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tween us, shall be the result of blows which nay
be given by yourselves and others, and not by me;
but all who commence battle on me I shall hold,
as the rest of mankind, “enemies in war ; in peace,
friends." That 1 feel mortified that a necessity
should have arisen which divides me from old par
ty associates, in the choice of President. 1 am free
to confess ; and. while I am frank to admit the pu
rity of motives that influence their choice, I must
say, that nothing hot the strongest sense of dmy to
myself and regard for the conntry, roll'd have
prompted me to differ. I feel satisfied that the e
leetion of General Harrison would be placing the
veriest fool into the highest nfficeof the country, to
be weilded by abolition and federal influence ; to
change our form of Government, and destroy the
prospects and energies of the South.
Aait will he, doubtless, your desire that your
readera should hear my reply, and determine be
tween us the issues you have made, you will, of
course, insert it in each of your papers ; and, by so
duiag, oblige yours, &c.
W. T. COLQUITT.
SPEECH OF VIR. VOBTKLL,
Or MICHIGAN.
In Senate, Wedneftay, May 20, 1840—On the bill
to establish a uuiform sy stem of bankruptcy, and
on the substitute embracing voluntary and invol
untary bankruptcy, and ulso corporations.
Mr. NORVELL said that his honorable friend
from North Caroline, [Mr. Str»nge,J in the learned
and able a|>eech which he had vesterdav delivered
on the bill and the substitute liefbre the Senate, had,
towards its close, expressed doubts whether Con
gress had the constitutional power to pass a bank
rupt law which would have a retrospective operation
on pre-existing contracts.
[ Mr. Strange explained, and said that his doubts
had reference to the retrua|ief live operation of such
• law upon previous acts of bankruptcy.]
Mr. Norvell resumed. He did not precisely com
prehend the explanation; but it was stiflict'.-nt for
the purpose lie had in view, to stale that the power
of Cougrcas had been questioned to pass laws of
bankruptcy which would operate on contracts ex
isting prior to their passage. If this d ctrine were
correct; if the debts of individuals which are now
due all over the country, and which they arc unable
to pay,could not he reached and extinguished by a
bankrupt lawful the surrenderor whatever,troperty
they at present possess, such a law would nlfortl no
relief to their sufferings and distress. No lieu, tit
could accrue to the nation from a bankrupt law
merely prospective in its operation on future con
tracts. He should rote for no stu b law. But, in
his iudg went, no doubt ought to exi*t us to the un
qualified, unlimited, and express power of Congress
over the whole subject of bankruptcy. The object
of n bankrupt law was to apply the entire proceeds
of the property ot the debtor to the payment ot bis
creditor, to relieve ille debtor from nil duress, to set
him free, and to protect him in bis future acquisi
tions of property. On this subject he should pro
duce authorities of a very conclusive character.—
In 1327, when a bankrupt bill was under discussion
ill the Senate. .Mr. Reed of Mississippi moved an
amendment to the first section, declaring* that nothing
contained in that section, nor any other provision of
the bill, “should extend, or be construed to extend,
to anv contract made before the passage and pro
mulgation of this act.” In conrideriug the ques
tion, “docs Congress possess the power to provide,
by a bankrupt law, for the discharge of’ contracts
existing anterior to the passage of that law,’’ Mr.
Berrien said:
•‘That Congress possesses a power over this subject,
which is cO-extCn«ive w ith the provirioiis ofthis bill, and
which duet uot be I one to the States; in direct term*, that it
possesftea the power to provide, by a bankrupt law, for the
disst hsrge of pre-existing us w ell as future contracts, may
be satisfactorily pro* ed. It results from the express terms
of the Constitution; and shat both ntliruiativcly and nega
tively; affirmatively by tbefrautof po.ver to Congress to
establish uniform I iw* *»n tin*subject of bankruptcies; and
negatively, by the denial to the States of the right to pass
any law impairing tbo obligation of contracts.”
Ha goes oil t Mi’iservc :
“With a perfect knowledge that the eifect uud operation
of statutes of bankruptcy, in other countries, were to dis
charge tlie debtor from pre-existing Contracts; w ith the
subject of the inviolability of contract* fliu* obi uiusly pre
sented to their mind*, since they w ere engaged in restrain
ing the power of the Jit ites in this very pirticular, is it
possible to conceive that the fram-rs of the Constitution
would have given to Congress a general control over the
subje.ct of bank uptcy, unlimited, except in the requisition
uniformity, if they had intruded to restrict its exercise
in the manner cuut-*ndcd for by the Senator from .Missis
sippi? The po.ver un.. d -uied, wx- a (firmed by both Hou
se* of Congress in th“ h mkrupt law of l-UO; ami, more
thin once sine-* that period, has the sjmeprinciple been fu
se ted by the Senate.”
The .Supreme Court h.i* also repeatedly derided, j
that the power to pass bankrupt laws retrospective j
in their operation, was constitutional: and Chief]
Justice Marshall Ins laid down the dm*trine, that
the power ol Congress over the subject of bankrupt
cy was both iiulimit d and supreme, und h;wl declar
ed that Ibis principle bad never b.'eu questioned.—
-Rut, sir, the .Senate itself, at the close of the debate |
on the amendment of Mr. Reed, bus given tbo mod |
decisive judgment upon the mibjict. That niueud- j
ment received but sixteen voles, while thirty-two
votes were record *d against it. Among loose who j
thus vot il to reject the amendment, are found the j
name* of Mr. R'utoii, Mr. Benin, ir*neral lliirri-.
son, Mr. Havtt *, the present N ice Pr-sidml, .Mr.
King, Mr. Van Rttren, and Mr. Woodbury. The ;
power of (’ougresu to embrace pre-existing eon tracts j
in a bankrupt law was, therefore, in bis judgement,
conclusively established, and not hereafter to be
drawn into question.
