inEMSELVES.
7. Resolved, That for tho purpose of ma
king such an earnest appeal to the people of
the non-slave-holding States as may convince
theta of the true state of public feeling amon<r
us, it would in the opinion of this meeting be
desirable to bring about a cordial co-operation
among all the Sta es having a common inter
est with us. either through a Convention,
or in any other way. best calculated to em
body public sentiment, so that the truth
may be made Known, that however we may
differ among obrselves on other pbiritd, we
are on this subject united as DnE man, in
the fixed and unalterable determina
tion TO MAINTAIN OUR RIGHTS AND DEFEND
OUB PROPERTY AOAINBT ALL ATTACKS—BE
THE CONSEQUENCES WHAT THEY MAY.
8. Resolved, That we have no doubt ofthe
right of each State to provide by law ngainst
tho introduction of a moral pestilence Cak.fi*
lated to endanger its existence, and to giro
authority to their Courts adequate to the sup.
pression of the evil, and wa therefore respect
fully submit to the Legislature of this State,
the property of passing Laws (should those
now in force not be adequate lo the object)
commensurate with the. means now practised
against us, and especially giving authority to
the Judges by proper warrants, to seize and
destroy, & requiring all persons to deliver op
tube destroyed,all incendiary publications that
may be brought into th s State, calculated to
excite domes'ic insurrection or to disturb tho
tranquillity, hatpin* ss& safety of the people.
9. Resolved, That a copy of these Resolu
tions be transmitted by the Chairman of this
Meeting to the Governor of this State, with
a request that the same may be laid beforo
the Legislature in order that they may tako
such measures, as to them may seem proper.
That copies be also transmuted to our fellow
citizens in each Judicial District of this State,
roque ting their concurrence in the senti
ments herein expressed. That the Hon, tho
City Council be requested to cause, to ba
printed at the public expense, 5,000 copies
of the foregoing Resolutions, for general dis
tribution, and that bis Hon. the Intendant,
be requested officially to transmit to the In
tendant or Mayor of each incorporated city
or town in the United States, a copy thereof,
and that a sufficient number of copies be fur
nished to the Chairman of the committee, to
be by him transmitted in our behalf to such
persons in different portions of the Union as
inay probably be disposed to concur with UK
in the sentiments hore n expressed. , i.
10. Resolved, That the Intendant and
Wardens be earnesly requested to exert their .
utmost vigilance in detecting and bringing to
punishment all persons who may be in any
way engaged in furthering in th : s State, tho
dangerous scheme of the Anti-Slrvery Socie
ty, or other ovil disposed persons, and thqt,
if necessary, they do call upon the Citizens
to aid them in the petiormance of this duty,
and the citizens here present do pledge them
selves collectively and individually to use
their utmost efforts to aid and assist the con.
stituted author, ties in the performance of this
important duty.
11. Resolved, That the City Council.be al
so requested to take the proper measures to
secure the strict performance of the du'y im
posed by the law upon the Harbor Master, of
keeping a correct list of all persons arriving
at, and departing from this port; and that they
also request the President and Directors of
the Rail Road Company, to have corrsct lists
of all persons arrivng and departing by that
conveyance, whether white, free colored or
slaves, and that measures be taken to have
these lists regularly examined to the extent,
that. Incendiaries, and other evil disposed per
sons coming amongst us, or attempting to
pass through this State, may be detected and
exposed.
12. Resolved, That these proceedings be
signed by the Chairman and Secretary, and
published in all the papers of this Sta'e ; and
as it is desirable that tbe sentiments of the
people ofthe Southern States on this subject,
should be generally known, we respectfully
request that the pubic presses throughout the
United States will make their readers ac
quainted with these our proceedings—which
we doubt not contain a faithful expression of
the sentiments of these States, without dis
tinction of parties.
C. J. COLCOCK, Chairman’
Edward R. Laurens, Secretary.
On motion of H. Bailey, Esq. seconded by
R. Yeadon, Esq.
Resolved, That the thanks of this meeti “g
be returned to the Committee, for their able,
zealous, and patriotic discharge of the duties
assigned to 1 hem, and for the measures adopt,
ed by them for the preservation ofthe publio
order and safety.
On motion of Capt. Lynah,
Resolved, That the thanks of this meeting
are due to the Reverend Gentlemen of tho
Clergy in this city, who have so promptly,
and so effectually responded to public senti
ment, by suspending their Schools, in which
the free Colored population were taught ;
and that th s meeting deem it a patriotic ac
tion worthy of all praise, and proper to be
imitated by other Teachers ofsimilar Schools
throughout the State.
EDWARD W. NORTH, Chairman.
William PaTton, Secretary.
We are authorized to state, that the Civil
Authority ofthe City have, in pursuance of
the Resolution passed at the public meeting
yesterday, promptly acted on the matter re
ferred to them, so far as to make the necessa
ry arrangements with the Post Master and
agent of the steam boat.
Jackson Mahon, a youth about 18 years
of age, and resident of Miliedgeville, who
w s convicted upon circumstantial evidence
ofthe murder of Martin P. Smith, a citizen
of Baldwin County, has been sentenced by
Judge John G. Polhii.l, to imprisonment
for life at bard labor in the Penitentiary.-
This is the first example of the operation of
this part of our penal system.
An intelligent writer m Hie Nutiona! Intel
ligencer under the signature of Tacitus, gives
some interesting statistics of the Religions
of the world. The Baltimore American says,
“His statement however of the sum total of
the inhabitants of the earth is below the es
timate usually given. He puts down tho
whole population at 6even hundred and se
venty four millions: most statistical writers
make it between eight hundred and a thou,
sand millions. He gives the following tablo
of the religious subdivisions ofthe wholp :
Christians, 260,000,000
Bouddhism, 200,000,000
Mahometans, 100,000,000
Brahmanism, 70,000,000
Judaism, 4,000,000
All other religious Tetichism, 140,000,000
The Christians are divided as follows :
Catholicism, 139,000,000
Greek Church, 62,000,000
Protestants, 59,000,000
The Mahometans are divided into two
sects, those of Omar and A!i, represented re
spectively by the Turks and Persians, and in
velerately Hostile to each other. The vast
number under the head Bouddhism are divi
ded between China and Japan. It is here
that there is a numerical deficiency in the
statement of the writer, the united popula
tion of these countries being generally etlD
posed to be not ie ? than 4QO,OOft,ftop.