Mr. IVesid ml, continu’d Mr. V tnv d ep couvic
tion is, tint no legislation, no in *nsur., no ooiiibina
tion of measure* that we can adopt, would afford one. ;
tenth part of the reli.*f to t!ie country which will be j
•ecu red to it by the passage of a uniform law of bank- !
ruptcy. But after th i able and eloquent spec lies to
which the. Senate have listened, on this subject, I 1
can hope to shed no new light upon it. The vicissi- •
tudes am) disnsfrs ofbusiit -ssol till kinds have pro- !
dticcd among all classes of unit so much indebted* 1
ness, such ext inivo distress, a poralv six so uuiver- 1
sal, that it becomes every in •mlicr alive to tliis state j
ofthings to contribute his effort*, how *ver feeble they !
may prove, towards the removal of the evils und ‘r j
which the country is suffering. It has been often
and truly said that thousands of our feilow-eifueus
have, hv misfortune—by excess of ov i trading—by J
the spirit of speculation —by infecarriigcs in busi
ness, become hopelessly einbirias.-.d. They arc
unable to relieve them* olve fro u the burdens under
which they groan. Their energi *ar * paralyzed—
their hopes uud hearts arc crushed beneath the pres
sure. It is not un extravagant estimate that not
fewer than (wo hundred thousand afour most active,
intelligent, and enterprising citizens, from twenty
five to fifty vcars of age, are actual bankrupts at this
moment. Upon their industry and exertions depend
the subsistence and comfort of at least a million
more of their connections. Wives and children,
brothers and sisters, fathers and mothers, share in
the mortification and di-tress. The class of citi
zens to whom I allude, if relieved from their pr sent
condition—if emancipated from the debts which
chain them down to the earth, would not only be en
abled to support and educate their families, but to
contribute to the enhancement of the wealth and
prosperity of the country. The desired relief can
ouly be afforded by the passage of a general bank
rapt law, embracing all, of whatever pursuit, who re
quire to be restored to a free exercise of their indus
try and their business faculties.
Without a measure of this kind, the debtor, whose
'obligations are beyond his ability to pay, is left with
out means and without hope; an outcast and a r^
C roach in the world; mortified, huitfiliated, ’rffiuinPn
y others, und degraded in his own estimation; inca
pable of holding up big head; his wife and children
Rarticipating is the deflation of his feelings; suf
sring for want of bread, and with no light beyond the
horizon to brighten their future prospects.
Such a debtor is, indeed, doomed to drag out a
miserable existence. The gloom of a despairing mind
casts a cloud over his whole life* His condition
stimulates to intemperance. It preys upon his health
and spirits. He is broken down in constitution and
taind, and brought to a nremature grave, leaving a
widowed and an orphan family iu the depths of des
pondency.
The insolvent laws of the States afford no ade
quate relief. They not only take awav all the ex
isting property of the debtor, but subject all that he
mav acquire hereafter to the payment of ltis debts.
Thev afford freedom to his person only within the
limits of his own State. If lie has occasion to trav
el bevond its boundaries, he is liable to be pursued
by the merciless creditor, aided by the harpies of the
lawj to be attested and imprisoned among strangers,
his family outraged in their feelings, and deprived of
bis services for their subsistence.
The process of voluntary bankruptcy affords an
effective and lasting relief to the debtor, upon the hon
est surrender of his effects for the benefit of his credi
tors, and protects ltis future acquisitions of property.
He can begin the world anew.
The process ofinvoluntary bankruptcy, con lined to
the merchant and trader, enables the creditor to arrest
the wasteful indiscretion and extravagance of the
debtor, and strengthens the security of the contract
between them. It secures a more certain and full
discharge of the debt, and again leaves the debtor
free to engage in his accustomed pursuits. Nor
does this compulsory species of bankruptcy, as ap
plied to merchants and traders, prevent that class of
citizens from seeking the benefit of the voluntary
provision. Both the bill and the substitute allow all
persons to avail themselves of voluntary bankrupt
cy. Th" feature ofinvoluntary bankruptcy,is limi
ted to merchants, for the mutual benefit oftne credi
tor and debtor. The same reasons do not require
the farmer to be subjected to this process from his
ci editor.
In relation tobailks.no other measure than a bank
rupt law can be adopted by this Government to se
cure a sound currency in bank notes to the country.
Os the perfect power of Congress on this point, and
indeed over the whole subject of bankruptcy, lie had
never entertained the least doubt. The language of
the CoiiMitution is explicit ami unqualified, leaving
no loop to hang n question on. The excessive issues
ofbanxs,the evils ofan irredeemable paper currency,
the mi.*c!tief of its ever varying value, can only be
effectually restrained and corrected by a law ofhank
rupfey. He had the highest authorities to sustain
his position on this subject—authorities which had
never been questioned.
In answer to inquiries propounded to him by the
honorable Senator from South Carolina, [Mr. Cal
houn,] then Chairman of tho Committee on Nation
al Currency in the House of Representatives, Mr.
Dallas, the Secretary of the Treasury, in a report
dated March 19,1816, recommended the adoption of
measures to secure the payment of the duos to the
Government in specie, Treasury notes, or the notes
of such hanks ns redeemed their hills with gold or
silver. In that report,he said tliai, w if it should over be
come necessary to increase the force of the measures
which he had suggested, provision might lie made,
under the constitutional power of Congress, to sub
ject nil hnnks and bankers, failing to pay their notes
recording to the terms of the contract, to seizure of
their estates and effects for the benefit of their credi
tors, as in a case of legal bankruptcy.*'
In n fetter of Mr. Crawford, when Secretary of the
Treasury, on the exportation of the coins of the U
nited States, addressed to the Committee on Finance
iu the Senate, on the 29th of December, ISIB, he
s»ivs that, whatever may be the result of the experi
ment to preserve the convertibility of bank notes into
current specie, until that experiment is tried,
“No legislative interference is conceived to he necessa
ry, except for the enforcement of the obligation on the part
of the banks to discharge their notes in specie when de
manded. This can be most certainly effected, by consider
ing and punishing, asau art of bankruptcy, any attempt on
the part of a bank to circulate its notes whilst it efuses to
discharge them iu specie, or the notes of other bank* iu the
same situation.”
In a report made to the House of Representatives,
on tlie currency, the 12th of Feb., 1820, Mr. Craw
ford agniu rays, that
“Whenever the agency of banks should hr employed in
furnishing part of the circulation, a refusal or omission to
discharge their notes, on demand, in the national currcucy,
should be tre-tfed as an act of bankruptcy.”
These distinguished statesmen entertained no
doubt of the constitutionality of such a measure.
They believed it to Ik* the only efficient check upon
the t iideney of the local banks to issue and force a
vicious currency upon the country.
These ure not the only authorities in favor of ap
ply ing the bankrupt principle to bunks. In Feb
ruary, 1327, Mr. Branch, pending the bankrupt bill
in this body, moved to include banking corporations
as fit subjects for the coercive and restraining opera
tioii of the bill. He said that the banks of the South
had given circulation to a depreciated pnpercurrenry,
which subjected the people to great losses, and that
measures ought to be adopted to enforce » iust dis
i position of their effec ts for the benefit of tnuir nu
merous creditors. Mirchantsund i *i\ iduul brokers
had been brought within the pains and penalties of
th’ bill; and why should not banking corporations,
failing or refusing to red 'em t!i *ir d ;bts, their worth
less paper, Ik* subjected to the same consequences?
Should ( ’ongress legislate with u view to the weaker
portion -of the community, and leave it- laws silent,
or with the strength of the cobweb, as regarded the
stronger portions? Banks bad weighed down, with
a tn 'rciless oppression, the community of which lie
was ain 'inber. Let the Senate lay the axe at the
root of the evil, mid pave the way to a cordial ac
ceptance of a bankrupt law throughout the country,
by making it instrumental in restraining those arbi
trary and ari docrnlic moneyed institutions, which
wen- now privileged beyond the pule of the law. If
they w ere not checked, lliev would shake the fabric
of our liherti % s, and bring dow n ruin upon some of
tin* most meritorious classes of the country.
.Mr. Smith,of South Carolina, said that the amend
ment w as a rational plan for the relief of the people.
Rank* refuse to pay their bills with impunity. Why
should they In* exempted, any more than individual
bankers, or merchants, from the consequences?
Til re was no difficulty in applying the principle of
bankruptcy to banks. Their presidents ami direc
tors, when *ver they commit an act of bankruptcy,
could as easily be subjected to th * conse | lienees as
anv other individuals. They are tin responsible
person*. More evils bad sprung lip from the con
duct of the banks, than from tin* invasions of ene
mies, or from the commercial disasters of Europe.
They were the destroying angels, which luul paused
ov *r «itr country with terror and devastation.
Mr. Barton coin.-ided in the views which had been
expressed in favor of the amendment. Ranks were
no mor-'the objects of protection and care to the
State Lcgi'laturos than were in rchnnts and others.
To bring brinks under a bankrupt law, was no more
an iuva-'ioii of St .to sovereignty, than to bring the
ni reliant* and other citizens of the States under its
op 'ration. Then was no difficulty in the case.
Mr. R‘»ed said, that to declare u bank to be bank
rupt, did not forfeit it* charter. The only effect of
tie amendment would hi* to compel the hanks to pity
tluir <1 l>t*. It did not affect the rights of the Slates.
,Vr. Van Bur.m and otlc-rs opposed the amend
ment, on th.* ground that it was mi interference with
State and an indirect wav of preventing
tlie Slat •* from granting bank charters. 'They
niaiiituin <1 that the penalty of bankruptcy, in the
case of bunks, could be brought to operate on iio
per*o!i, the directors ami officers being only their
hired agents,and properly exempt from the pcuully
of bankruptcy. Th • amendment wus voted down;
but it was HiHtain *d bv the vot's of such men as
Mr. Macon, Mr. John Randolph, Mr. Renton, Mr.
Smith of South Carolina, Judge White of Tennes
see, and Mr. Brandi, renowned in the political histo
ry of tb* country for tln ir devotion to Stute rights
ami State sovereignty. Mr. Van Buren lias changed
hi* view s upon this subject. Ten years’experience,
•he renewed suspension of specie payments by tlie
bunk* in a state of profound pence, und the conse
quent d ’rangement of all tlie pecuniary and finan
cial affairs of tlie country, induced him, after lie be
came President, to recommend to Congress tho pro
priety and importance of a uniform law concerning
bankruptcies of corporations and other hankers, us a
salutary check on the issues of paper money, and
an effectual remedy to the citizen, in away nt once
equal in all part* of the Union, and fully authorized
by the Con-titutiou.
Bur, sir, I cannot concur in the idea, that the
hanks may be taken by the State Legislatures, in
tiieir discretion, from under the operation of the
bankrupt law. Reflection has satified ine that such
a provision would not only, as has been justly said
by flic Sencator from Kentucky, [Mr. Crittenden,]
destroys tb * uniformity of law, but would defeat the
end it has in view, so for as regards corporations.
Wc have seen the influence exercised by hanks over
many of our State Legislatures. We have seen
their repeated suspensions of specie payments, their
acts oftusolvency, their violations of all their char
ter obligations, sanctioned in the legislative halls of
their respective States. We could not expect that
the influence would not be effective in inducing
such similar State action as would take the bunks
from the operation of this law. It would then have
failed to restrain excessive issues. It would have
failed to prevent suspensions. It would have failed
to secure to the people a solid paper currency. I
would rather see the provision entirely stricken out,
than that it should pass with a discretionary author
ity vested in the State Legislatures to relieve the
banks from its operation.
In relation to tlie inclusion of farmers and me
chanics iu a bankrupt bill, he entertained no dilficul
fv. lie would not apply the compulsory principle
to them. It was not (Accessary. The Constitution
specified no particular class ns entitled to the ex
clusive benefit of a law of bankruptcy; and it was
only by a resort to professional and technical ingenu
ity, by a reference to the darker ages of Venice and
England, that snch a law was attempted to be lim
ited to the merchant and trader. If a bill so restrict
ed should pass, it would not reach the evils under
which the country was suffering. It would be a
partial law: it would be neither uniform nor equal
iu its effects. The vivifying principle of relief ought
to be extended to all; to’ the cottage of the farmer
and the humble dwelling of the mechanic, as well as
to the princely palace ot the merchant. In the ori
gin of the insolvent and bankrupt principle, it was
first applied to the mass of the people. “The first
insolvent law that was ever passed,” says an elo
quent statesman, “was applied by the conscript
fathers of Rome. When the people refused to fight
the enemy, because they were laboring under op
pressive debts, a law was passed to relieve them
from their obligations. They returned to their ranks
beat the enemy, and saved Rome.” The example
of Republican Rome was entitled to more weight
with us than that of either Venice or England.
After all, Mr. President, with the public voice, and
the cries of distress, which have reached the bar of
this Senate, vibrating on our ears; with the univer
sal expression of public sentiment in my own State,
and the unanimous vote of her legislature on this
subject,before me, I could not refrain from pressing (
the before we adjourn, of nomc ijcnrral
bankrupt law, which will alionJ the relief of our suf
fering fellow-citizens, which their necessities, and
the wants of the country, deinniid. Not doubting
the expediency of embracing both banks and the in
voluntary principle in the bill, and having no con
stitutional difficulties as to our power on the subject,
I shall, in the first place, vote to include both. The
essential and most valuubie feature of nay bankrupt
act, is that which will enable the debtor to relieve
himself, by * voluntary application for its benefit:
I and if I cannot obtain all that, in my judgment, a bill
should embrace, I shall fcel compelled to vote for
the !»est that can lie obtained, if it shall be such as
to secure the relief due to a distressed uud sutferiug
people.
To the editor of the Globe:
Sir:— Having heard the fact that Gen. Harrison
had voted ns a member of the Senate of Ohio, for
selling white persons as servants, for misdemeauors,
not onlv questioned, hut boldly denied bv members
of the Whig party, I availed myself ot the first fa
vorable opportunity of looking into the journals of
that laxly for the year 1820-’2l, published by au
thority. 1 there found, at page 304, the fact in con
troversy established. This journal la»ing in my jh>s
scssioii, a natural curiosity prompted me to turn
over a few more of its pages, and l was rewarded for
my pnins by the discovery of the most extraordinary
facts that the history of elections, in any country,
can furnish. At page 65, of this journal, will lie
found a tabular statement of the returns of votes for
the office of Governor of tiiat State, at an election
held in the year 1820, of which tabular statement 1
subjoin a copy for your examination. By it we
le.irn tlmt Ethan Brown, Jeremiah Morrow, and
William H. Harrison, were candidates for election
before the people of Ohio; that Ethan A. Brown re
ceived 34,836 votes* Jeremiah Morow 9,426; and Wil
li iin H. Harrison 4,348. This grand result, which
took place a few years after the war,.when General
Harrison’s m'litary laurels should have !-*cn at
their freshest, shows he had little at that time
to commend him to the favor of the good people
of Ohio. And we cannot but wonder at the small
ness of his vote, when we cast our eye over
the table, and find that he received a majority over
the foremost candidate in hut one out of the liftv-threc
counties in the State, our wonder increases. It rises
to amazement on perceiving that in ten of these fif
ty three counties, no did not receive a single vote;
in another only one; in three others two; in another
three; in two others four, in two others five; in nianv
others a mere nominal vote; and that nearly one half
of his whole vote whs in two comities. But when
we perceived that in Hamilton, his own county, he
did not receive a single vote, we cun scarcely credit
the evidence of our own senses. •
Where, then, was his love of poor men—his mili
tary fain * —his private virtues—that not a solitary
neighbor could be found to say God bless him. Sure
ly these people of Hamilton county, nay, the whole
St «tc of Ohio, must Imve had the most unfeeling
hearts, the dullest brai ls, the most ungrateful souls,
or General Harrison’s laurels must have nil sprout
ed, and his excellent qualities put forth, since the
year 1820. AN AMERICAN.
- g C 3 jp*
g- 3 3 s
a s * J?
“ S 3 *■»
3" • r '
Counties. •
® £ ?
2 3 =5
* o 5T
3 * C
3
Hamilton, 1838 184
Madison, 298 54 34
Champaign 804 5 48
Richland, 802 171 I
Trumbull, 1690 27 67 9
Brown, 993 115 337 26
Hi-4 Ida ml, 393 648 23
Ross, 237 1835 2
Gallia, 46.) 140 102
Warren, 89! 281 3 3
Pcrrv, 112 70 40 6
Knox, 675 24 2
Fairfield, 1726 33 35
Ashtabula, 544 54 40 32 and 14
Logan, 243 126
Licking, 864 103 238 5.
'Tuscarawas, 751 1 18
Dork, 210 78
Lawrence 467 2 2
Wnvn \ 806 263
Washington, 510 443 22 6
Wood, 49 2
Clark, 768 II 36 1
Delaware, 726 3) 5 9
Franklin, 583 633
Medina, 332
Union, 128 35 1
Shelby, 152 16
Huron, 499 48
II tiller, 1283 19
Muskingum, 392 1362 9
Clinton, 284 322 11
Morgan, 192 200 59 5
Pickaway, 951 443 7
Cuyahoga, 802 19
Monrvie, 322 4
Miami, 537 77 5 3
Stark, 1182 23 52
Geauga, 865 9 21 I
Meigs, 310 19 45
Portage, 679 24 28 9
HockiiiT, 37 130 2
Columbiana, 1322 984
Helmut, 1842 15 43
Jed’-rson, 1763 41 39 15
Guernsey, 364 332 47 8
Adams, * 85 605 10 4
Jackson, 140 82 124
Montgomery, 116!) 3 38
Harrison, * 225 28 1096 7
Greene, 310 475
Athens, 234 355 20
Clermont, 974 31 4 6
Total. 34836 9426 4343
So much for Harrison’s popularity iu Ohio in 1820.
[From the Charleston ('.finer ]
At a meeting of the citizens of Beaufort District,
assembled at Coosawbatebie. fir.-t of June, 1840,
Dr. J. C. SCREVEN was called to the chair, and
Wm. YoL\m v\s,jr. requested to net as Secretary
The meeting being organized, Mr Albert Rliett,
afer explaining the object of the meeting and urg
ing the propriety of popular action on the presiden
tial canvass, moved that a committee he nppoirited
to report to the meeting their views respecting
the important political questions, agitating the
country, and involved in the approaching election
for President; nnd the course it becomes thin State
to take in it: on which the fol'owing gentlemen were
appointed hv the chair: Albert Rliett,Wm F.Col
cock, F. W. Fickling. Col J Lartigue, Wm. P. Hut
son. Wm. Heyward, jr., and F. J. McCarthy.
The committee withdrew, nnd returned with a
report on which there was an animated discussion
between Messrs. Allston. Colcock, Hutson, Marlin,
Fickling, Singleton nnd Khett. After some materi
al amendments, the report was finally adopted,
without dissent, nnd the proceedings ordered to be
published. WM. VOfTMANS, Sec. Meeting.
REPORT
The two great parties, which, from the birth of
the government, have striven for mastery in its
councils,and will, as long as it endures, are once
more joined in angry conflict for political suprema
cy. Under whatever Protean shape disguised
Federal, National Republican , or Whin —the parly
of Alexander Hamilton can never be mistaken.
The same rooted distrust of popular virtue and en
mity to popular rights and state sovereignty, the
same predisposition to strong government and ex
clusive privileges, the love of a standing debt, high
taxes nnd lavish waste, and the same fixed antago
nism to southern interests, characterize the federal
party of 1798, and the federal parly of 1840. And
the same unchangeable oppugnntion to all these
dogmas of a monarchical stamp and origin, w! ich
triumphed in the electionof Jefferson over the elder
Adams, and Jackson over the younger, distinguish
the great democratic party of that d-iv and this. It
is not to be exacted, certainly, that the heteroge
neous fragmentary mass, calling them elves the
present wh*g party, will acknowledge th»ir identity
with thal discomfited faction which fell under the
enactment of the alien nnd sedition laws. They
feel the importance of a popular name. They
know that once unmasked, they are ir done. But
should ever the people of this country, under a
passing delusion, commit to them, the reins of power,
they will cast all scruple and disguise behind them,
nnd the party of Daniel Webster, the consolida-
and Henry Clnv, the apostate democrat,
stand out then exactly what it is—the party of Al
exander Hamilton. Between them and those,
who, following the lend of Thomas Jefferson,
would preserve to the Constitution, the democratic
feature its makers gave it, there is no affinity and
there never can be peace. For while one party,
assuming the people to be unfit for self control,
would take the government out of their reach; the
other assuming jnstthe contrary—that the mass are
safe depositories of their own liberties—would
kesp it within their reach. One would have go
vernment govern as much at possible, the other as
| little. One w&uld promote an arietocratic arrange
ment of society, by chartering corporate bodies with
•peciel immunities and exclusive rights; the other,
holding that the whole just prerogative of civil go
vernment consists in preserving. eftder. maintaining
peace, and securing to“all the enjoyment of equal
r'ghts, avows enmity toal! privileged establishments
that give to one man’s labor advantage over that of
another. The former aims to fasten upon the coun
try the curse of nn irredeemable paper circulation,
nnd its inseparable consequence, an irresponsible
moneyed domination; the latter sticks to the con
stitutional currency of gold and silver, as the only
standard that can mete to honest toil its just recom
pense, and protect our liberties from the grasp of
i "harpers. One would make the constitution mean
strictly what it says; the other, every thing but
what it says. 'The federalist affects a splendid go
vernment: the democrat a happy one. The fede
ralist, deriding the intelligence of the mass, thinks
the good ot the few the proper end of government.
The democrat goes for the greatest good of the
greatest number. The Democrat denies that the
mass of mankind “are h »rn with saddles on their
backs, and a favored tew booted and spurred, ready
to rule them legitimately, by the grace of God ”
Why continue the parallel? .Night and day, evil
and good. Earth and Heaven, are as easily con-
I founded or as easily reconciled as these two parties.
Uau the people of South Carolina he cold spec
tators of such a quarrel? Will the mighty interest
she has at stake in it, permit her to he indifferent?
, e not. She must take her part. She insist
' iMKPtt or be false to her honour and her interests
—false to her federal ooligations, to the hopes of
| the future and all glorious recollections of the past,
she must take her part nnd fight it through. Whe
ther the end prove right or wrong, her standard
once upraised, the end prove right or wrong, her
standard once upraised, ilie world will expect her
to put lortli, in the strife, the full compass of her en
ergies. If, of late years, she has maintained an
armed neutrality of both parties, it was not from
uny petty jealousy of her sister States—n«» outrag
ed pride—no disaffection to the Union—no insen
sibility to the common good, hut a distrust of their
intention, having at least some foundation in the
history of past events. She believed that keeping
wholly disentangled from party alliances would
enable her to impinge with weightier influence
any trying exigency that might suddenly arise in
the fortunes of the country:—nnd resolved, too, as
her people have been, (and are) since their memo
rable struggle in the tariff, to renew the issue then
made on the first infract.on of the great eoustiiu
tional rights they were prepared to perish in main
taining, policy anil justice to others both required
she should not compromise her freedom of action
by unnecessary pledges, while there remained any
reasonable danger of such nn event. To the de
spotic features of Gen. Jackson’s policy the world
knew she had ever been irreconcilably opposed
When dr. Van Btiren came into power, he was ut -
derstood to be bound to tread in his predecesso s
footsteps; and as l.is enemies (through w hom alone
we knew linn) gave him the character of a facile
temper ambidextrous, and thoroughly selfish and
faithless, she has naturally been slow to abandon
her position of prudent reserve. 'The demonstra
tion of acts only, and those repeated, unequivocal,
irrevocable, could dissipate her doubts and w in her
confidence to his policy, she admonished her ser
vants in the federal councils, at the same lime, to
keep clear of parly tios— to beware of tho tempta
tions of office, to vote for man with reference to
the public and not their good, and to deride all
questions raised, on their special me its, with
out considering by whom made or whom to ef
fect. And if, in any case, her known will in
this respect has hern disregarded and her interest
betrayed it is not tint the people of Sonth-Caro
lina have changed or that a day of reckoning
wid n»t come. Such have been the principal
motives,c.nd purposes, which h ive governed the
public conduct of souths Nirolina to the present time. 1
But the events oft he last three years have entirely
changed the aspect of affairs, and our feelings with it.
Mr. Van Buren's policy, so far from being obnoxious
to cavil,has been strictly constitutional and wise. He
hus exhibited.in the conduct ofhoth our domestic
and foreign relations mi ability which places him in
tho very h.ghest rank of American statesmen. 'The
candor,with which he has nlwaysde« lured hisopin
ions, when questioned, and the courage with which lie
defend*them when he is threatened to he overborne,
# hew that he has a firmness of mind equal to the’
sharpest trials of duty. By the soundness of his views
on ail the economical and financial questions of the
day; his recomuicndatiousofecorioniy and low taxes;
his recommendations of economy and low taxes
—his devotion to free trade—hit opposition loan
United States Bank and chartered monopolies of
every description—hit efforts to reform the curren
cy and restore Iho constitutional standard of value
—and, more especially, by his inflexible fidelity
in miu’Uainiuic the *s«»cpunrtln, provided by the
federal compact, i gainst assault, by one portion
of the Union, one of ilie domestic institutions of
another, Mr Van Bureii has put his enemies to
sh unc, and won imperishable honor of being, be
yond comparison, the most truly republican Presi
dent since Thomas Jefferson.
South < ’arolma cannot refuse her confidence to
his Administration, as long as lie holds to the
course in which lie has entered Nor, with her
past experience of Ins fidelity, candour nnd forti
tude, w ill she readily suspect liih future faith. If
ever mat?was under inducements to be true to
liimseit and to the great cause of Democratic lib
erty conimhtcd to his defence, be is. If ever man
deserved nnd received, by base betrayal of duty,
the gathering curses of a.I time, if false, lie w ill.
But tli it the world may now distinctly know tlmt
it is to his policy and not bis person we render
our adhesion; we deem it expedient to set forth
on ibis occasion with suitable formality what those
principles are. bv the consistent inaintaiiiance of
which Mr. Van Burin may command the confi- I
deuce of Souih-Curolirta. And therefore bo it
Resolved :
Ist. 'Thai the unbounded multiplication o'’Bunks
in this country of late years, by unsettling the
s’nndard of value and c using violent and sudden
vicissitudes of credit, nnd engendering a spirit of
reckless speculation, lias crippled the energies of
industry and dishonoured our commercial charac
ter abroad, and must, by some constitutional means
be restrained, nor can we conceive nny feasible
way to pro'ect the fiscal interests of Government
from the mischiefs of a vicious currency, nnd the
headlong temerity of mercantile adventure, but by
making the public treasury independent « f Banks,
collecting, keeping nnd disbursing the nntional
monies directly through Government agents.
2d. 'That we are unalterably opposed to the prin
ciple of a Protective Tariff, not only as palpably
unconstitutional, unequal iu its practical operation,
nnd founded in false views of political economy, but
because we deny the right of civil Government to
give advantage to the industry or capital—of one
class of citizens over that of another, or if it had
the right, the ability to exercise it, hut with a mis
chievous partiality; because we insist that the
whole end of Government is to maintain order,
preserve tranquillity,and ensure to all the enjoy
ments of equal rights and privileges; that the best
Government, consistent with these objects, is the
least possible, nnd that any unnecessary interfer
ence, by authority, with the pursuits of privnteen
terprise is an invasion of personal liberty, and of
the order of things established by nature in the
affairs of men.
3d, That we ran find no warrant in the constitu
tion for heaping up a surplus revenue, by taxing
Southern weuhli, to bo lavished on wasteful
schemes of internal improvement at the North and
West; not to say that such a system must ever
generate incalculable corruption, nnd, in propor
tion as it augments the centripetal tendency ol the
Government, produce sectional disaffection, de
stroy the independence of the people, and reduce
theSlatesto precisely what Alexander Hamilton
proposed to make them, mere titular sovereigmies,
municipal corporations, placed under a degrading
vassalage loan omnipotent central domination.
4tli. That of all projects, of a consolidating ten
dency, with which the Federal Tarty hove from
time to lime shocked the sense of the people of this
country, that, beyond nil measure the most audaci
ous wild and dangerous, is the nssninpiion or guar
antee by the National Government of the debts
contracted by the States abroad. A project so
clearly beyond the limited nature of its constitu
tional functions, necessarily so partial nnd demor
alizing, and fitted to bring the Government itself
under the influence of Foreign ca? itnlists, that it is
impossible to conceive f*»r what end it whs pro
duced hi.t to bribe the independence of the States
and realize that long cherished policy of this party
—the creation of a large standing debt, to he repre
sented in Government Stocks, nnd banked upon for
the enrichment of Northern Capitalists.
sth. That When wo consider who ore ‘he real
leaders of ihe present whig party and compare their
doctrines with those of the old Federal party under
Hamilton and tho Adamses—that they go, alike,
for a permanent national debt as a national blessing,
fora national bank, for a protective tnriff, for in
ternal improvements—that they advocate the same
high taxes, and profligate expenditure—sneer at the
capacity of the people for self Government—deny
the sovereignty of the States, and assert the excel
lence of an irredeemable currency—the conclusion
is irreristible, that, under different names, they are
one party, prosecuting the same ends hy the same
means, and that the present is only m renew al of the
old inextinguishable war of liberty against power,
of popular rights and State sovereignty against Fe
deral usurpation.
6th. 'That nil the acts of Mr. Van Buren. since
President, indicate the qualities of an able States
man, truly bent on the good of Ilia country. No
: more accomplished gentleman has ever filled the
Presidential chair; none more strictly constitutional
in his policy; none more unexceptionable in his
executive functions; none has borne his high fa
culties more meekly; none, therefore, better enti
tied, with his present principles, to the aid of this
Slate in putting his adversaries under foot.
7th. That we should regard as a great calamity
the election of. Gen. Wm. Henry Harrison to the
Presidency, believing, as we do, that he is opposed
to the south on all the most vital questions of the
day, and doubtful as to the rest.
Bth. That we approve the support given bv the j
Honorable John C. Calhoun to the National Ad- j
ministration, and we assure the world that he enjoys 1
in mid.minished strength the affectionate confidence !
of this State; and that w e believe he may, if ever
mni could bear, through all the arduous trials of his
life, the proiidrofiMilntioii that, however, unjust to
Ins merits others he, he |n»nscsscs the inei-timuhle up
probation of his own conscience and the love ol his
own people.
ALBERT Rff ETT, Chairman Coin.
Sutunlay Morning, June nth, IBN.
“ The F fiends of the South and of Southern Institu
tions, are our Friends—their Enemies are our Enemies."
FOR PRESIDENT
sis.&'&'jrisar ißW&asr,
FOR VICK PRESIDENT,
t— iw vt+mjmrmm
ILTYVe would recommend to (lie readers of
the Southerner, two articles in this day’s pa
per : the letter of Messrs. Rives and Drom
goole, two distinguished members of Congress
from Virginia; and the address of five mem
bers of Congress from Alabama, to their con
stituents. Roth addresses are upon subjects
which have beeu greatly misrepresented hy
the Federal whig press; those subjects are
now placed in a clear point of view, especially
the one relating to the organization of the mi
litia of the United States.
07‘To the exclusion of many articles which
we had selected and prepared for this day’s
Southerner, we publish the reply of Judge
Colquitt, to several attacks made by Harrison !
papers, upon his circular to his constituents.
The reply is so clear and explicit, that it re
quires hut an impartial reading of it to con
clude*, that he has placed his federal whig ad
versaries m a most unenviable situation, and
that he has triumphantly maintained the posi
tion assumed in the present contest for politi.
tical power. \Ve must here observe, howev
er, that the Federal Whigs of the state, have
thought proper to re-pubhsli letters which
were written some years ago by Messrs. Col
quitt and Hlack, in which an opposition to 1
Mr. Van Huron's election was expressed.
We will ask the federal whigs, what does this
prove 1 I)id Messrs. Colquitt and Black ex
press the opinion that they preferred General
Harrison to Mr Van Buren! No. Did they
declare then that if the election for I’residcnt
was to he determined by the choice es either
Van Buren or Harrison, they would prefer the
latter 1 No. Those gentlemen were opposed
to both; and the party with which they then
acted were also opposed to both; and the same
same continued to be opposed to both, until
a short time since, when a miraculous change
was operated,by which the claims of Gen. Har
rison to the support of the South, which had re
mained in a Rip Van Winkle condition f r
near 30 years, burst upon the astonished gazi
of the South! In December last those pretend
ed State Rights men who met at Milledgeville,
declared that the party could neither vote for
Harrison nor Van Buren. This declaration
was repeated and maintained hy the federal
whig presses, until the recent miracle alluded
to. Messrs. Colquitt, Black and Cooper, with
many other independent and patriotic State
Rights men, have not had the benefit of the
operation of the miracle: they still believe
that the declaration of the Milledgeville con
vention should be adhered to; but they be
lieve also, that if certain leaders are deter
mined to make them swallow Harrison, with
a United States Bank, Tariff’ and Aboli
tionism, all together, they will be choked to
death ; hence their wish to swallow a candi
date who is less liable to produce such fatal
effects ns tho other. And for this choice they
are abused and slandered.
ABOLITION CONVENTION.
We copy the following art icle from the Bos.
ton Bay State Democrat of May ‘-J7:
“Being in the vicinity of the Meloileon,
Wednesday, we dropped into the Abolition
Convention, which was then sitting at that
place for the purpose of nominating presiden
tial electors, etc. for this State. Among the !
speakers was a Mr. Brown, of Northampton I
who stated that, with reference to Gen. Har
rison's sentiments on the subject of slavery,
he could inform the gentlemen of the Conven
tion, that Mr. Calhoun, member of the pre.
sent Congress from this State, had written
home to his constituents, that Gen. Harri
son was an Abolitionist of the first
water, anu no mistake; that he (Mr. Cal
houn,) had his information from a source to he j
relied upon. And, said Mr. Brown, (who
seemed to be ashamed of the pitiful policy of
Mr. Calhoun,) he says to his constituents,
YOU MAV MAKE SUCH USE OF THIS INFORMA
TION AS VOU PLEASE, BUT BE SURE IT DOES
not «et into the rAPERs. Here’s whig,
gery for you, Mr. Editor; truly, ‘hypocrisy is
their vocation.’
“The meeting was also addressed by a Mr.
Leavett, who, among other things stated, that
Gen. Harrison, in all his conversation with
Abolitionists, agree with them in sentiment—
that he was a constant visiter to the Anti-Sla
very Rooms at Cincinnati. So far as we can
judge, the convention is composed entirely o'
persons opposed to the administration, and.
taken altogether, rather a slim affair.”
iTTTIie information we have received from vari
ous Factions of our slate, lesdes ns to anticipates
larger meeting at Milledgeville on the 4th ot July
than any meeting held before in this state. It will
bo borne in mind hy our friends, that al! the citizens,
opposed to the federal-whig candidate for the pre
sidency. are invited to the meeting. Dut to insure
a more punctual attendance, meeting* of the citizens
ol the different counties of the state, should meet in
their respective districts, and choose among the
citizens of each district those who will be able con
veniently to attend the convention. The number i*
not, and cannot be, limited. If the citizens prefer to
meet at their court house, instead of meeting in their
respective districts, they will do bo if they please
and make a choice of citziens to represent their
county at Milledgeville, as they think proper in
number.
Since writing the above we have received the Fede
ral Union, from which we have copied what follows:
THE INVITATION.
The citizens of Baldwin County, it will he seen, by
! their card in this day’s paper, have responded to the
I call of their friends in various parts of the State to
j unite with them in celebrating the approaching an*
j niversary of American Independence in this place.
1 We trust that the attendance at this celebration will
j l>e general, and that the friends of the present admin
istration of the government oftlie United States, will
not fail to have their sentiments represented from
j every eonntv in the State. .We arc pleased to sea
j that several counties have taken the lead in this mut
ter, nnd we trust that all the rest will follow their
| example.
A great shock ha* been given to the elements of
1 political power. Men who have acted together for
j years, have been torn asunder, and others who hnve
contended in opposition, find themselves side by ride
with their old opponents. Os such elements will the
persons uniting on that day he composed. The
meeting will be one of recognition—the celebration
one of harmony am! union. From fliut day we shall
know our political friends,and here we expect to arm
ourselves an«*w for the approaching contest.
Never was it more important that a full represen
tation of the guests invited should he present. Ne
ver was •; meeting more united than this will be if
tin* attendance is general. The elements of discord
exist in all the combinations of men. They are rea
dy to mar the prospects of every undertaking, but
here it is only necessary that die meeting should b »
general, the voice of discord wit! lie silenced, and
that united action which is so necessary to success,
w ill not fail us in the day of trial.
FOURTH OF JULY CELEBRATION.
Milledgeville, sth June, 1840.
The undersigned committee, appointed by the
citizens of Baldwin eonntv, who are opposed to the
election of William Henry Harrison to the Presiden
cy of the United States, hereby give this general invi
tation to the citizens oftlii* state who are united with
them in sentiment on this subject, to attend a CEL
EBRATION of the approaching anniversary of
American Independence in this pluce, on the fourth
of July next.
In the performance of this duty, we add our warm
est solicitation to our distant friends, without regard
to former difference* of opinion, to unite with us in
tlu festivities oftlie dav on this interesting occasion.
WM. A. TENMLLE. Chairman.
TOMLINSON FORT,
WM. SANFORD,
FARISH CARTER,
WM. D. JARR4TT,
C. D. HAMMOND,
BENJ.S. JOURDAN,
C. E. RYAN,
ISAAC NEWELL,
GEORGELF.EVES,
E. BRANTLEY,
R. ROWEL,
A. M. HORTON.
(LT’Newsjinpers agreeing with us in opinion, will
plcuse publish the above.
[cOMMCNIC VTFtI.)
To the I tail tra of the Tipptranoe Club:
What little confidence must you have, gentl**m«*n, in ths
independence and integrity us the voters of Richmond
county, to exact from them u pledge, In writing, thut they
will support William Henry Harrison for the Presidency 7
Can you not trust them without it, and in requiring It of
them, is it not u reflection upou their honesty and virtue T
Voters of Richmond county be on your guard, and if you
value your rights, and the inestimable privileges of free
men, Ik* prepared to judge for yourselves, and on the fir.-l
Monday in November next, vote us hi your best judgmei t
Von may think proper. De«perute must be the cause,
when such nieatis are resorted to in an enlightened com
munity. BILL BREVITY.
[COMMI'XIC \TEI».J
Well, friends Guieu & Thompson, it seems that
the Fed eral Harrison Convention has closed its pro
ceedings, und proseribed Messrs. Colquitt, Black,
mini Cooper, three of o nr most tuicuted Representa
tives, for the franknnd tearless avowal of their prin
ciples and their devotion to Southern rights. Beit
so; hilt Uift feeis it in his very bones, that the day
of retributive justice is at hand, when uu ineignant
people will “rush to their rescue” and take them into
their own custody,; and through the ballot boxes in
October and November next, give to Federalism,
Harrisonism and Abolitionism,such an overthrow as
will long be remembered ill Georgia. Mark it!
BILL BREVITY.
To the Chairman of the Committee on Pictures at
Washington ( ’ity :
Dear Sir:—Bill acknowledge* with pleasure the
receipt of the pretty picture sent him, and will
not, ns many Imve done, send it dntek, hut will
keep it to show your constituents how profita
bly you employ your time. Pray, he not discoura
ged, for your friends here are pleased with your
eourse.and rejoice that von are now carrying out the
good old Federal doctrines you hrouglii with you to
Georgia. Yours as usual, BILL BREVITY.
N. B. l)o write me frequently und lot me know
how you like old Amos k ’s address. Did not
muny parts of it hurt your feelings! IS. IS.
To the Editor of the Kiehmond Enquirer.
Five astlk, May 25th, 1840.
In votir paper ol the 22d instunt, just received, I
find that the Whigs have been representing Gen.
Jackson as having deserted Mr Van Bun n und de
clared in favor of (ion. Harrison. In order to cor
rect somewhat similar misrepresentations,circulated
to some extent iu Botetourt, previous to our late
election, 1 wrote to the old Hero, requesting his per
mission to contradict them, and I hereto annex a copy
of his reply for publication; which, I think, is quite
conclusive, as to his opinion of Mr. Van Boren and
the leading policy of hi* administration. In haste,
Very respectfully, vooroh’t. serv’t.,
J AMES 31cDOWELL, of Fincattle.
(A Copy.)
“Hermit vge, March 10th, 1840.
'•My Dear Sir: —Your letter of the 2f»th ult. ha*
been received, ami is now before me. lam not as
tonished to learn from if, that tin* “Rives Conserva
tives” should deny lie authenticity of mv letter,
written in answer to one received from Moses Duw
son, Esq., and published by him in the latter part of
the year 1837, or the first of the year 1838, approving
the financial policy of President Van Buren, as set
forth in his message to the extra session of Congress,
in September, 1837, of separating the Government
from all Banks.
It app *i«rs that the Rive* Conservatives, the Aboli
tionists and Federalists, Imve combined to obtain the
reins of Government iu their own hands, hv a conti
nued system of deceiving the people by falsehood
and slander of the basest kind, forgetting that the
American people ure an enlightened and virtuous
people, capable of self-government, who may, by the
falsehoods of designing demagogues and politicians,
lie led astrnv tor a moment; but the second thought
always has disjiclled, and ever will dispel,from their
minds the gross deceptions that have been attempted
to be practised upon them by these political dema
gogues, who think the people are incapable of self
government, and, to save the people from themselves,
wish to rule—vain thoughts! which have heretofore
disappointed the opposition, and 1 trust erer
and must, so long ns the virtue of the people soar*
above the corrupting influence of the money power,
w hich has, for a long time, been corrupting the mo
rals of the world. But truth is mighty, and will
prevail; and the virtue of the people will perpetuate
our glorious Union and happy Republican system
against all the corrupting influence of the combined
money power nnd modern paper credit system, and
will support the Administration in separating the
Government from all Banks, and restoring the Fede
ral Government to the express limits of the Consti
tution and Independence,n* contemplated by the sa-»
ges who framed it.
You are authorized to say, to nil mv Republican
friend*, that I am the author of the letter addressed
to Moses Dawson, Esq., in reply to one from him in
the latter part of the year 1837, or the first part of
the year 1833, and published by Mr. Dawson in his
paper, approving ot Mr. Van Bureu’s recommenda
tion of a divorce of the Governmcut from all banks
or banking rornorntion*.
You are at liberty to use this letter as your pru
dence tatty dictate, und I am, with gretit respect
“lVur most ob*t. eerv’t.,
“ANDREW JACKSON.
“JaM£S MrDfHviXT.. Esq. ’